Lords Sitting of 5 August 1914

LOCAL GOVERNMENT PROVISIONAL ORDER (No. 20) BILL.
Reported, without amendment, and recommitted to a Committee of the Whole House forthwith.
HAYWARD'S HEATH GAS BILL.
NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, CORPORATION BILL.
OSSETT CORPORATION BILL.
Read 3ª, with the Amendments, and passed, and returned to the Commons.
WALSALL CORPORATION BILL.
ST. ANNE'S-ON-THE-SEA IMPROVEMENT BILL.
Read 3ª, with the Amendments: Further Amendments made: Bills passed, and returned to the Commons.
ALIENS RESTRICTION BILL.
EDUCATION (PROVISION OF MEALS) BILL.
EXPIRING LAWS CONTINUANCE BILL.
PRIZE COURTS (PROCEDURE) BILL.
Brought from the Commons.
BRISTOL CORPORATION (TRAMWAYS) BILL. [H.L.]
PORTHCAWL URBAN DISTRICT COUNCIL BILL. [H.L.]
WIMBLEDON CORPORATION BILL. [H.L.]
Returned from the Commons, agreed to, with Amendments.
POOLE HARBOUR BILL. [H.L.]
GREAT NORTHERN RAILWAY BILL. [H.L.]
Returned from the Commons, agreed to, with Amendments: The said Amendments considered, and agreed to.

SALE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS ON SUNDAY BILL. [H.L.]
Petition in favour of; — of persons signing; — read, and ordered to lie on the Table.

THE EUROPEAN CRISIS.
*THE LORD PRIVY SEAL AND SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA (THE MARQUESSS OF CREWE): My Lords, with your Lordships' permission, I do not propose to make any general statement on the subject of the grave situation of which your Lordships are all cognisant. There will be an opportunity to-morrow of making a more general statement on the circumstances which have brought us into war with Germany; but to-day, since no general statement of the kind has been made in another place, I propose merely to read two telegrams which have been received in the course of the morning. This morning a telegram was received from Sir Frederick Villiers at Brussels in the following terms—
"I have just received from Minister for Foreign Affairs—
that is the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs—
"a note of which the following is a literal translation:
"Belgian Government regret to have to inform His Majesty's Government that this morning armed forces of Germany penetrated into Belgian territory in violation of engagements assumed by treaty.
"'Belgian Government are firmly resolved to resist by all means in their power.
"'Belgium appeals to Great Britain and France, and Russia to co-operate, as guarantors, in defence of her territory.
"'There would be concerted and common action with the object of resisting the forcible measures employed by Germany against Belgium, and at the same time of guarding the maintenance for future of the independence and integrity of Belgium.
"'Belgium is happy to be able to declare that she will assume defence of her fortified places.'"
There was a further telegram which was communicated by the French Ambassador this morning, and which we have the permission of the French Ambassador to read in either House. He communicated to the Foreign Office here the following telegram received by the French Government from the French Minister at Brussels—
"The Chef du Cabinet of the Belgian Ministry of War has asked the French Military Attaché to prepare at once for the co-operation and contact of French troops with the Belgian Army, pending the results of the appeal to the guaranteeing Powers now being made. Orders have therefore been given to Belgian provincial governors not to regard movements of French troops as a violation of the frontier."
That is all, my Lords, that I have to say at this moment upon the general situation.

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But on the particular points of the situation as it affects us here in our daily life and the financial situation in this country, I desire to say one or two words. During the last few days the Government have been conferring at great length with the most important representatives of finance and commerce in the country, including representatives of bankers, bill brokers, the Stock Exchange, discount houses, and also with an almost complete representation of all the great industries of the country—textile, iron, docks, and the rest; and I can say that we have found an absolutely universal desire among those representatives of great interests to combine so far as possible to meet the crisis which has arisen, in the interests of the country at large. We have had the advantage of not acting altogether alone. We have enjoyed the valuable co-operation of Mr. Austen Chamberlain, who, at the request of the Prime Minister and the Government, has freely given us his assistance and his advice. Our main object has been that the normal life of the country should be carried on with as little displacement as is possible in the unprecedented circumstances in which we are placed, more especially as they affect the wage-earning classes.
We found that both the financiers, speaking in the widest sense, and the captains of industry have been absolutely of one mind in determining that so far as possible things shall pursue their normal course, and that, so far as they are able to ensure it, money shall be forthcoming to meet the ordinary needs and concerns of life. We found that the great manufacturers are steady in determination to keep their works open so far as is possible for them, contemplating, no doubt, that in some cases they would be on short time, but with the resolve that so far as possible men or women should not be altogether thrown out of employment. They are prepared to do this even at the risk of accumulating stocks for which there may be no obvious market at the moment, and I am sure the House will agree that that is a most honourable and a most helpful determination on their part. In fact, altogether, my Lords, we have witnessed a very manly and vigorous spirit of co-operation between all the different classes whose resolves and hopes we have had an opportunity of hearing.
It needs, therefore, that to this spirit that has been shown there should be an
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equal response on the part of the public at large. First, the people must realise that, in spite of the immense difficulties that have arisen, difficulties affecting many individuals in an obvious manner in the course of their everyday existence—in spite of all this the credit of the nation remains absolutely unimpaired. We found, of course, that the necessary and unavoidable stoppage of remittances from abroad in all their forms—more often, of course, in some form of instrument than in bullion or in cash—causes to individuals and to companies a great temporary inconvenience. But the public have to realise that nothing has happened, or will happen, to produce any form of panic in this country, and they also have to realise that almost every individual can assist materially in causing the nation as a whole to keep its head and remain unaffected, so far as its daily conduct is concerned, by the astonishing events that we are witnessing. The public, in the first place, can help by not becoming nervous about their money affairs. There is no reason why any person, rich or poor, should lose his head over the momentary difficulty, if such should confront him, of obtaining sums, large or small, for the particular purpose of any given day. We are doing our best, as I shall explain in a moment, to meet these difficulties with the aid of the advice of which I have spoken.
But before I proceed to explain in general terms what we are proposing to do, I should like to allude to another matter which is the foundation of a Question by my noble friend Lord St. Davids, which he has placed on the Paper, and with which, if I am allowed, I will deal now, because I shall be obliged before very long to leave the House. The noble Lord asks—
"whether the Government would consider the advisability of issuing a general statement at an early date as to the duties of the public at the present crisis, and the method by which they can best assist those in authority."
In the observations that I am making—and I have no doubt that some of my colleagues in another place either have made or will make observations of a similar nature—we are endeavouring to meet the point which my noble friend has raised. Because, my Lords, it is not only the question of the sort of nervousness which compels people who have a current account or a deposit at the bank to withdraw it and place it in a stocking or hoard it in some other manner which we desire to deprecate.

