Lords Sitting of 29 January 1908

Preamble
The KING, being seated on the Throne, and the Commons being at the Bar with their Speaker, His Majesty was pleased to make a most gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament, and then retired.
His Majesty's Speech was as follows:—
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"The visit of the German Emperor with His Imperial Consort during the past autumn was a source of great pleasure to Me and to the Queen. The cordial reception given to their Majesties by My people was warmly appreciated, and cannot fail to confirm the friendly relations existing between the two nations.
"The lamented death of the King of Sweden has caused Me much sorrow.
"My relations with Foreign Powers continue to be friendly.
"My Government, animated by the sincere desire to settle by mutual agreement
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certain questions concerning the interests of Great Britain and Russia on the Continent of Asia, have concluded with the Russian Government a Convention relating to their respective interests in Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet. The terms of this Convention have already been laid before you, and, acting in its spirit, the two Governments have been able, notwithstanding disturbances and complications in Persia, to maintain a peaceful policy.
"My Government have joined with the Governments of Franco, Germany, and Russia, in a Treaty for preserving the integrity of the Kingdom of Norway. The text of the Treaty will be published in due course.
"The correspondence recently presented to you has placed you in possession of the results of the Second International Peace Conference at The Hague, which concluded its labours in October last. The various instruments annexed to the Final Act of that Conference show the progress that has been made, and they are receiving the attentive consideration of My Government. One of the most important

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of these instruments establishes the great principle of an International Court of Appeal in Prize cases. My Government are considering the question of inviting representatives of the leading maritime nations to attend a Conference in London in the course of next autumn, with a view of coming to an understanding on certain important points of International Law for the guidance of the Court.
"The condition of the Christian and Mussulman population in the Macedonian vilayets shows no improvement: the bands of different nationalities continue to pursue a campaign of violence, and the situation gives serious cause for anxiety. The Great Powers of Europe have agreed to present to the Turkish Government a scheme for the improvement of the judiciary in that region, and My Government have made further proposals to the Sultan, and also to the Great Powers, for dealing effectually with the principal causes of disturbance.
"My Government are fully aware of the great anxiety felt with regard to the treatment of the native population in the Congo State. Their sole desire is to see the government of that State humanely administered in accordance with the spirit of the Berlin Act, and I trust that the negotiations now proceeding between the Sovereign of the Congo State and the Belgian Government will secure this object.
"Negotiations are being conducted with the Government of the United States for an Agreement to refer to the International Court of Arbitration at The Hague questions pending between the two Governments which relate to the New-foundland fisheries. It is hoped that by this friendly procedure a long-standing source of difficulty may be satisfactorily removed.
"The difficulty which had arisen respecting Japanese immigration into Canada has been settled on terms agreed upon between the respective Governments.
"I sincerely lament to have to inform you that, owing to failure of the rains over parts of India during last year, conditions of scarcity accompanied by much sickness have arisen. Prompt and well-considered measures of relief have been taken, and the situation is faced both by the stricken people and by My officers with courage and hope."
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"Estimates for the expenditure of the year will in due course be laid before you.
"In connection with the financial arrangements of the year, proposals will be brought forward for making better provision for old age, and legislation with that object will be submitted."
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"Bills will be laid before you for the following purposes:—
"To amend the Law of Licensing in England and Wales.
"To amend the Law relating to Elementary Education in England and Wales.
"To regulate the hours of underground labour in Coal Mines.
"To amend the Acts relating to the Housing of the Working Classes, and to regulate the laying out of land needed for the development of growing urban centres.
"To amend the system of Valuation of property in England and Wales for the assessment of Imperial and Local charges.
"To improve and extend University Education in Ireland.
"To amend in various particulars the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act of 1903, especially with reference to the compulsory acquisition of untenanted land in connection with the relief of congestion.
"To establish an authority for the control and improvement of the Port and Waterway of Loudon.
"To consolidate and amend the Law relating to the Protection of Children and to the treatment of Juvenile Offenders.
"The Bills relating to Scottish Land and Valuation, which were introduced last session but failed to pass into law, will be again submitted to you.
"Your labours upon these, and upon all other matters, I humbly commend to the blessing of Almighty God.

SAT FIRST.
The Marquess of Bristol sat first in Parliament after the death of his uncle.
The Lord Clanwilliam (E. Clanwilliam) sat first in Parliament after the death of his father.
The Lord Aldenham sat first in Parliament after the death of his father.
The Lord Nunburnholme sat first in Parliament after the death of his father.
The Viscount Torrington sat first in Parliament after the death of his father.
The Lord Saye and Sele sat first in Parliament after the death of his father.
Several Lords took the Oath.
Edmund Arbuthnott (Lord Bishop of Manchester) was (in the usual manner) introduced.

ROLL OF THE LORDS.
Garter King of Arms attending, delivered at the Table (in the usual manner) a list of the Lords Temporal in the Third Session of the Twenty-eighth Parliament of the United Kingdom—the same was ordered to lie on the Table.

REPRESENTATIVE PEERS FOR IRELAND.
"Writs and Returns electing the Lord Curzon of Kedleston a Representative Peer for Ireland in the room of the late Lord Kilmaine, deceased, with the certificate of the Clerk of the Crown in Ireland annexed thereto: delivered (on oath), and certificate read as follows:—
"Crown and Hanaper Office in Ireland.
"In pursuance of an Act passed in the Parliament of Ireland in the fortieth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the Third intituled 'An Act to regulate the mode by which the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons to serve in the Parliament of the United Kingdom on the part of Ireland shall he summoned and returned to the said Parliament,' I hereby certify that the several Writs hereunto annexed for electing a Temporal Peer of Ireland in the room of Francis William, Baron Kilmaine, deceased, did issue from this the Crown Office in Chancery in Ireland to the Peers therein severally named, and the said Peers did severally make the Returns thereto which to the said Writs are respectively annexed. And I do further certify that it appears from the said Writs and Returns that the right hon George I Nathaniel, Baron Curzon of Kedleston, has been chosen by a majority of votes to be the Peer to sit and vote on the part of Ireland in the House of Lords of the United Kingdom in the room of Francis William, Baron Kilmaine, deceased. And whereas the name of the said George Nathaniel, Baron Curzon of Kedleston, is not upon the Roll of the Peers of Ireland whose right to vote at the elections of Representative Peers for Ireland has been certified
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by the Clerk of the Parliaments of the United Kingdom into the Crown Office in Chancery in Ireland by direction of the House of Lords as having been admitted by the House of Lords, I do further certify that it appears from the said Writs and Returns that the right hon. Frederick Oliver, Baron Ashtown, whose name is upon the aforesaid Roll of the Peers of Ireland, has received the next highest number of votes. All which I attest this 21st day of January, 1908.
" Clerk of the Crown and Hanaper and
Permanent Secretary to the Lord
Chancellor of Ireland.
"To the Clerk of the Parliaments of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland."
THE LORD CHANCELLOR (Lord LOREBURN): Your Lordships will observe that this Return is not in the usual form, and that it contains more than is required by the Statute. The object, I presume, is to place the House in a position to decide whether a writ should issue to Lord Curzon or not. The point raised is whether Lord Curzon, not having claimed his right to vote for a representative peer for Ireland, and, consequently. no such claim having been admitted, is thereby disabled from being elected. Your Lordships will probably expect my opinion on the point. I have examined the Act of Union and am satisfied that Lord Curzon, whose name appears on the Ulster roll as a temporal peer of Ireland, might properly be elected, although he has made no claim to be entitled to vote for a representative peer. The Act requires that those who vote for a representative peer shall have claimed and had their claim admitted by this House, but the Act makes no requirements as to the person to be elected, except that he should be a temporal peer of Ireland. There are certain precedents quoted to a Committee of your Lordships' House in 1874 which, perhaps, favour this view, but I prefer to rely upon the Act itself. The Act, I think, is clear, and in my opinion Lord Curzon is entitled to his writ and to take his seat in the ordinary course.
THE EARL OF HALSBURY: I am sure the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack requires no confirmation from me; but it may be satisfactory to him if I say that I entirely concur in the view he has expressed. Some ingenious person appears to have suggested that something should be read into the Act of