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There is also the possible form of nervousness which may affect some people in an attempt to lay in large stores of usable materials of all kinds, which they may desire to collect possibly from a vague fear that at some later period they may not be able to obtain them, or possibly from what I cannot help calling the less honourable fear that a rise in price may take place and that they may be able to anticipate in that way a rising market. A panic taking that form can do nothing but harm; and I hope that your Lordships, for instance, whose influence is widespread throughout the country, will do your best in all the circles in which you have influence to deprecate any unusual action of that kind, whether prompted, as I think it would be in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, by mere nervousness, or possibly in the hundredth case by some less honourable feeling even than terror. There is no reason, so far as we are able to see, why the life of the nation should not pursue its normal daily course. Some people, no doubt, will undergo losses in varying degrees, and those losses as a nation and as individuals we must be prepared to face. But it is surely due to our conception of the British character, and to our belief that it is in times of struggle and stress that that character shows at its best, that we should be able to show the world that, monstrous and unprecedented as this convulsion is, we are not thereby deflected from our ordinary course, or driven to have recourse to proceedings of which we should never dream in calmer times.
I desire, before I sit down, to mention briefly and in quite general terms some of the results of the conversations which we have been having with bankers and others so far as matters have been arranged at present. In the first place, the suspension of the Bank Act has been decided upon, which, as the House is aware, will enable the Bank to issue a supply of notes sufficient for the currency requirements of the country in excess of the proportion which in ordinary times can only be issued as against its gold reserve. But it is important—it is quite unnecessary in this House, but it is important outside—to distinguish very carefully between an Act of this kind and the suspension of specie payments, which we do not contemplate and which we trust we may not have to contemplate. The issue of notes which will take place will still be good against
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gold so far as those who hold the notes desire to turn them into gold. It is proposed to issue £1 notes and 10s. notes, which will not be, as we are 110W issuing them, Bank of England notes but Treasury notes, but they will be convertible, if desired, into gold at the Bank of England. The printing of those notes is being proceeded with as fist as is possible, and a large supply will be available on Friday morning. The House will understand the urgency of the business and the importance of the date, because it is, as we all know, at the end of the week that wages have to be paid, and for the payment of wages these £1 and 10s. notes will be urgently required. Further supplies of these notes—I am not able to give the precise figures, but, of course, they run into millions—will go on being produced as fast as it is possible for the printers to produce them. It is possible that by the end of the week it may not be feasible to produce quite the sufficient number of notes which will be required for currency, and therefore postal orders, of which a considerable supply are in hand and to a large amount, will also be made legal tender, convertible into gold without change—treated, in fact, like small bank notes for the same purpose. Then, in view of the change in the position, I am able to state, and to state with great satisfaction because I know to the House the announcement will be an agreeable one, that the Bank rate will be reduced to 6 per cent.
The House will remember that we urgently passed a Moratorium Bill dealing with the one subject of bills of exchange. It was necessary to proceed in an almost frantic hurry with that particular branch of the subject, because acceptances were maturing daily and it was absolutely indispensable to save from ruin those who might have been called upon to meet them and would have been altogether, through no fault of their own, unable to do so. I think it is clear that some extension of the scope of the Moratorium by a further Proclamation—the House will remember that we took wide powers in the Bill—will be required. I am not able at this moment to indicate what that extension may be. We are engaged now in considering carefully what restrictions must necessarily be made from such a Moratorium to prevent its assuming a completely general character applicable to all liabilities of every kind. Consideration

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will show that it is almost indispensable that some such exceptions should be made, but I will not attempt at this moment, if I may be forgiven, to indicate their character. But so far as regards the provision of money, the banks have agreed that all bills, cheques, and drafts of different kinds which are presented through the clearing house—that is to say, cheques which are not open cheques—will be dealt with by them as usual, subject to the discretion which they may desire to exercise in exceptional cases. Therefore whenever possible crossed cheques ought to be used in the ordinary manner.
So far as regards what is even more interesting to some, the provision of actual cash over the counter, the bankers are making arrangements whereby cash and various instruments of legal tender will be available for wages, salaries, and the normal cash requirements of daily life. I think the House will agree that the bankers are doing their best to carry out the object which, as I intimated earlier, we all have at heart—namely, that there should be as little disturbance as possible of the ordinary habits of the people and the daily life of the country. I ought, perhaps, to mention, on the point of the free use of cheques through the clearing house, that when the bankers ask to have a discretion in dealing with drafts on them of that kind it is in order that the free use of the clearing house may not be used to defeat the object of the Moratorium, on which, of course, they themselves rely to prevent undue pressure being put upon them during the period of its duration. I think those are all the points that I have to mention. As I said at the beginning of my remarks, so far as the general situation in Europe is concerned and the circumstances which have brought us into war, upon which I have no doubt the House would desire to have further information, some Papers will almost immediately be presented, and it is, I think, desirable to defer until we have those Papers any kind of general discussion on the subject.
THE EARL OF CRAWFORD: There will be a Vote of Credit?
THE MARQUESS OF CREWE: The noble Earl may take it from me that a Vote of Credit will be asked for. As to the particular day on which that will be done, perhaps he will forgive me if I do not
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reply. But as the noble Earl has put the question, I may say that it will probably be on the day on which that is done, whether it is to-morrow or later, that the general statement may be made in this House.
*THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: MY Lords, I think it would appear ungracious on our part if we were to allow the important statement to which we have just listened to pass by without at any rate one or two words of comment from this side of the House. The statement of the noble Marquess was certainly one which, upon the whole, seemed to be well calculated to reassure the public mind at the present critical moment. The noble Marquess told us that the series of steps which he and his colleagues propose to take have been the result of a careful consultation with the representatives of the financial, commercial, and industrial interests of this country. There can be no doubt that the noble Marquess and the Government to which he belongs did well, before moving in this matter, to satisfy themselves that they were in possession of the best advice which they could procure from the highest authorities in this country, and that they could count upon the support of those authorities. The noble Marquess, I understood, assured us that the steps which His Majesty's Government have in contemplation had found favour with those whom he consulted, and I have no doubt that the House will be content to accept that assurance on his part.
May I say, in passing, that we are grateful for the reference which he made to our colleague, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, whom His Majesty's Government thought well to call into their councils. The fact that he should have taken not only a part, but a conspicuous part, in these matters is, if I may be allowed to say so, a good illustration of the manner in which at this moment we are all of us, without distinction of Party, endeavouring to do what we can to meet the emergencies to do what we can to meet the emergencies which the country has to face.
The general policy which appears to have actuated His Majesty's seems to me to be an eminently sound one. Their object, as the noble Marquess told us, was that there should be a minimum of disturbance in the business affairs of the nation, and particularly in so far as the

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interests of the wage-earning classes are concerned; and no doubt anything that His Majesty's Government are able to achieve, or that private effort is able to achieve, in the way of preventing a sudden interruption of the employment of the labouring classes is the greatest service which they can render to the nation at this moment. We heard with pleasure the noble Marquess's statement that in all these matters he and his colleagues had met with what he called the manly cooperation of all concerned, and we certainly shall not differ from him when he dwells upon the importance of efforts on the part of the public to second the Government in what they have attempted to do. No shall we differ from him when he suggests to us that it is the duty of every one of us, not only every member of this House but every one who has an opportunity of making his influence felt, to avoid any action which could have the effect of aggravating in any way the general alarm and uneasiness which must inevitably prevail at such a moment as this.
As to the steps which Ministers propose to take, I cannot speak with any pretence to authority in regard to them. But they seem to me, taken as a whole, to be steps which cannot fail to have a steadying effect upon public opinion and to be likely to give considerable relief to the public mind. The steps which the noble Marquess enumerated were, I think, the following. The suspension of the Bank Act and the issue of small notes for £ and 10s.; the arrangement by which postal orders can be used as legal tender; the diminution of the Bank rate to 6 per cent.—an extraordinarily valuable contribution to the solution of our present difficulties—and the extention of the Moratorium, which I know from conversations with many of my friends was deemed in its original shape to be not adequate to the requirements of the case. If I may be permitted to say so, I think His Majesty's Government in dealing with these difficult problems have shown considerable presence of mind, and I am glad to think that they are being well supported in the country. Upon the support of this House I need not say they may count.
THE MARQUESS OF CREWE: My Lords, may I make one correction of an omission from my remarks? When I was speaking of the general co-operation and assistance
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which we have received I think I did not specially mention the governor and the directors of the Rank of England. Certainly that was all omission which I ought not to have made, because we have received not merely the most valuable advice but the most cordial assistance from them through all our negotiations and discussions.
THE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY: My Lords, may I interpose for a single moment as one who represents those who are not directly concerned with what in the limited sense of the term are political affairs, and as one who is necessarily, front the position that I hold, in touch with the various classes of our population in a way somewhat different from politicians. What I desire to do, if I may, is to endorse from that standpoint the appeal which has been made in the lucid, weighty, and reassuring speech of the noble Marquess, an appeal to the public at large to co-operate in this particular matter. There are some of us who feel that, owing to circumstances or responsibilities, we are to a certain extent cut off for the moment front any obviously clear way of giving active co-operation for the national benefit in what is at this moment occurring. It seems to me that any one who feels that can at least charge himself with this responsibility, that no action of his, directly or indirectly, or of those whom he can influence, shall tend to accentuate and to increase such anxiety as necessarily prevails at the present moment. Every one should bear in mind the thought that there is a cowardly selfishness possible at such an hour which may not merely at the moment discredit the man who does it but may complicate the issues themselves by making it, in small or large matters, difficult for those who have administrative responsibility in commercial or industrial or small shopkeeping interests to steer the course they would desire to steer. I speak not without knowledge and not without having seen some of it myself in the last two days, and I believe that the public at large are rightly to be reminded of the responsibility which rests upon all classes of the population in this matter. I believe that the appeal made by the noble Marquess, endorsed in all parts of the House, will be responded to, and that his speech may help to reassure those outside as to the hopes we entertain that all parts of the population are going to rise to au opportunity

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like this and bear their part in carrying the common burden by abstaining from any act of individual selfishness or individual gain which might tend to make it harder for others to meet the difficulties which we should all try to face as well as may be, standing shoulder to shoulder.
LORD ST. DAVIDS: My Lords, the noble Marquess the Leader of the House has answered in advance the Question standing in my name on the Paper. But there is one suggestion I would venture to make. He has put the case quite clearly as to the disadvantage of the public being guilty of the very foolish act of hoarding food, which we know is quite unnecessary and extremely unwise, but which is at the present moment putting up the price of provisions. The noble Marquess has set out the case against that with admirable clearness. But there are thousands of people in the country who do not read the debates in either House of Parliament. What I would like to ask the noble Marquess is this—whether the Government would consider the advisability of publishing a little leaflet setting out, in very short sentences, what I would call "The duty of a citizen" in the matter. I mean such sentences as not to hoard food, not to crowd the main thoroughfares, not to hoard gold. If those things were set out simply and perfectly clearly in a little leaflet, and if that leaflet were shown at post offices and police stations as the official request and advice of the Government, I believe it would do incalculable good.
THE MARQUESS OF CREWE: I will bring my noble friend's suggestion, which, speaking on the spur of the moment, seems to me to be a sound one, to the notice of my colleague the Home Secretary, who is specially concerned, and also to the notice of my other colleagues in whose Departments such action, if it were decided to take it, would fall.
ALIENS RESTRICTION BILL. (No. 216.)
PRIZE COURTS (PROCEDURE) BILL. (No. 217.)
Moved, "That Standing Order No. LTV 'That no Motion for making or dispensing with a Standing Order be made without notice' be now read."—(The Marquess of Crewe.)
On Question, Motion agreed to, and the Standing Order read accordingly.
Moved, "That Standing Order No. XXXIX 'That no two stages of a Bill be taken on one day' be now read."—(The Marquess of Crewe.)
On Question, Motion agreed to, and the Standing Order read accordingly.
Moved, to resolve, "That it is the opinion of this House that it is essentially necessary in the public interest that the Bill this day brought from the House of Commons intituled 'An Act to enable His Majesty in time of War or imminent national danger or great emergency by Order in Council, to impose restrictions on Aliens and make such provisions as appear necessary or expedient for carrying such restrictions into effect,' and also the Bill this day brought from the House of Commons intituled 'An Act to amend the law relating to Procedure in Prize Courts' should forthwith be proceeded in with all possible despatch, and that notwithstanding Standing Orders Nos. LTV and XXXIX, the Lord Chancellor ought forthwith to put the question upon every stage of the said Bills in which this House shall think it necessary in the public interest to proceed therein."—(The Marquess of Crewe.)
On Question, Motion agreed to, and resolved accordingly.

ALIENS RESTRICTION BILL.
*THE MARQUESS OF CREWE: My Lords, in moving that this Bill be now read a first time I had better spend a few moments, I think, in explaining what it does. It is an emergency Bill dealing with aliens, which was the sequel of an examination of the subject by the Committee of Imperial Defence. The object is to impose restriction on the movement of aliens, particularly the aliens of an enemy nation, at the present crisis. Effect will be given to that object by means of an Order in Council, which will be submitted to His Majesty in Council as soon as this Bill has received the Royal Assent. Aliens will only be allowed to land at approved ports, of which a list will be included in the Order. Alien enemies will not be allowed to land anywhere without permits issued by the Foreign Office. No alien will be allowed to land with firearms. Aliens will not be allowed to embark at prohibited ports, and alien enemies will not be allowed to embark without a

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permit after a certain date to be fixed, probably a week or something of that kind. And the Secretary of State can order the deportation of any alien. In addition to that the Secretary of State may, by Order, require any alien enemy to reside in any place or district specified in the Order. Certain specified areas, such as those adjoining forts and fortresses, will be prohibited, and an alien enemy will not be allowed to reside in such districts without a permit. An alien enemy will not be allowed, without written permission from a public officer, to possess firearms or other specified articles. One of the main objects of this measure is either to remove, or to restrict the movements of, undesirable aliens, with a special view to the removal and detention of spies. There have been, as your Lordships may have noticed from the newspapers, a number of attempts at espionage during late years, and a number of spies have been caught and dealt with. Within the last 24 hours upwards of 20 spies or suspected spies have been arrested in different parts of the country, mostly at important naval or military centres. A great many of these have been long known to the military and naval authorities to be spies, and the authorities have, to the general advantage, kept them and their proceedings under close observation. The arrangements which the Order contemplates have been funned so far as possible to cause as little inconvenience as may be in all the circumstances to alien friends, while securing effective and, if necessary, severe control over alien enemies.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 1ª (The Marquess of Crewe.)
On Question, Bill read lª, and to be printed.
Moved "That the Bill be now read 2ª"; on Question, resolved in the affirmative: Bill read 2ª accordingly. Then it was moved, "That the Bill be committed"; on Question, resolved in the negative. Then it was moved, "That the Bill be now read 3ª"; on Question, resolved in the affirmative: Bill read 3ª accordingly. Then it was moved, "That the Bill do pass"; on Question, resolved in the affirmative: Bill passed accordingly, and a Message sent to the Commons to acquaint them therewith.

PRIZE COURTS (PROCEDURE) BILL
THE LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL (EARL BEAUCHAMP): My Lords, in asking your Lordships to give a First Reading to this Bill I may explain that it is not of any particular importance in itself, except in so far as it deals with the procedure in Prize Courts. It makes no attempt whatever to deal with prize law, which remains exactly as it was; but so many years have elapsed since last this country was engaged in a war of this kind that when the matter came to be looked into it was found that procedure was by way of monition instead of by way of writ, and there were other antiquated methods of witnesses giving evidence. It is important that that should be altered as soon as possible, and it is for that reason that I ask your Lordships to give this Bill an immediate passage through this House. I may explain, moreover, that this is not a Bill which has been suddenly prepared. It has been for some time under the consideration of a Committee presided over by a gentleman whose name is very familiar to some of your Lordships—I refer to Mr. Butler Aspinall, K.C. The Bill received the approval of this Committee, and although I ask your Lordships to deal with it quickly on this occasion I commend it to you on the ground that it has received considerable attention from the Committee to whom I have referred.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 1ª.—(Earl Beauchamp.)
On Question, Bill read 1ª, and to be printed.
Moved "That the Bill be now read 2ª"; on Question, resolved in the affirmative: Bill read 2ª accordingly. Then it was moved, "That the Bill be committed"; on Question, resolved in the negative. Then it was moved, "That the Bill be now read 3ª"; on Question, resolved in the affirmative: Bill read 3ª accordingly. Then it was moved, "That the Bill do pass"; on Question, resolved in the affirmative: Bill passed accordingly, and a Message sent to the Commons to acquaint them therewith.