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Union which is not in it—namely, that an elector must be an elector before he can be elected, for which there is not the slightest foundation. I note that the noble and learned Lord quoted a certain precedent. I confess that if the matter were decided upon the precedents I should feel some doubt, but really there is no point at all. Unless you put a new section into the Act of Union there cannot be the least doubt. The noble and learned Lord said the point intended to be raised was so and so. I can only say that to my mind there is no point at all in the matter.
Then the Lord Curzon of Kedleston took the Oath.

SELECT VESTRIES.
Bill, pro formâ, read 1a.

ADDRESS IN REPLY TO HIS MAJESTY'S MOST GRACIOUS SPEECH.
LORD AIREDALE: My Lords, in rising to move that an humble Address be presented to His Majesty thanking him for his gracious Speech, I must first ask for the indulgence of your Lordships for one who has so recently entered this House, and who can, therefore, scarcely be said even to have emerged from the period of assimilation. I will first refer to the visit of the German Emperor, for which we are indebted to the influence of His Gracious Majesty the King. The progress—the remarkable progress—which the German Emperor and Empress made through the streets of London, gave the people of this country an opportunity of showing their respect to a great Monarch, and of expressing their friendly feelings towards the great German people. The death of Oscar King of Sweden is greatly to be deplored. He was a kind and constitutional Monarch. It so happens that I had a personal opportunity of judging of the kindly feelings of King Oscar towards the British nation. I was a member of a scientific society which visited Stockholm a few years ago. The King of Sweden and his sons attended a discussion at our ordinary proceedings, and we were afterwards received at the Royal Palace, the King thus giving an expression of friendly feeling towards the English people.
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The Russian Convention, which is referred to in His Majesty's gracious Speech, is an event of the greatest importance. It settles by mutual agreement questions which have been for years the cause of difficulties and disputes and anxieties between the two nations. The declaration of the respective interests of Russia and Great Britain clear the air. A great weight has been lifted by the declaration that the Governments of Great Britain and Russia mutually engage to respect the integrity and independence of Persia, and have agreed not to seek concessions for the subjects of either in areas which are clearly defined. The condition of Persia at this moment is most deplorable, and we may be very thankful that this Convention has been concluded, for while these domestic difficulties are proceeding, which are no concern of ours, suspicions that this nation or that nation might intervene are finally removed. The Russian Government further recognise that Afghanistan is outside the sphere of Russian influence; Great Britain disclaims on its part any intention of changing the political status of Afghanistan; and all the difficulties and anxieties and responsibilities that we have had in years past with reference to the north-western frontier, if not removed, at any rate must be very much minimised. With reference to Thibet, into which country we recently made a romantic expedition, the Convention further records engagements by which Russia and Great Britain undertake to respect the territorial integrity of Thibet. They undertake not to enter into negotiations with Thibet except through the intervention of the Chinese Government, nor to send political representatives there. As a railwayman I regret to see that they have agreed not to promote railway enterprise; but, as a railway shareholder, in such an enterprise, perhaps I should not be so anxious.
The Hague Conference, at which assembled a numerous array of the representatives of forty-seven States of widely different importance, is an event of great interest. As employers of labour we know the value of personal conferences, which bring conflicting parties into direct relations. The value of these personal relations at such a Conference must be great in the future negotiation of affairs.

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The question of the reduction of armaments was not under discussion at the Conference, but His Majesty's Government have expressed their willingness to consider this important matter whenever it may be thought wise to do so. The establishment of an International Court of Appeal is a matter of the greatest value. Its existence already bears fruit. As you are aware, the United States Government are willing so to refer questions pending with relation to the Newfoundland Fisheries, and this at the suggestion of Sir Robert Bond, the representative of the Newfoundland Government at the Conference. These questions have caused difficulties between the two nations for generations.
His Majesty refers to the state of Macedonia. The condition of affairs in that country is deplorable. Raids are made by hostile bands, and are difficult to control. His Majesty's Government continue to act with the great Powers, and are suggesting new measures for dealing with this question.
With regard to the Congo, His Majesty's Government desire to see that State humanely administered. The conditions of labour in the Congo Free State are terrible—absolutely those of slavery. The people of Great Britain are watching with great interest the negotiations which are proceeding between the Belgian Government and the Ruler of the Congo State, and we shall rejoice if the Belgian Government take over the control of that State, for then we shall have a constitutional government with which we can negotiate.
The question of Old-age Pensions is raised, and legislation will be submitted with the object of making better provision for old age. There is a general agreement that some provision should be made for the distressed in their old age. The real difficulty is whether the scheme should be a contributory or non-contributory one. I am pleased to see that Lord Roberts is making a great effort to support distressed warriors in their old age, and I ask whether the aged agricultural labourer or unskilled labourer has not also rendered his service to the State, and is not equally worthy of some assistance and support in his old age. You say, "Yes, but they should contribute." I ask how the agricultural labourer or the
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ordinary unskilled labourer can contribute out of the scanty earnings he receives; and probably it is better he should be expending his wages upon the proper bringing up of his family than in penurious saving which causes them to suffer.
The difficulties of the situation in India owing to the threatened famine are very great. I may remind the House that they have been much alleviated by the extension of the railway system, and it is by an extension of railways in India, by closer and more rapid communication with the different districts, that we may hope still further to mitigate the difficulties of these recurring famines.
The law of licensing in England and Wales is to be dealt with in the coming session. The popular demand is for a reduction of the hours and also for some appropriation of the value which is conferred by the community when new licences are given. As an employer of some fifty years standing, I can testify to the great improvement in the bearing and the character of the working people with whom I am closely associated. I attribute some of it to education, but much of it in later years is due to restriction in the hours of opening and to the greater control of matters of licensing. I hope that the hours will be further reduced, for these changes contribute materially to the elevation of the working people.
The law relating to elementary education and to religious teaching in elementary schools will have to be dealt with. For more than thirty years simple Bible teaching in the primary schools has been conducted with the general approval of the great school boards, and it is on that system, and on that system only, that you can hope to have religious teaching. The alternative is secular teaching only, which I for one should greatly deplore. A Bill will be introduced to regulate the hours of underground labour in coal mines—what is called the Miners Bight Hours Bill. Your Lordships will be aware that there has been a committee of inquiry, the result of whose deliberations is to confirm the general opinion