EDUCATION (PROVISION OF MEALS) BILL.
EARL BEAUCHAMP: My Lords, in moving that this Bill be read a first time I venture to ask that to-morrow it should

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be allowed to proceed through its remaining stages. It did not meet with any opposition in another place, and we are apprehensive of the possibility that there may be grave danger of starvation in some of our larger centres of population, and if this Bill becomes law it would be more easy to deal with school children. I hope the Bill will be printed and in your Lordships' hands in plenty of time before I ask you to pass it through its remaining stages to-morrow.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 1ª.—(Earl Beauchamp.)
On Question, Bill read 1ª; to be printed; and to be read 2ª To-morrow (The Earl Beauchamp). (No. 214.)

EXPIRING LAWS CONTINUANCE BILL.
Read 1ª; to be printed; and to be read 2ª To-morrow (The Lord Strachie). (No. 215.)
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
Standing Order No. XXXIX to be considered in order to its being suspended for the remainder of the Session.
PIER AND HARBOUR PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 2) BILL.
Read 3ª (according to Order), with the Amendments, and passed, and returned to the Commons.
LOCAL GOVERNMENT PROVISIONAL ORDER (No. 20) BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order): Bill reported, without amendment, and to be read 3ª To-morrow.
GLASGOW CORPORATION ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL.
Read 3ª (according to Order), and passed.
CLYDE NAVIGATION ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL.
Read 3ª (according to Order): Amendments made: Bill passed, and returned to the Commons.
EDINBURGH AND DISTRICT WATER ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL: [H.L.]
Read 2ª (according to Order), and (pursuant to the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899) deemed to have been reported from the Committee, and Bill to be read 3ª To-morrow.

MALL APPROACH IMPROVEMENT BILL.
Order of the Day for the House to be put into Committee read.
THE LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL (EARL BEAUCHAMP): My Lords, in asking your Lordships to go into Committee on this Bill I may, perhaps, explain that the opposition of which we were somewhat apprehensive has been withdrawn, and therefore there is now no kind of opposition to this Bill.
Moved, That the House do now resolve itself into Committee.—(Earl Beauchamp.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.
House in Committee accordingly.
[The EARL OF DONOUGHMORE in the Chair.]
Bill reported without amendment, and to be read 3ª to-morrow.

BILLS OF EXCHANGE BILL. [H.L.]
Order of the Day for the House to be in Committee, read and discharged.

ELEMENTARY EDUCATION (DEFECTIVE AND EPILEPTIC CHILDREN) BILL.
Order of the Day for receiving the Report of Amendments, read.
EARL BEAUCHAMP: Your Lordships may remember that when we considered this Bill in Committee there was some question of agreeing to an Amendment suggested to us by Lord Salisbury. We have communicated with the noble Marquess, and as we have had no answer from him I venture to hope that the noble Marquess is satisfied with the explanation given to him on behalf of the Department. I beg to move that the Report be now received.
Moved, That the Report of Amendments be now received.—(Earl Beauchamp.)
On Question, Motion agreed to, and Bill to be read 3ª To-morrow.

MILK AND DAIRIES BILL.
[SECOND READING.]
Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
THE PAYMASTER-GENERAL (LORD STRACHIE): My Lords, I must apologise for asking the House to take the Second Reading of this Bill to-day notwithstanding that it was circulated only this morning. Your Lordships are, of course, aware of the difficulties that have arisen, and it is necessary, if this Bill is to be passed into law soon, that its various stages should be taken at the earliest possible moment. This question of a Milk Bill is one that for a large number of sessions has been occupying the attention of the other House. The Bill which I am now asking your Lordships to read a second time is very different from the measure which, from want of time, failed to pass in another place and consequently never came up to this House.
The reason why previous Milk Bills have not gone through Parliament has been the fact that those Bills were not what might be called compromise Bills. I can assure the House that this Bill differs very much from the previous Bills in that it received support from both sides in another place; and it might be termed a compromise Bill between town and country, between supplier and consumer. There was a great deal of controversy sonic time ago as to the various Private Bills, coming either into this House or the House of Commons, which sought power to prevent tuberculous milk being sold in certain areas, or being brought into those areas from outside districts; and in those Private Bills certain clauses were inserted which were known as the Model Milk Clauses. A good many years ago, when I was in the House of Commons, I had the honour of being on the committee of the Central Chamber of Agriculture, and it was my duty to see that these Model Milk Clauses were in the terms agreed with the agriculturists, that they were not enlarged or altered. But time after time
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attempts were made—sometimes those attempts were successful—to enlarge those Model Milk Clauses.
In the end the matter became so unsatisfactory that it was necessary to have general legislation and to prevent municipalities through Private Bills dealing with the very important question of the purity of milk. In consequence, for something over five years the other House—and I believe this House—has insisted that no Model Milk Clauses should be put into any Private Bill. But it is very unsatisfactory in this sense, that you have some great municipalities with these powers and others without them. Then, again, it is unsatisfactory because the powers vary in different districts. Therefore this Bill has been introduced to get rid of these difficulties and to settle these disputes. It had quite an easy passage in the other House—there was no dispute as to principle but only difference as to detail; and one may say that Mr. Samuel had the assistance of both Parties in the progress of the Bill through the House of Commons.
I will describe quite briefly the objects of the Bill. It provides that there should be pure and wholesome milk supplied from the farmers of t his country to the towns; and also that when the milk arrives in the towns the process of dealing with it should be such that the milk should be given out and retailed in a pure condition. The first clause, which deals with the prohibition of the sale of tuberculous milk, is based upon the Model Milk Clauses to which I have referred, but there is this important addition—namely, that it extends to diseases other than tuberculosis, to diseases which are common not only to cows but also to men.
Clause 2, which is really one of the most important in the Bill, deals with the extension of power to make Orders in respect of milk and dairies. Under the Contagious Diseases (Animals) Act, 1878, as your Lordships are aware, power is vested in the Local Government Board to make regulations as to the inspection of cattle and dairies, and routine inspection is required by local authorities under regulations made by the Local Government Board. That is under the old Act of 1878, as amended by the Contagious Diseases (Animals) Act of 1886. A very important