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that by limitation of hours you will have restriction of output; that if you have a restriction of output you will have an increase in cost. Coal is the primary necessity of all our manufactures. In the iron and steel trade, with which I am associated, each ton of iron or steel consumes several tons of coal, and if you increase the cost of coal you will increase the cost of steel and iron. You will thereby enhance the cost of raw material and diminish the demand for our ships, engines, and manufactures, and consequently diminish the employment of those engaged in those special industries. I think we may appeal, therefore, to those workmen who are so strenuous in the demand for a reduction of hours in the coal trade to be conciliatory, and not to insist absolutely on the eight hours of the original Bill.
The question of university education in Ireland is a knotty one, and we are hoping that it will be dealt with. It seems so unreasonable that university education should be denied to members of different denominations because a scheme cannot be provided for it. The Bills relating to Scottish land and valuation, which were introduced last session but failed to pass into law, will be again submitted to Parliament. I notice that the noble Marquess, the Leader of the Opposition, said not long ago that the "House of Lords is an Assembly which interferes rarely and reluctantly between the people and the achievement of those objects which the popular Assembly has favoured." If the popular Assembly once more pronounces by an overwhelming majority in favour of these measures, let us hope that the doctrine which the noble Marquess then laid down will be practised with the wisdom and discretion which has always distinguished this Assembly. I beg to move.
LORD NUNBURNHOLME: My Lords, in rising to second the Address, which has been so gracefully and admirably moved by my noble friend Lord Airedale, I would humbly ask your Lordships to accord me a full measure of that courteous indulgence which you invariably give to those who rise to address this House for the first time. I would ask your Lordships to give me that same kindly hearing that you gave to
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my father on the few occasions on which he had the honour of speaking in this Chamber. Your Lordships will not wish me to do more than mention a few salient features of the legislative programme for the ensuing session. With regard to education, may I express my regret that your Lordships were unable to come to an agreement upon the Education Bill of 1906? Is not all reform in its inception mainly experimental, and would it not be reasonable to form a basis of experiment by eliminating the most controversial material? Can we not as a nation unite in constructing a system of education which shall be free from all sectarianism—a system which shall be for the advancement of the intellectual progress of our children, which shall teach them the fundamental principles of right and wrong, and fit them to take their position in life as trustworthy and well-equipped members of society?
My Lords, we rejoice to see in the gracious Speech from the Throne that a Bill is to be brought in for promoting the cause of temperance and regulating those fictitious clubs which offer an illicit and unfair competition to a trade already controlled and recognised by the law. The commercial community of this great Free Trade country will greatly appreciate the International Court of Appeal to be set up at The Hague, and we shall, I am sure, all be very glad to know that a Conference is to be held, or probably will be held, to frame laws for the guidance of that tribunal. In the past our commerce has suffered considerable delay and havoc through the action of belligerent Powers with regard to contraband of war and to the status of vessels within the sphere of operations. May we not look with hope that the new machinery to be set up will ensure fair play to the non-combatant mercantile community of all neutral Powers?
As one connected with the shipping trade of this country, I beg leave for a moment to turn to the promised legislation with regard to the Port of London. As your Lordships are aware, the size and the depth of our Thames docks are totally inadequate to modern requirements. In this respect we are far behind

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many of our Continental rivals. Moreover, there is urgent need of one single authority to control the waterway of our great-port, such as has been success fully established in regard to the rivers Mersey, Tyne, and Humber. I trust that your Lordships will give careful consideration to any Bill brought in to further these objects.
Your Lordships will deeply sympathise with our fellow-subjects in India in the sufferings they have undergone consequent on the partial failure of the crops. I am afraid it has even affected our own people in this country. The wretched harvest of North America and Russia, together with the failure in India, have raised the price of food to our people and of raw materials to our manufactures.
Nevertheless, my Lords, one is glad to recognise that this natural rise in the price of commodities need give us no cause for dissatisfaction with our present system of free imports. May I venture to hope that all sections of this House will view with approval the proposals of His Majesty's Government for dealing with some vital problems of our social system, such as improved housing for those whose lot is unhappily cast in rough places, some provision or means of subsistence free from the bitter taint of charity for those who have grown old in service, more rational hours of labour in our mines, and more careful nurture of our little children.
I gather, my Lords, there may be apprehension in the minds of some of us that the policy of the wage-earning community is for the destruction of our national institutions by vast projects of social upheaval. I have had the honour of representing in another place a constituency largely consisting of the labouring class, and I am convinced that the aspirations and ambitions of that class mainly tend towards their emancipation from the unnatural conditions and the unhappy surroundings in which the lives of many of them are spent through no fault of their own. I speak in the full confidence that in every section of this House we are moved with but one impulse—namely, the conscientious discharge of those high duties which we hold in trust for the benefit of the nation. My Lords, I have the honour to second
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the Address, and beg most respectfully to thank you for the kindly consideration you have accorded me.
Moved, "That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty in reply to the gracious Speech from the Throne."—(Lord Airedale.)
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: My Lords, I trust that the two noble Lords to whom we have just had the advantage of listening will permit me to offer them our congratulations upon the way in which they have acquitted themselves of their task. Both those noble Lords have had the advantage of some House of Commons experience. Both of them will, no doubt, be valuable recruits in this House, and we hope that they may frequently take part in our deliberations. But, in addition to Parliamentary experience, both of them have experience of another kind. The noble mover spoke of himself as a railway man; the noble seconder referred to the fact that he was connected with the shipping trade of this country. I am reminded that, recently, a distinguished colleague of the noble Marquess opposite told his audience that the House of Lords possibly knew something about parsons and gamekeepers, but that it knew nothing about trade. I cannot but think that, when the noble Marquess selected for the mover of the Address the noble Lord who has not only had the advantage of being president of the National Liberal Association, but also president of the Leeds Chamber of Commerce, and of the Iron and Steel Institute, he must have intended to administer a sly rebuke to his colleague.
My Lords, we rejoice to find once more in the Royal Speech the ever welcome announcement that His Majesty's relations with foreign Powers continue to be friendly. May every succeeding Government contribute its share towards that most desirable result. I think it is natural that closely connected with that paragraph should be the paragraph in which His Majesty refers to the recent visit of the Emperor of Germany. These Royal visits are not mere parade movements. They afford valuable opportunities for the discussion of international