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provision in this Bill, which has never been put into any previous Bill dealing with milk, is the power of registration by local authorities of all dairies. To this a great deal of attention has been directed, owing to a fear that some dairymen might refuse to have their dairies registered. But that will not be possible. After registration it will be necessary for the dairyman to comply with the regulations of the local authorities that his dairy shall be in a proper and sanitary state; otherwise he will be liable to a fine. Then there is an inspection, by persons authorised by the local authority, of dairies and persons in or about dairies. That may be done either by the county council or the sanitary authority. It will be for the Local Government Board to say who are to be the officials, whether they are to be the officials of the county council or of the sanitary authorities, either urban or rural.
There is in the Bill an important provision giving power to Pasteurise milk and sterilise it in matters where health may be in danger, without making it necessary to destroy the whole of the milk. For instance, in a large herd there may be one cow only which is affected with tuberculosis. It may not be possible to trace the particular cow immediately, and the milk may not be affected in such a way as to render it necessary to destroy the whole of it if steps for Pasteurising it are taken, and power is given to the Local Government Board to order the Pasteurisation if they think fit.
Then there are important regulations in paragraph (e) of Clause 2(1) giving the Local Government Board power to made regulations as regards the temperature to which milk must be cooled down. This is, of course, entirely new. I think the House will see the advantage of insisting that milk shall be cooled, because those who have had experience of the sale of milk in large quantities know the importance of cooling it down before it is sent away and before it reaches the consumer. There is also a provision to make regulations as regards churns. I am informed that it will be possible to use churns which are watertight and airtight. That is a great improvement, as it would prevent any tampering with the milk in transit.
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Paragraph (g) of Clause 2(1) authorises the use in connection with the sale of milk of the designation "certified milk." There has been a great deal of controversy about this, but a compromise has been arrived at with regard to it, and the Local Government Board may be fairly trusted in the matter. The Local Government Board are empowered to prescribe the conditions subject to which milk may be sold under this designation and prohibiting the use of such designation in connection with the sale of milk in respect of which the prescribed conditions are not complied with. I would also call your Lordships' attention to subsection (2) of Clause 2 with regard to the taking of samples of milk.
Next I would draw the attention of the House to a provision which agriculturists and farmers consider very important. I refer to subsection (4) of Clause 2. None of these Orders made by the Local Government Board can come into effect unless the Board of Agriculture give their concurrence; in fact, the Board of Agriculture will have an absolute veto. No other Milk Bill has ever had such a provision. In this Bill, as the House will see, not only are the farmers' interests protected by the Local Government Board, but they are still further protected by the Board of Agriculture.
Clauses 3 and 4, taken with the Second Schedule, take the place of the Model Milk Clauses, and also prevent invasion from an outside area. That is a point on which there has been a great deal of complaint by farmers. A municipality had power under the Model Milk Clauses to send inspectors down to a district. Say that Bristol sent inspectors down to Cornwall. Upon their ipse dixit they could prevent any milk being sent to Bristol from Cornwall, although, of course, compensation had to be paid in a case where it was found that there was no tuberculosis in the milk. It was felt very strongly by farmers that it was not a right thing that any other than their own local authority should investigate these matters. Under the Bill, if a town suspects tuberculosis coming from milk sent from another district it will notify the medical officer of that town, or the medical officer of the county borough, and they will be the only two people who will be able to stop the supply from the dairy.
A very important innovation appears in the Second Schedule. There is a paragraph

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there which provides for full compensation to dairymen who are not in default. That is to say, if the dairyman proved that it was through no fault of his that tuberculosis arose in his dairy he would get full compensation for the damage caused to him by the milk having to be destroyed, or for any loss incurred in regard to his contracts. I think your Lordships will see that he is very well protected in this matter and is put in a very good position. Clause 5 gives power to take samples of milk. Clause 6 is a very important clause because it prevents the abuse of the warranty. Under present conditions a farmer is constantly fined for selling adulterated milk when that milk has been out of his possession for twenty-four hours or longer, and may have been adulterated by the man in whose hands it was found or by other persons through whose hands the milk had passed. Under the present law the farmer has had to stand the racket of a prosecution, simply because he supplied a warranty to the man to whom he sent the milk. The magistrates have fined the farmer on the warranty and not the man in whose possession the milk was when it was found to be adulterated. That will be altered under Clause 6—again in the interests of farmers.
In Clause 9 there is a provision with regard to the establishment of milk depôts. There has been a great deal of controversy over this, but I would remind the House that these depôts can only be set up for supplying the parents of infants who are under two years of age. There was also a provision inserted in the House of Commons that this milk must not be supplied under cost price, so that there should be no underselling, or municipal trading in the ordinary sense of the word, to which a great deal of objection has been taken.
I have only to add that I hope the House may feel inclined to give the Bill a Second Reading to-day. I do not know what the noble Marquess who leads the Opposition will say as regards my suggestion that we might put the Bill down for Committee tomorrow. Under ordinary conditions I should not have thought of fixing the Committee stage for at least a week, in order that agriculturists and others might have had an opportunity of having Amendments moved in this House if they wished to do so. While I am speaking about Amendments I may say that I have several, some
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of them quite substantial, which I shall put on the Paper to-night, but they are only Amendments that Mr. Samuel undertook should be put down to carry out different arrangements, as a compromise, come to in another place when the Bill was going through practically as an unopposed Bill. Perhaps, with the permission of the noble Marquess, I may put down the Committee stage for to-morrow, subject to his seeing whether the Amendments are too far-reaching to be dealt with so expeditiously.
Moved, That the Bill be now read 2ª.— (Lord Strachie.)
THE EARL OF CAMPERDOWN: My Lords, I am glad to hear that the noble Lord does not propose to push this Bill any further to-day. I was at first under the impression that it was to be passed through all its stages this evening. The question of milk is not one which in any way can be said to be a political question, and it is rather unfortunate that we should be obliged, owing to the peculiar state of things at the present moment, to consider it at such short notice. I understood that Lord Barnard, who is chairman of the Central Chamber and takes a very great interest in this question, would have been here and would have said something about the Bill, but apparently he has not been aware that the Bill was put down for Second Reading to-day. It was put down only last night, was it not?
LORD STRACHIE: It was put down on Monday, but the Bill was not circulated until this morning.
THE EARL OF CAMPERDOWN: This much I know about the Bill, that it certainly is looked upon with a much more favourable eye than were the previous Bills on the same subject. From what I have heard, there is a general desire on the Opposition side in the other House of Parliament that it should be passed into law; therefore I apprehend that there will be no serious opposition to the Bill in this House. At the same time, if the noble Lord has certain Amendments I presume that we shall see them in the morning, and we shall have a further opportunity of looking at the Bill ourselves. In the meantime I do not desire to offer any opposition to the Second Reading.
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: My Lords, in ordinary circumstances this Bill would no doubt have been discussed at considerable length by your Lordships and perhaps criticised somewhat minutely, for it deals with a subject with which a great many members of this House who are practical agriculturists are fully conversant. But the circumstances are not ordinary circumstances, and I think the appearance of the House shows that we are not likely to take any very particular interest in the details of the Bill. But, apart from that, there is undoubtedly general agreement that legislation with regard to the sale of tuberculous milk has become absolutely necessary. I think I may put it in this way, that the problem is to provide legislation which on the one hand shall be effectual for the purpose in view and on the other shall occasion a minimum of vexatious interference with those concerned in the milk trade. The Bill, as I understand it, represents an endeavour to steer between these two difficulties. Upon one point it certainly contains provisions which will be reassuring to the producers of milk. Under the present law there are, as we all know, a great number of local authorities who have a right to intervene in order to prevent the sale of unwholesome milk, with the result that the farmer who produces milk is liable to interference on the part of a great number of officials, and he never quite knows what official, or the representative of what Department, may obtain the right to descend upon him and investigate the condition of his dairy. As I understand the Bill, it will now rest with the Local Government Board to decide what official and on behalf of whom the inspection of the dairy shall take place. Is that not so?
LORD STRACHIE: In all Milk and Dairy Orders the Local Government Board will settle, by the Order, whether it is to be the county council, the rural district council, or the urban district council. But if the noble Marquess will refer to Clause 3 (Power to stop supply of milk likely to cause tuberculosis), he will see that only the county or county borough medical officer has such power, with one exception. There are certain non-county boroughs which have power to administer the Diseases of Animals Act, and in those cases their officials would act instead of
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the medical officer of health of the county or county borough.
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: Whereas at present the officials of a number of different local authorities have a locus standi in these matters, the farmer will now be dealt with by a single official designated by either the Department or some properly constituted authority. That is a real gain, because it is quite clear that if you have a multiplication of inspectors you have a multiplication of standards, and the producer never really knows quite where he is. The Bill, as the noble Lord has told us, is the result of a great deal of controversy and discussion, and, so far as I am able to ascertain, it represents a great body of agreement amongst those concerned. That being so we shall certainly offer no opposition to it on this side of the House. The noble Lord asked us to take the Committee stage to-morrow, and at the same time intimated that he then intends to move a number of substantial Amendments. I have no objection to the Committee stage being taken to-morrow, but we must reserve to ourselves the right of examining the suggested Amendments; and, of course, the noble Lord will remember that we are not in possession of any information from him or his colleagues as to the amount of urgency that really attaches to the progress of the Bill. But upon that point I expect the statement winch will be made to-morrow by the noble Marquess who leads the House will give us some enlightenment, and we shall probably be better able to decide then whether to go on with the Bill at once, or to delay its progress.
On Question, Bill read 2ª, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House to-Morrow.