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questions between the Sovereigns themselves and between their advisers, and they give to our illustrious visitors opportunities of judging for themselves of the friendly tone and demeanour of the people of this country.
His Majesty's Government are able to announce an important step which should contribute not a little, I think, towards the maintenance of international peace. I refer to the conclusion of a Convention with Russia in regard to the affairs of Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet. We on this side of the House are certainly predisposed in favour of that Convention. We regard such Conventions as the proper mode of dealing with complications of the kind which this Convention is intended to anticipate, and I think I am justified in saying that, had we remained in office, it is more than probable that we too would have been approached by the Russian Government, and that we should have made an effort to conclude a satisfactory arrangement with them. I think His Majesty's Government are justified in saying that during the recent Persian crisis the existence of the Convention afforded a considerable guarantee for international peace. It is in these moments of crisis that strong Powers are sometimes tempted, especially if they are competitors for influence over a weak Power, to steal a march one upon the other, and I have, no doubt, that the existence of this Convention may have had the effect of preventing anything of that kind from taking place.
But, my Lords, these international instruments after all embody business transactions, and it is from the business point of view that people will naturally regard them. I think His Majesty's Government must be aware that by some persons, and by persons qualified to have decided opinions upon such subjects, the bargain is open to criticism on certain points, and such criticisms have been very plain'y and distinctly offered. This would not be at all a convenient opportunity for bringing on a discussion on such matters, and I merely refer to them because I think it very probable that His Majesty's Government will be afforded an opportunity of explaining
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these matters, and of meeting these criticisms. I can assure His Majesty's Government that, so far us we are concerned, they will certainly not be offered in an unfriendly spirit, and no one will be better pleased than we shall be if His Majesty's Government are able to reassure us as to any point in regard to which we may entertain misgivings.
There follows, almost immediately afterwards, an interesting paragraph referring to the Peace Conference whch has recently sat at the Hague. A Bluebook has lately been laid on the table of the House dealing with that question, and I find in it a despatch, signed by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in which he frankly admits that the results of the Conference have, in some respects, been of a disappointing character. If the great expectations with which we entered into the Conference have not been fulfilled, it is perhaps to some extent due to the fact that those expectations were a little exaggerated. I think, for example, the Prime Minister—and may I be permitted, in passing, to express our satisfaction at knowing that he has returned to this country in improved health—was a little too much inclined to believe that this Conference would bring about a general reduction of armaments on the part of the great Powers. As to that, we have a very remarkable comment in the shape of the speech which was delivered quite lately by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The Secretary of State told his hearers that the British Navy, far from being too strong for our needs, was not more than sufficient for them, and that, if foreign Powers were to continue to increase their naval strength, it would be necessary for us to follow suit if we desired that our homes should be safe from attack. My Lords, that is a momentous statement coming from a Minister whose calmness of judgment is as conspicuous as is that of Sir Edward Grey.
Your Lordships will have seen the Blue-book relating to the proceedings at The Hague. It is not very easy to separate what I may call the gold from the dross in it. The Conference has produced no less than thirteen Conventions,

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a great many of them wanting the signatures of those Powers whose signatures matter most. It has produced eight resolutions, or "opinions" as they are called—pious opinions perhaps they might be called—which, I take it, represent the strivings of the international conscience after somewhat remote and unattainable ideals; and there is the declaration in regard to the use of balloons in the time of war. I wish to express my satisfaction that Sir Edward Fry and his colleagues should have been authorised to sign only what is described as the final Act. The final Act, by the way, occurs, not as one would expect it at the end of the series of documents, but at the very beginning.
I understand that in the view of His Majesty's Government the whole of these conventions require careful examination before this country is committed to them; and that is particularly true of the convention referred to in the gracious Speech—I mean that dealing with the creation of an International Court of Appeal in prize cases. We should all of us rejoice to see such a Court established, if we were quite sure that it would be properly constituted and that it would administer a code of regulations thoroughly considered beforehand and approved by the Great Maritime Powers affected by them. Mention has been made of the great inconvenience to which this country had been put owing to the absence of such a Prize Court; and any one who recollects the events of the Russo-Japanese war will well remember the grave anxiety which was occasioned to us by the absence of such a Court. But these ills, intolerable as they were, would be almost more tolerable than those which we might endure if we found ourselves placed entirely in the hands of an imperfectly-constituted tribunal, administering, not a recognised code of international law, but precepts which it might itself lay down from time to time for its own guidance. I rejoice, therefore, that these matters are to be maturely considered and that the particular point on which I have dwelt is to be examined by a conference of maritime Powers this autumn.
The Speech next deals with the melancholy subject of Macedonia. It is impos-
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sible to read the paragraph without an approach to a feeling of despair. I have seen it stated in the last few days that in the course of four years there have been no less than 10,000 deaths from violent causes in the Macedonian vilayets. What a melancholy result of the efforts of European diplomacy! I am well aware of the immense obstacles with which the Government of this country has had to contend in dealing with this Macedonian problem. There is, in the first place, the obstinacy and shortsightedness of the Turkish Government. There is, in the next place, the incurable timidity of the Powers—a timidity which in great measure is due to their sincere dread of provoking a European crisis in that part of the world. But I am glad to see that His Majesty's Government are able to announce to us that the Great Powers of Europe are to present to the Turkish Government not only a scheme for the improvement of the justiciary, a matter of first-rats importance, but also—and the words are significant—
"further proposals for dealing effectually with the principal causes of disturbance.
I trust that those proposals will be pressed home, and if it should be the case that the Turkish Government proves still recalcitrant, if the advice of Europe continues to be flouted as it has been flouted in the past, then I hope the Powers will take courage and will press upon the Porte proposals still more far-reaching, the efficacy of which shall not be impaired by any attempt to deal tenderly with Turkish susceptibilities.
Of the Congo State I will only say that I earnestly trust that the negotiations between the Sovereign of the Congo State and the Belgian Government may proceed satisfactorily and that nothing that is done in this country may impede or embarrass the course of those negotiations. It is pleasant to read that the difficulties which have arisen as to the Newfoundland fisheries between this country and the United States are likely to go to arbitration. We can conceive no other mode of settling differences between two friendly Powers belonging to the same race and closely connected by innumerable ties, neither of whom could bear to contemplate any but a peaceful solution of the questions at issue.

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Then we have a satisfactory announcement as to the adjustment of a difficulty which might have proved acute between the Japanese Government and the Dominion of Canada. May I be permitted to say that that settlement seems to be most creditable, not only to the Government of the Dominion, but also to the Government of our ally, who has exhibited, not for the first time, a self-restraint and a sagacity which have elicited the admiration of all those who have come into close contact with their diplomatic proceedings? I will not dwell upon the question of the scarcity which has arisen in India; but I believe that it is correct to say that in the improvement of railway communications lie our great safeguards against serious misfortunes due to this cause. Thanks to the improvement of those communications, the measures of relief are so admirably organised in India at this moment that, although these recurrent scarcities no doubt entail suffering and the retardation of progress, they rarely lead to serious loss of human life.
I have come to the end of that part of the Speech which reviews the situation in different parts of the world. It is a somewhat extensive field. It embraces all the four quarters of the globe; and it seems to me somewhat remarkable that in that wide review there should be a complete omission of any reference to a matter which concerns us much more nearly than remoter events—I mean the condition of a part of the United Kingdom itself. My Lords, how simple it would have been to have added an Irish paragraph to those on which I have commented. The Macedonian paragraph, with a few very slight verbal alterations, would have met the case. Might it not have read somewhat as follows:—
"The condition of the loyal population in several important Irish counties shows no improvement. Bands, instigated by Nationalist Members of Parliament, continue to pursue a campaign of violence, and the situation gives serious cause for anxiety."
Then there might have been a few words thrown in, as in the Macedonian paragraph, to intimate that His Majesty's Government were taking measures for
"dealing effectually with the principal cause of disturbance."
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I feel bound to say that in my view the state of Ireland at the present moment is deplorable and scandalous, and that its condition is due entirely to the blind and weak administration of His Majesty's Ministers. I do not believe that ever in the history of this country has a Government, which called itself a strong Government, so connived at an attack upon a respectable class of the community, a, class entitled to protection at their hands. I could detain your Lordships all night if I were to cite my authorities.
Your Lordships recollect the words recently spoken, not by an Irish landlord, but by a learned Judge. At Longford a few days ago Judge Curran reminded the grand jury that in October last he had referred to the persistent and long-continued conspiracy against certain individuals in the hope that the authorities would put an end to this persecution, and afford these unfortunate people some protection. He found that not a finger had been raised, and no movement had been made by the authorities for the defence or the protection of these people, and he hoped that, even at the eleventh hour, the authorities would step in and extend to them, not mercy, but common justice, and afford them that protection to which they were entitled. Another learned Judge has referred to his "degrading experience" upon the bench at Dublin, and your own Attorney-General not long ago spoke of the prevalence of mob law, and characterised the conduct of the people in a particular district as worse than that of West African savages.
What rejoinder are we to expect from noble Lords opposite? I wish to anticipate an argument that may be used. I may be told that it is only a local phenomenon. Now it is quite true that the conspiracy and its sinister results are confined to a certain number of counties, but the object of the conspiracy is to break down a particular industry, and it is only where that industry exists that the conspiracy has been set on foot. That is the explanation of the local character of these events. When, however, you tell me that this is only a local matter, I would reply: You might as well tell a patient who has got gangrene in

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his foot that he need not be anxious about it, because the other organs of his body are for the moment in a healthy condition. I want to anticipate another rejoinder that may be made. I shall be told that at this moment there is a lull.
THE LORD PRIVY SEAL (The Marquess of RIPON): Hear, hear!
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: The noble Marquess cheers that observation; I hope he will forgive me if I tell him that to my mind the existence of this lull which comforts him so much is a very disquieting symptom indeed, because we know how that lull has been brought about. I am not going to accuse the Chief Secretary of having made a bargain with the law-breakers. He has repudiated any contract. He has told us that there has been nothing—no protocol, no agreement. I take his word for it. But what has happened is this—an impression has been allowed to go forth that on certain points the wishes of the Nationalist Party are to be complied with. There is to be a Bill dealing with university education in Ireland acceptable to the Nationalist Party; and in regard to cattle-driving, intimations have been made which really suggest to one's mind the conclusion that cattle-driving will no longer be necessary because the Chief Secretary himself is going to have one huge cattle-drive which will obliterate the grazing industry in Ireland. I do not think I do the Chief Secretary injustice. At the very moment when Judge Curran at Longford was dwelling upon the state of the country, Mr. Birrell at Reading announced that what caused him anxiety was the condition of Connaught, the problem of the, congested districts, and how the grasslands of Ireland were to be broken up and distributed among the people who required them for a livelihood. And in the meanwhile, while these measures are being matured, the Chief Secretary, as the saying is, is to be given a chance. And that is the explanation of the lull which fills the minds of His Majesty's Government with so much satisfaction. Let me say only one word in passing with regard to what I can only describe as this crazy policy
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of migrating the population of the western seaboard to the grazing lands of Central Ireland. Let the Chief Secretary satisfy himself, before he begins to-apportion the lands of Roscommon among migrants from the wilder regions of Connaught, that the men of Roscommon will allow the operation to take place. I do not believe they will.
What has been the result of these events? Never within our time has Ireland had such a set-back as she has received during the disastrous régime which at present prevails. You took over from us an Irish heritage which was in good order. You gave us a receipt for it. The late Chief Secretary announced that he took office at a moment of tranquillity; the present Chief Secretary congratulated himself upon the comparative peacefulness and crimelessness of the country. Well, my Lords, to what was it that that peacefulness and crimelessness were due? I say mainly to the great settlement of the land question embodied in the Act of 1903. It was a settlement which filled every one with hope, which landlords and tenants alike were endeavouring to give effect to. But before you had been in office many weeks you allowed it to become evident that you meant to break down that settlement. That was the first thing. Then you announced publicly that Ireland was to be governed by Irish ideas, not the ideas of the reasonable law abiding population of Ireland, but the ideas of a clamorous minority which is only formidable because you always run away from it. Then you refused to renew the Peace Preservation Act; your love of free trade was so intense that you must needs have free trade in firearms amongst people whom your own Attorney-General describes as not much better than West African savages.
What is the result? I read yesterday the following statement made by the district inspector of constabulary at Gort: In his district there have been thirty-four outrages in twelve months, two cases of firing at and wounding persons, and fifteen cases of firing into houses—50 per cent. of the outrages being thus due to the improper use of those firearms which you put into the hands of every malcontent in Ireland. When this new