BRITISH NATIONALITY AND STATUS OF ALIENS BILL. [H.L.]
Commons Amendments.
Clause 2, page 2, line 33, at the beginning of the line insert ("in the case of a woman who was a British subject previously to her marriage to an alien, and whose husband has died or whose marriage has been dissolved, the requirements of this section as to residence shall not apply and") and after ("any") insert ("other").
Clause 10, page 5, line 12, after ("alien") insert ("Provided that where a man ceases during the continuance of his marriage to be a British subject it shall be lawful for his wife to make a declaration that she desires to retain

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British nationality, and thereupon she shall be deemed to remain a British subject").
Clause 19, page 7, line 30, after ("resumption") insert ("or retention")
Clause 19, Page 8, line 26, after ("oath") insert ("Provided that in the case of a woman who was a British subject previously to her marriage to an alien, and whose husband has died or whose marriage has been dissolved, the fee for the grant of a certificate shall not exceed five shilling").
In the schedules, page 11, Second Schedule, line 14, leave out ("So help me GOD").
Order of the Day for the consideration of the Commons Amendments, read.
Moved, That the Amendments be now considered.—(Lord Emmott).
On Question, Motion agreed to.
THE UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES (LORD EMMOTT): My Lords, I have made inquiries, and I can hear of no objection to the Amendments that have been put into this Bill in another place. Although I shall be perfectly ready, should any noble Lord so desire, to explain the Amendments in detail, I propose for the general convenience of the House—if it is, indeed, for its general convenience—to move that the Commons Amendments be agreed to.
Moved, That the Commons Amendments be agreed to.—(Lord Emmott.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.

OSBORNE ESTATE BILL.
Order of the Day for the House to be put into Committee, read.
Moved, That the House do now resolve itself into Committee.—(Lord Emmott.)
On Question, Motion agreed to.
House in Committee accordingly.
[The EARL OF DONOUGHMORE in the Chair.]
Clause 1:
Power to extend classes of persons for whose benefit Osborne House is to be used.
1. His Majesty may, by Order in Council, add to the persons for whose benefit the part of Osborne House mentioned in paragraph (b) of subsection (4) of section one of the Osborne Estate Act, 1902, is to be used, such other classes of persons as, subject to such conditions and restrictions as may be imposed by the Order, he may determine to be qualified on account of their public services to participate in such benefit, and may from time to time by Order in Council revoke or vary any such Order.
LORD EMMOTT: My Lords, I must apologise for the absence of my noble friend Lord Beauchamp who, owing to an important engagement, has been compelled to leave the House. In the discussion that took place on the Second Reading the noble Earl opposite (Lord Camperdown) raised the question of priority being given to applications made on behalf of naval and military officers. The Amendment which I now move is for the purpose of carrying out that idea. I understand that the noble Earl is willing to accept our form, and not to move his own Amendment.
THE EARL OF CAMPERDOWN: Hear, hear.
Amendment moved—
Clause 1, page 1, line 12, leave out ("and") and insert ("so however that one such condition shall be that in granting admission, priority shall be given to officers of His Majesty's naval and military forces and His Majesty").—(Lord Emmott.)
On Question, Amendment agreed to.
Clause 1, as amended, agreed to.
Remaining Clause agreed to.
The Report of the Amendment to be received To-morrow, and Bill to be printed as amended. (No. 218).
EXPORTATION OF HORSES BILL.
TRADE MARKS BILL.
Read 3ª (according to Order), and passed.

PATENTS AND DESIGNS BILL.
House in Committee (according to Order): Bill reported without amendment and to be read 3ª To-morrow.

MILITARY AID FROM DOMINIONS.
*LORD DENMAN*LORD DENMAN had the following Notice on the Paper—
To ask His Majesty's Government—

1. What course they propose to take with regard to offers of military aid from the oversea Dominions.

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2. Whether they contemplate an expansion of the Territorial Force or the raising of citizen forces of a similar character in view of contingencies that may shortly arise.

The noble Lord said: My Lords, I feel sure that your Lordships will agree that these are very important Questions, and I make no apology for detaining the House for a few minutes in asking them. One of the few satisfactory features of the grave crisis with which we are faced has been the spontaneous offer of aid from the oversea Dominions. I propose to recapitulate briefly what those offers have been.
Canada, I understand, has offered considerable contingents from her military forces. Australia has placed at the disposal of the Admiralty her fleet consisting of one battle cruiser, three light cruisers, three destroyers, two submarines, and other minor craft; and these vessels are of the latest type, armed with modern guns, and manned in about equal proportions of British and Australian seamen. Owing to considerations of time and distance they are not likely, I take it, to be able to serve in European waters, but they will be extremely valuable in safeguarding British interests in the Southern Pacific. The fact that there is this fleet in being has released during the last few months several British ships and many hundreds of British seamen for service in the North Sea, and this country is under an obligation to Australia on that account. I understand that the Admiralty has accepted the offer, and that the Australian fleet several days ago passed under the control of the Admiralty. Then Australia has offered 20,000 men of her military forces to serve anywhere, and I understand that the Commonwealth Government have signified their willingness to pay for the maintenance of these men so long as they are embodied. New Zealand has her battle cruiser in the North Sea, and I understand—I speak subject to correction—that she has offered a contingent of 10,000 men under conditions somewhat similar to those which apply in the case of the Australian offer of 20,000 men. These are splendid contributions to the Forces of the Empire, and I am sure that they have evoked feelings of the warmest gratitude throughout this country.
I ask the Government whether these offers have been accepted, and I sincerely hope that they will be able to tell me that that is so, or that the offers will be accepted very shortly, because time is of great importance in this matter; or at all events, if the offers have not actually been accepted, that there should be an intimation that it will be a good thing to mobilise immediately the forces which have been offered. I can give several reasons why these offers to mobilise should be accepted. I pass over at once what I may call the sentimental reason—that it would damp the ardour of these young countries were they deterred from assisting—and come at once to the practical reasons, which are chiefly these. These Australian and New Zealand forces are raised for home defence purposes; they cannot, therefore, be used, as they stand, overseas. Therefore the Governments of the Commonwealth and of the Dominion of New Zealand respectively will be obliged, I take it, to call for volunteers in order to mobilise the contingents which they have offered to the Home Government. I have no doubt that these volunteers will be forthcoming, and possibly even larger numbers were the grave danger that threatens the Empire to become still graver than it is at the present time. To illustrate the feeling that animates the Australian forces, I may perhaps mention that there is a party of Australian Cadets in this country at the present time, stalwart lads about 18 years of age, and I understand that they have all asked permission to join the Territorial Forces here—that at all events shows the spirit which animates these Australian Cadets. I repeat my belief that any number of volunteers would be forthcoming from the oversea Dominions of Australasia. But owing to these forces in the first instance being voluntary forces, and owing to the fact that in Australia they will have to travel very great distances, it will be two or three weeks at least before it would be possible for them to be mobilised.
Then it may be asked, Where could these forces, if they were mobilised at once, be used? I would suggest to His Majesty's Government that they could be used, as soon as it was possible for them to mobilise, to reinforce our garrisons in Egypt and India. I take it that there would be no harm in reinforcing our garrisons in India at the present time; and it would have this advantage, that it would bring these

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troops some three or four weeks nearer to the scene of war, and they could then possibly be sent on to the scene of war or could take the place of the regular troops in Egypt or in India who were required for service elsewhere. From what I know of the Australian forces they would much sooner go actually where fighting is than do the rather humdrum work of garrison duty, but I know them well enough to say that they would be perfectly willing and ready to serve wherever the Imperial Government might decide.
I desire to say one word as to the constitution and quality of the Australian forces. They amount in member to close upon 90,000. There are about 29 Light Horse regiments and 28 Field batteries. During the last three years I have had frequent opportunities of seeing them in the field. I have lived with them in camp, and I know something of their constitution, and how very serviceable they are. The Australian offer, I gather, leaves the composition to the discretion of the Home Government; and knowing these forces as I do I would suggest to the Government—if they accept the offer, as I hope they will—that they should accept a rather larger proportion of Light Horse and of the Field Artillery than would usually be the case in a force of this number. I make that suggestion because it is comparatively easy to improvise Infantry forces, but mounted troops and Field Artillery take many months to bring up to adequate pitch for use in a European war. With regard to the Australian Light Horse, I can safely say that there are no finer Irregular mounted troops anywhere. With regard to the Artillery, it would be difficult to distinguish between our own Regular batteries and the Regular Field batteries in Australia. There are, I believe, about six of these. The others are well horsed, well manned, and well equipped. I would make a similar suggestion with regard to the new Zealand forces, although I do not actually know their composition—namely, that if the New Zealand offer is accepted a larger proportion of mounted troops and of Artillery should be asked for by the Government than would usually be the case in a force of that number.
Now I come to the second part of my Question, Whether His Majesty's Government contemplate an expansion of the Territorial Force or the raising of citizen
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forces of a similar character in view of contingencies that may shortly arise. I take it that the forces which we have at our disposal at present are: the Expeditionary Force, the Special Reserve, and the Territorial Force. I do not wish, on an occasion like the present, to give an opinion—though I may, perhaps, do so one of these days in this House—as to whether the Expeditionary Force should or should not be sent to Belgium or France. I do not propose to touch upon that to-day, but I do say that circumstances may arise which may necessitate the sending of that Force to France or to Belgium. I think any member of the Government will admit that that in at all events a possibility which has to be faced. If the Expeditionary Force is used for service abroad, I take it that the Special Reserve will be earmarked to make good the casualties and wastage to the Expeditionary Force. Then we have the Territorial Force. I do not wish to say a word in disparagement of that Force. I have always admired the manner in which they have carried out their duties under somewhat discouraging circumstances. But I do say, considering the deities which they will be called upon to perform—not only the safeguarding of these shores, but undertaking imperial obligations elsewhere—that they are not numerically strong enough for that purpose. And it is on that account that I ask the Government whether they can tell me if they propose an expansion of the Territorial Force or the raising of a new Citizen Force.
At the present time there are thousands of men all over the country willing tee volunteer. There are already different bodies, like the National Reserve and organisations of that kind, advantage of which could be taken. What is also certain is that many amateur organisations of a similar kind will spring up all over the country; there will be overlapping and confusion, and the result will not be so satisfactory as if the Government were to take the matter in hand at once and either largely extend the Territorial Force or raise an entirely new Citizen Force. I am not sure, if they were to raise an entirely new organisation quite independent of the War Office or independent of the Territorial Force, that they would not do something to meet the present emergency. I do not pretend that troops raised in that way would be as good as Regulars or Territorials, but at all events they would be very

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valuable in supplementing the Territorial Force. It seems to me that time is the very essence of this question. Every day and every hour is of value, and we should lose no time in making such preparations as we can while time is still left to us.
EARL BRASSEY: My Lords, with reference to the second part of the question put by my noble friend, may I say that experience has shown that the scheme for the Territorial Force has been a success in regard to the quality of the men that have been raised; they have come from the cream and flower of the population. We regret that the numbers have been inadequate. Why is that so? It is, I submit, because in the original framing of the scheme due regard was not had to facilities for recruiting. The demand on rural populations in the agricultural counties has been excessive, while larger numbers might easily have been raised in the main centres of population, in the industrial counties of the North. In the county of Sussex, with which I am connected by residence, we must do our best; and undoubtedly patriotism will be great in the crisis through which we are now, unhappily, passing. Meanwhile I would submit that there should be no "red tape" in this matter. If it is found that numbers can be raised far beyond the establishment in certain parts of the country, I trust that their services will be accepted without any impediment or objection being raised on the ground that the number offering is beyond the establishment.
*LORD EMMOTT: My Lords, my noble friend Lord Denman said with perfect justice that the Questions he has put to His Majesty's Government are important ones. I venture to say that no one could more suitably have put the Questions than my noble friend, who has so recently returned from a successful Governor-Generalship in Australia. I had the pleasure only a few months ago of being his guest at Melbourne, and I heard how keen an interest he had taken during his stay in Australia in the formation of a Citizen Force in that country. While in Melbourne I saw a march-past before me of some 20,000 Cadets. During my tour round the Empire I visited four of His Majesty's Dominions, and I was, I will not say surprised, but delighted to hear everywhere cordial expressions of loyalty to His Majesty and of devotion to the Empire;
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and nowhere were those expressions more marked than amongst the members of the Labour Party in Australia.
LORD DENMAN: Hear, hear.
LORD EMMOTT: The splendid offers of military support which we are receiving from the Dominions are the most welcome of all proofs that the expressions of loyalty that I heard during my tour round the Empire were not mere lip service, but expressions of genuine and heartfelt devotion to the Empire. My noble friend said with truth that it is important not to damp the enthusiasm at present existing in the Dominions by any refusal of the aid that they have offered. It was only a few minutes ago that I knew I had to reply to my noble friend this afternoon, and I am therefore unable to follow him in the very interesting details which he gave of the Australian forces. With regard to the practical suggestions which he made, I can only undertake to bring them to the notice of the authorities. In reply to my noble friend's first Question I desire to say, on behalf of His Majesty's Government, that they have received with the greatest satisfaction the generous offers from the Dominions of the support of expeditionary forces and other armed assistance. Those offers have come from New Zealand, from Australia, from Canada, and now from South Africa, and although there is no immediate necessity for the acceptance of such offers, His Majesty's Government will not hesitate to avail themselves of the patriotism of the Dominions when necessary; and all steps are being taken in the Dominions to prepare for such an eventuality. The offer of the Commonwealth Government of Australia to place its Navy at the disposal of His Majesty's Government has been accepted with deep gratitude. With regard to the noble Lord's second Question, I will inform the authorities of what he has stated, but I am instructed to say that there is nothing in the present circumstances which demands such a step.
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: My Lords, I rise only for the purpose of expressing my entire concurrence with what has been said by the noble Lord opposite as to our appreciation of the generous offers of support which His Majesty's Government have received from the oversea Dominions. These offers have moved

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our people greatly. They are a proof that the British Empire is not a paper Empire, but a great reality, and that from all parts of the Empire we may depend upon that co-operation to which we certainly look from the people of these islands. With regard to the extent to which assistance of this kind can be accepted by His Majesty's Government and with regard to the occasion on which it might be accepted, those, of course, are matters of which the Government alone can be the judges. We must be content to learn from the noble Lord that at the proper moment His Majesty's Government will not hesitate to avail themselves of the offers of assistance thus made to them.