23
cattle-driving conspiracy reared its head you ran away from it, you were afraid to face it, and because you were afraid to face it you tried to convince people that it was a small thing of no importance. We remember how the truth was blurted out by the noble Lord who sits at the end of the Government bench (Lord Denman), for what we thought was a carelsss indiscretion on his part turns out to have represented the real mind of His Majesty's Government.
Then you pledged yourselves that you would be content with the ordinary law, well knowing the uselessness of the ordinary law in circumstances such as those which have arisen in Ireland. The objection that you took to using what we commonly call the Crimes Act, was that you yourselves had opposed the Crimes Act when it passed through Parliament. Was there ever a doctrine so dangerous and unconstitutional? Does it not really come to this, that if that doctrine is to prevail the criminal classes will have to look not at the Statute-book, but at the pages of Hansard to see who it was supported a particular measure, and who opposed it. The noble Earl the Lord President addressed himself to this subject the other day, and reproached us with adhesion to what he called the "Tory way;" he said it was our custom—
"to use without compunction methods of law and criminal justice totally different from those in use in this country. "
May I be permitted to observe that if the methods are different so are the circumstances. But is the noble Earl quite sure that the procedure of the Crimes Act is totally different from that which prevails in other parts of the United Kingdom? May I recommend him to make inquiries as to the contents of the Scottish Statute-book? I believe he will find that in the ordinary law of Scotland there are provisions which, mutatis mutandis, correspond exactly with the provisions of this extraordinary law which His Majesty's Government are to keep in a glass case to look at, but which they will on no account be persuaded to use.
Then what is the idea of the ordinary law as it presents itself to the mind of His Majesty's Government? I find that
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they are proceeding under an Act of the reign of Edward III. and another Act of the reign of William IV. That is their idea of the ordinary law, and that is the law which they are setting in motion, not against those who instigate these crimes, but against the rank and file, the dupes who are led by the obscure Members of Parliament who have succeeded in plunging the country into the state in which we now have it. The result has been such a failure of justice in Ireland as I believe has never taken place before in these islands. I hope some one will move for a return of the number of cases of agrarian crime, of the number of persons who have been put upon their trial, and of the number of convictions which have taken place; and if in the shape of marginal notes we might have added the observations of learned Judges, I think the whole document would be one very instructive indeed to the people of this country. The Chief Secretary has announced that he is ready to explain and justify his conduct. I hope we shall have the explanation and the justification, if there be one, in this House; but let me say that it must be a very different kind of explanation and a very different kind of justification from any which have yet been given to the public. One other observation. I trust I shall not be met by the old story that the root cause of these events is to be found in our refusal to associate the people of Ireland with the management of their own affairs. That argument rests upon a twofold fallacy. The first fallacy is the belief that this cattle-driving conspiracy is in any way due to the discontent of the people of Ireland with the system of government—it is a purely predatory and selfish movement, so selfish, indeed, that those who promote it are content to ruin what is. I suppose, the most important of all Irish industries. These are the people who, to use the Chief Secretary's words—
"Have set their eyes upon the territories occupied by the graziers,"—
and, because they want them for themselves, are determined to make these grass farms untenable. That is the beginning and end of the movement. The second fallacy is that any ameliorative

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measures which you can imagine for Ireland, whether they be agrarian or political, can have a chance of success under present conditions. No measures can succeed unless you are able, first of all, to show the people of Ireland that you know how to make the law respected. If you cannot do that, I care not what your measures are, they are predestined to failure.
I pass for a moment to the remainder of the speech. There follows a statement that—
"Proposals are to be brought forward for making better provision for old age,"—
and that legislation with that object is to be submitted. Of course, we know that that phrase means old-age pensions, and nothing else. That is a most momentous announcement, and I hope the Government will forgive me when I tell them that they seem to have made it at a very inopportune moment and on quite insufficient consideration. We are told that we are to have this year only the beginning of such a scheme, but we know perfectly well what is the end aimed at—the end is to be a system of universal and non-contributory old-age pensions. That is a tremendous plunge. There have been previous inquiries into this subject which have left upon the minds of those who have followed them grave misgivings as to the result of this new policy, and at this moment there is proceeding the Royal Commission presided over by Lord George Hamilton, which is inquiring into the whole subject of Poor Law relief. I should have thought it would have been wise to elicit all the information you can as to the present system before you attempt to graft upon it these enormous and farreaching excrescences.
If for no other reason, you might have proceeded cautiously on account of the state of the national finances. Are you thoroughly satisfied with the state of these finances? I see on every side indications of uneasiness upon that point. You are reducing your indirect taxation, and you have announced that you are going to reduce it still further. Your direct taxation in time of profound peace is on a war level. I do not think this House has forgotten the warning given by my noble friend
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Lord St. Aldwyn, when he addressed us on this subject last summer. The national liabilities, already colossal, are becoming more colossal still. It is clear, after the speech of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that you cannot now reduce your Navy Estimates. All those who have paid attention to the working of Mr. Haldane's Territorial Army scheme are deeply convinced that it will cost a great deal more money than was at first supposed; your Civil Service Estimates mount up by leaps and bounds. Is this the moment for assuming a new and immense liability?
The present Chancellor of the Exchequer has taken credit to himself, and I think rightly, for his efforts to reduce the debt of this country. There are many people who would submit to the payment of war taxes in peace time if they felt that thereby the financial condition of the country was being rendered permanently stronger for the future. But to ask them to submit to the continuation of war taxes, and, perhaps, to more than war taxes, in order that this new liability may be rashly and heedlessly assumed is quite another matter altogether. In this case there is no turning back. I am afraid that the step you are asking us to take this year may be fraught with very grave results to the financial stability of this country.
I will not attempt to comment at length upon the long series of measures enumerated in the gracious Speech. There is to be a Licensing Bill, and may I say that we all admired Mr. Asquith's agility of mind when on one and the same afternoon he endeavoured to reassure deputations from the Free Churches, from the Union of Clubs, and from the holders of brewery debentures. But we shall have to get to closer quarters over this question. The country will want to know what are the reasons for which drastic legislation of this kind is required at the present moment. Is intemperance increasing? Has the Act of 1904 failed in its object? I have seen it said that the result of that Act has been to diminish licences at the rate of about 1,000 a year. Then we shall want to know whether you are going to deal fairly and considerately with

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a trade which, when properly carried on, is not a discreditable trade, and with vested interests which have become vested interests because Parliament and the tribunals of this country have recognised their validity from time to time.
Upon education I will only say this one word. I am full of gratitude to the Government for announcing that their proposals are to take the form of a Bill, because the recent action of the Education Minister has suggested the idea that he considered himself free to dispense with the assistance, not only of the House of Lords, but of the House of Commons also, and by executive action on the part of his own Department to do things not only not authorised by any existing statute, but diametrically opposed to the spirit of the existing law. I do not give up the hope of an amicable settlement. I carry my mind back to the long debates of 1906. In those days there was no great disagreement between the two sides as to the main principles on which we were to proceed. Our complaint was that the Government measure failed altogether to give effect to their own principles, and it was upon that point that we fell out. Let us hope that we may succeed better this time.
I derive a little comfort from another Education Bill also referred to in the Speech—the Bill dealing with University education in Ireland. You will recollect that, when this subject was last dealt with by the Government, the then Chief Secretary, with his foot as it were upon the gangway of the steamer that was to take him to America, divulged the proposal he proposed to lay before Parliament. History repeats itself, for this winter we have had a similarly premature and perhaps useful, revelation of the Government scheme, this time from the mouth of the eminent Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, who had, I suppose, been favoured with a private view of the measure. Dr. Traill was able to state with authority that under the Bill Trinity College Dublin, its constitution and emoluments, were to be absolutely excluded, and he went on to announce that Ireland was to have three Universities, and that they were to have "atmospheres" May we venture to express a hope that, in regard
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to education in England and Wales, some way may be found of affording these "atmospheres" which you are so eager to concede to Ireland.
There are two other Bills referred to which came before this House in the closing moments of last session and which are to be reintroduced this year. Are these Bills to be reintroduced in the same shape and in the same House? I hope the noble Marquess, the Leader of the House, will listen to my plea when I implore him to give us this year opportunities for discussing these measures which were denied to us last year. We have lately had a very interesting paper describing the numerous varieties of Second Chambers which are to be found in different countries, and I take it upon myself to say that no one of these Second Chambers, no matter what its form or privileges might be, would have been ready to pass the Land Values Bill under the conditions in which the Land Values Bill was presented to us in August last. As to the Small Holdings Bill, the noble Marquess opposite will recollect that there was very general agreement on both sides of the House as to the objects aimed at, and that where we parted company was as to the methods of arriving at those objects. We on this side thought our methods were preferable, and we were able to show that they were very much preferred by the Scottish agriculturalists, and we have reason to know that even on the bench opposite, there are distinguished personages more inclined to our view than to the view of the noble Marquess.
One word more before I sit down. I notice one important omission in the list of legislative proposals submitted to us. I find no reference to any proposal for dealing with the relations of the two Houses of Parliament. I would ask noble Lords opposite whether they are treating the country quite fairly when, in the frequent speeches which they have delivered during the recess, one and all of them harp continually on this theme, one and all of them hold up the House of Lords to ridicule or odium, one and all of them misrepresent its action, without submitting to Parliament