THE NATIONAL INSURANCE ACT.
*LORD SANDERSON: My Lords, I rise to move that the Order of March 12, 1912, for printing and circulating Orders and Regulations made in pursuance of the National Insurance Act, 1911, be vacated; and to ask if it has been found possible to make any progress in the codification of those Regulations. I make this Motion purely as a matter of economy. Your Lordships will remember that when the Order of March 12, 1912, was passed, the Act had only recently become law, and the whole machinery for putting it into execution was being set up by means of these Regulations. Since that time the Orders and Regulations have been falling upon us in unceasing showers,
Thick as autumnal leaves that strew the brooks
in Vallombrosa.
I cannot say that during the present session the flights have greatly diminished. I calculate that, roughly, they are still coming to us at the rate of about one a day. But they are rather of a different character now. They are partly consolidating Regulations and Orders; partly Orders passed for the purpose of carrying into effect the changes brought about by the Amending Act of last year; and partly supplementary Regulations to meet requirements which have been found to exist. I do not think that any member of your Lordships' House derives very much benefit by the receipt of them. I have consulted the noble Earl, Lord Camper-down, who moved the Order of March 12, 1912, and he is quite of the opinion that it might now be rescinded; and Lord Heneage, who takes a great interest in
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the working of the Act, has also written to me expressing his concurrence. The Orders are printed for the House of Commons, and I do not think any useful object is gained by their being printed for this House also and circulated with the Minutes.
I have also taken this opportunity to ask whether it has been possible to make any progress in the codification of these Regulations. I am quite aware of the magnitude of the task; in fact, a friend of mine whose duty it is to advise the Charity Organisation Society on points arising out of the Act, and who has constantly at his elbow a pile of circulars and memoranda about two feet high, has assured me that it is almost impracticable. It is, I think, clear that the changes made by the Act of 1913 must tend still further to delay the process of codification.
I should like to make some suggestions as to what might be clone in the meantime to make matters clearer to the general public. I should hope now, when the necessity for immediate decisions is less urgent, that the four Insurance Commissions might to a certain extent give up the practice of issuing the same Regulation in, to use a musical expression, fugal counterpoint, one after the other, and join together in producing a single collective Order.
Then I would suggest that something might be done to make the title pages a little less verbose and to give a distinct intimation upon them of the locality to which the Order applies, its short title, and its date, which are all that are required. Also I would venture to ask whether the enormous length of the prefatory recitals and "Whereas"'s might not be dispensed with. I am aware that these are questions of technicality, but I should have thought that for the purpose of the copies for public use abbreviations might be possible. If codification must be delayed, as I apprehend it must, for a considerable time, I would suggest that in addition to the index to the National Insurance Act of 1911 there might be an index to the Amending Act, or the two might be comprised together and an index made to the more important Regulations. Also, possibly some one might compile a handbook on the administration of the Act, similar to that now issued for the guidance of approved societies for the use of the ordinary

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contributor. People not infrequently ask me whether there is any document which would give servants an idea of the whole of their rights and duties under the Act, and I am obliged to reply that to the best of my knowledge there is no such document, but that they might get four or five leaflets and two or three Regulations and to that extent acquaint themselves. In my opinion it would be of great advantage if something of the kind that I have suggested were done. I beg to move.
Moved, That the Order of March 12, 1912, for printing and circulating Orders and Regulations made in pursuance of the National Insurance Act, 1911, be vacated.—(Lord, Sanderson.)
LORD STRACHIE: My Lords, the Notice of the noble Lord is partly a Motion and partly a Question. I will deal with the Motion first. The Government consented to the Order of March 12, 1912, in consequence of what Lord Camperdown said, and thought it highly desirable, owing to the large powers given to the Commissioners for subordinate legislation, that your Lordships should have brought to your notice all these Orders, though it entailed a great deal of expense. However, as the noble Lord has asked for the discontinuance of the circulation of these Orders and Regulations to the members of this House, and the noble Earl who obtained the original Order (Lord Camperdown) agrees to that course, the Government are perfectly ready to assent to the Motion now before the House. That of course does not mean that the members of this House will not have an opportunity of getting the Regulations, as they can be asked for, like other Regulations, on the Pink Paper.
As regards the progress that has been made in the consolidation of the Regulations and special Orders, I must remind the noble Lord that last year, in reply to a Question by him, I pointed out that we had already done something in that direction, and referred him to the volume of Statutory Rules and Orders issued in 1912. I can assure him that we have not been neglectful in this matter. As to the progress with regard to special Orders dealing with subsidiary employment, there were ten Orders and these have been reduced to one. Seven sets dealing with out-workers are now embodied in one. Therefore, as the
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noble Lord will see, something has been done as regards consolidation. The Commissioners, however, are not resting satisfied with that; they are still proceeding with the codification of the various Regulations which appear from time to time. I can assure the noble Lord that the Commissioners are themselves very anxious for consolidation, for it stands to reason that they are the people really who would profit the most by such consolidation.
Since the noble Lord put his Motion on the Paper he has given me private notice of Questions to which he desires answers. His first Question is as to whether it is really necessary now that the four Commissions should make identical Regulations one after another, instead of delivering them together. The answer is that Parliament decided to establish four separate Insurance Commissions so as to enable due regard to be given to variations in local conditions in the several parts of the United Kingdom, and it is not always considered expedient by all the Commissions to exercise a given power at the same time. In many cases, however, the power of making regulations is exercised either by the Joint Committee (on which all four countries are represented) alone, or by the Joint Committee jointly with the several Commissions, and in all these cases only one document is printed where regulations in identical terms are made for the whole United Kingdom.
Then the noble Lord asks whether it would be quite impossible that in the copies printed for the use of the public and the House of Commons some uniform plan of title page should be adopted and the long recitals in the preamble omitted. The noble Lord enclosed a specimen to show what he meant, and added that it would be much cheaper and a saying of trouble to all who have to refer to these papers if his suggestion were adopted. The reason for the form adopted is that the Regulations and Special Orders made under the Acts have the force of law, and must therefore be made in proper legal form. This means that the authority of the Department for the promotion of these pieces of subordinate legislation must be fully set out, both for the information of Parliament, which may veto them, and to enable any challenge of their legality in a Court of Law to be met. It is not expected that the public will ordinarily obtain their information as to the

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Act by a direct study of these legal documents. Explanatory circulars have been issued in regard to many of them; and the Insurance Commissioners, approved societies, and Insurance Committees, are all ready to furnish information on particular points to insured persons who desire it.
Then the noble Lord, in his next Question, says that there is an index to the Act of 1911, and he asks, Might we not have a revised index to the two Acts of 1911 and 1913; and cannot there be some index to the more important Regulations? My answer to that is that the insurance Commissioners will be glad to consider this suggestion, though they have not at present sufficient evidence showing that the index to the Act of 1911 is extensively used to justify them in incurring the expense of revising and enlarging this index to cover the Act of 1913. As regards the Regulations, the Insurance Commissioners have found that the best means of securing that they are properly understood is to issue explanatory circulars to approved societies and Insurance Committees, and it would be a matter of great difficulty to prepare an index which was so detailed as to be a satisfactory guide to those who wish to study the Regulations more closely. In the more important and lengthy Regulations there are side headings which enable any particular paragraph of the Regulations to be referred to without the necessity of reading the whole of the Regulations.
In his final Question the noble Lord says there is a Handbook to the Administration
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of Sickness and Maternity Benefit for the use of approved societies, of which a revised edition is promised, and he asks whether it would not be possible to produce a shorter handbook for the use of contributors. The answer to that is that the handbook is intended primarily for the use of secretaries of approved societies who are personally engaged in administering sickness, disablement, and maternity benefit for insured persons. In ordinary cases insured persons can obtain sufficient information from secretaries or other officials of approved societies, and, in cases of difficulty, from the outdoor staff of the Insurance Commissioners. The information contained in the handbook is not required by individual insured persons; the information on their insurance cards and books and medical cards, combined with the information on particular points which they can obtain from their approved societies, is believed to be generally sufficient.
On Question, Motion agreed to, and the said Order vacated accordingly.
House adjourned during pleasure; and resumed by the Lord Chancellor.

ROYAL COMMISSION.
The following Bills received the Royal Assent—

Aliens Restriction.

Prize Courts (Procedure).

House adjourned at a quarter past Seven o'clock, till To-morrow, a quarter past Four o'clock.