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the proposals which they intend to put forward for dealing with this great question. I ask the noble Marquess what he and his colleagues are waiting for. They are not waiting for the Report of Lord Rosebery's committee; they profess not to be aware of its existence, and they have refused to take any part in that useful inquiry. Nor are they, it appears, waiting until the House of Lords' cup is full, for the Prime Minister has announced that the cup was full many years ago. If that is true, if the cup has been full all this time, is it not a more just and honourable way of proceeding to approach this subject upon the basis of historical facts calmly reviewed and judicially dealt with, rather than to import all the prejudice which you are importing into it week after week and month after month in your constantly-repeated speeches?
The noble Earl the Lord President, in the same speech to which I referred a moment ago, told us what the functions of the House of Lords were. I do not greatly quarrel with his description. He told us that it was our business to revise, to suspend, and to ask for judgment. Well, my Lords, if you hesitate to deliver your attack upon the House of Lords, I say treat us fairly in the meantime. Give us the opportunities to which we are entitled for revising, suspending, and asking for judgment. Do not treat us again this summer as you treated us when last year you invited us within the space of three weeks at the very end of the session to deal with no less than nine measures of great importance, or when, after a most important Bill had been discussed during an all-night sitting in the House of Commons, you asked us the next day to examine and deal with your dishevelled arguments in the last forty-eight hours of the session. I trust that these things will not occur again this session. And let me say that, if you will arrange the business of the two Houses so that we may have that opportunity to which we are entitled of properly exercising our constitutional functions, if you will meet us upon that point and deal with us considerately, there will be no want of consideration shown you upon this side of the House.
THE MARQUESS OF RIPON: My Lords, I associate myself entirely with the opinion which was expressed by my noble friend who has just sat down in regard to the speeches of my two noble friends who moved and seconded the Address. They were speeches marked both by ability and by intimate know-ledge of the subjects with which they dealt. The noble mover of the Address has had a long Parliamentary experience and a very great experience in the conduct of commercial and industrial undertakings and it was a great advantage to your Lordships' House to have heard the opinions that he entertained. The noble seconder of the Address, on the other hand, is a young man, but he has shown the greatest promise of becoming an effective debater in this House, and he has also shown a grasp of commercial affairs and a clearness of opinion in regard to questions of that kind, which, though natural in one who fills the great position in the shipping world which is filled by my noble friend, yet was remarkable in one of his age. My noble friend opposite said he hoped those two noble Lords would frequently take part in our debates. I hope so too, but I am bound to say, having for many years entertained those hopes in regard to predecessors of my noble friends who have addressed this House for the first time, that they have been very rarely fulfilled, and I have too often had cause to lament that those who gave great promise on an occasion of this kind took very little further part in our discussions. I hope that may not be the case with my noble friends behind me, to whom on behalf of the Government I tender our warmest thanks.
I share with my noble friends and with the noble Marquess opposite the satisfaction with which they regard the recent visit of the German Emperor and his Imperial Consort. These Royal visits show to foreign rulers the hospitable nature of the English people and their readiness to welcome those who come to them as friends; and they afford opportunities to that great diplomatist the King for the purpose of the discussion of public affairs. The connection between the German Emperor and His Majesty the King is dynastic. But there is

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another connection between Germany and this country—the connection of a common race origin; and these visits afford us an opportunity of offering to the German people the strongest testimony we can give of our most earnest desire to live on the most friendly terms with them.
With regard to the death of the King of Sweden, I would like to make one addition to the remarks which fell from Lord Airedale. His late Majesty was not only an amiable and thoroughly constitutional monarch, he was also a great literary character. He was celebrated for his talents in poetry, and I believe he wrote a poem called "An Ode to the Baltic," which has become one of the national songs of the people of Sweden.
As to the Anglo-Russian Convention, I have no objection to offer to what the noble Marquess has said; on the contrary, I thank him for his remarks. I am glad the noble Marquess approves of the efforts which we made to enter into such a Convention. I do not complain of the intimation which the noble Marquess appeared to give that the provisions of that Convention might form the subject of discussion in this House. I think it is very desirable that that should be so. So far as it relates to Persia it appears to me that we have already had remarkable proof of the advantages which we shall derive from the Convention. We all know the unhappy condition of Persia at the present time. There have been times when in such a critical state of affairs in that country British and Russian envoys would have competed against each other, jealous and eager to gain a small success and to add slightly to the prestige, as they would have considered it, of their respective countries, and out of such a state of things very grave and serious complications might have arisen. But throughout these disturbances in Persia the British and Russian Governments have acted together, and if the extreme evils of a different state of things have been avoided, it was due to that portion of the Convention which has been lately concluded.
With respect to Afghanistan, the noble Marquess opposite knows that
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there have been for many years various attempts to introduce some system of intercommunication between Russian and Afghan authorities on the frontier. As the Russian and the Afghan frontiers are now conterminous, it is inevitable that in that close neighbourhood there should arise difficulties which it would be advantageous to deal with locally. I hope that under this Convention we shall have arranged a means by which that may be accomplished, and in doing so I think we shall have taken a very reasonable step in the direction of making the peculiar relations which exist between Afghanistan and this country compatible with the changed conditions of the Afghan frontier. The treaty excludes all communication upon political subjects between Russia and Afghanistan, and the treaty, as it seems to me, is peculiarly advantageous to the Ameer of Afghanistan, because it gives him security, not only for the recognition by us of the freedom from interference of his internal government, but it also secures him a similar guarantee from the Government of Russia. For the first time there is given in the solemn form of a treaty a recognition that Afghanistan is within the bounds of British influence, and that Russia has no right whatever to interfere politically therein. I look upon this treaty, therefore, as having gained a great and important advantage for Russia, Great Britain, and Afghanistan.
Your Lordships will, perhaps, like to know what has happened with reference to His Majesty the Ameer in this matter. The treaty was signed on 31st August, and on 10th September Lord Minto informed the Ameer by letter of the conclusion of this Convention, and of its character. At that time the Ameer was absent from Kabul, and, being absent, he on 29th September wrote to say he was away and would consider the matter on his return. He has returned now to Kabul, and the Government hope very shortly to receive his approval of the Convention, which is eminently advantageous to him. Orientals are proverbially slow in these matters, and it is not improbable that he may take a somewhat long time for consideration; but the British native agent at Kabul is coming away on private leave very

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shortly, and Lord Minto has instructed him at his interview with the Ameer when he leaves Kabul to urge upon him to send an answer as soon as he can. I have no doubt that if the answer is not received Lord Minto will take the necessary steps to make some intimation on the subject, but I have no reason to believe or to suppose that the Ameer will not in the end welcome this Convention, and be very glad that it should come into operation.
In regard to the Treaty between France, Germany, and Russia for preserving the integrity of Norway, I have only to say that the Government have received today a telegram stating that the King of Norway has ratified the Treaty. I believe there have been rumours that the British Government in some way refused to entertain or opposed some desire of the Swedish Government in regard to this matter. That is not so. I am informed that no representations of the Swedish Government have been shut out or prevented from being considered by any action of His Majesty's Government.
I now pass to the Hague Conference. I think that there is in some quarters a tendency to underrate the effect and utility of that Conference. I do not at all agree that it has not been productive of good. I think that much good has come from it, and I believe that it has laid a solid foundation upon which an advance can be made in the interests of peace on a similar occasion in the future. My noble friend spoke of the desire entertained by the British Government that there should have resulted from the Conference some substantial step towards the reduction of armaments. My Lords, there is no one who will deny that if that tremendous burden which presses upon the shoulders of the people of the world at the present time for military and naval expenditure could by mutual understanding have been lessened, a great and important work would have been accomplished. My right hon. friend Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman and my right hon. friend Sir Edward Grey thought that, in the interests of humanity, it was desirable that that question should be brought to the notice of the Powers of the world,
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and they took every means in their power to that end. But the subject naturally is a very difficult one—that I do not for one moment dispute—and it did not commend itself to some of the Great Powers as one suitable for consideration on this occasion at The Hague; consequently it was not there discussed, and no decision was come to. But I venture to believe that, having placed upon record the desire of the British Government in that way, we have taken a not unimportant step in the interests of peace.
I quite agree with my noble friend who has just sat down that the establishment of the International Court of Appeal in prize cases is a matter involving considerations of great importance. I believe that the establishment of such a tribunal will be of very great value. My noble friend Lord Nunburnholme, speaking with his great knowledge of shipping matters, pointed out how greatly the shipping interest would be relieved if this Court could be set up. But I quite agree with my noble friend the noble Marquess opposite in thinking it a matter which requires very careful consideration, and therefore it is that His Majesty's Government propose to assemble in the course of the ensuing summer or autumn, a Conference in London for the purpose of dealing with those questions of international law.
The next paragraph in the Speech is a very sad one, because it refers to the present condition of the Macedonian vilayets. There is no concealment in that paragraph. The Government have advised His Majesty, and His Majesty has been pleased to use expressions of unusual strength in a document of this kind as to the present state of things in Macedonia. I can assure the House that the Government will do their utmost to bring the terrible state of things which exists there to an early and peaceful conclusion. But you must always remember that it is not impossible that this country might, by closing the Macedonian question, only succeed in opening the Turkish question. That is the great difficulty which lies before us. We believe that it is the first principle which ought to guide us that we

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should to the last moment endeavour to maintain the Concert of Europe in regard to this painful question. Every effort will be used on our part. We shall be prepared to take the first move in regard to the matter, but we do believe that there lies involved in these considerations questions which might threaten the peace of the world, and if they were to give rise to such a catastrophe as war between this country and Turkey, that must inevitably end in a European war, which would be the greatest evil probably in these days that the world could encounter.
With regard to the Congo State, all those who know the character of the Belgian Government and Parliament must have every confidence in the wisdom and justice of that Parliament, and we earnestly hope that they may be able to come to some arrangement with regard to this question, which will relieve those who signed the Act of Berlin from the responsibility which may otherwise fall upon them with regard to the engagements of that Act. I share the pleasure my noble friend has expressed in regard to the consent of the Government of Newfoundland and of the United States to refer the disputes between them to arbitration. I was very well prepared for the approval which the noble Marquess expressed on that subject, because he has done a great deal to further the cause of arbitration. I believe my noble friend has signed, or caused to be signed, more treaties of arbitration than any previous Foreign Minister, and he may, therefore, be accounted as one of the foremost friends of that great mode of settling public disputes.
Coming to the difficulties between Canada and Japan, differences of a very delicate character, I am glad to say that they have been brought to a conclusion, and that instruments have been signed settling, as I trust, the matter in a perfectly satisfactory manner. I think my noble friend expressed his satisfaction with the course which had been taken by the Japanese Government, but we must not overlook the course which has been pursued by the Canadian Government.
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: I ventured to express my appreciation of the conduct of both Governments.
THE MARQUESS OF RIPON: I associate myself in that appreciation. I think the Canadian Government have shown in this matter a degree of statesmanship, moderation, and wisdom which deserve the highest praise. I now pass to say a word about old-age pensions. Of course, I cannot go into any discussion of the coming Budget, nor into any discussion of the proposals which my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer may have to make with reference to the matter. That he will have proposals to make is clear from the paragraph in the Speech. But I could not help recollecting, when I was listening to what the noble Marquess was saying, that there were many noble Lords sitting behind him who have been at times accustomed to tell us that, if we will only adopt a tariff-reform policy, one of its first effects will be to enable the granting of old-age pensions. They cannot be such very bad things when so many of the friends of the noble Marquess have advocated them as one of the natural and desirable results of their detestable policy.
My noble friend spoke about the state of things in Ireland and I understand it is intended to prolong this debate beyond the usual period, adjourning it till to-morrow so that the subject may be fully discussed. His Majesty's Government are not afraid of a discussion of that kind, and they will be prepared to meet the charges which may be brought against them. I was very glad to hear my noble friend say that he did not associate himself with some of the language which has been used with respect to my right hon. friend Mr. Birrell. I do not think that portions of that language are creditable to those who used them. I do not think that the mode of maintaining law and order in Ireland is to charge, and to charge untruly, those who are engaged in administering the law. My right hon. friend will, perhaps, make his answer to those charges to-night, and I shall leave him to deal with his own defence. But, when my noble friend says that the Government have neglected their duty, that they ought to have done this, that, and the other, what is it the noble Marquess definitely means? I suppose he means that we ought to have put in

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force some, at least, of the provisions of the Crimes Act.
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNE: Certainly.
THE MARQUESS OF RIPON: I would ask the noble Marquess whether he expected that we should be eager to do that. Did not he know the views that we had taken in respect to that legislation in the past? Did not he remember that twenty years ago there was recorded in the House a protest against that Act, a very weighty and argued document, signed by some of the foremost men in the Liberal Party in this House at that time, stating clearly and unhesitatingly the doctrines which we have held on this subject? I have very little belief in legislation coercion. For more than 100 years Ireland has, not constantly, but from time to time, with lucid intervals when efforts have been made at reform, been under the operation of Coercion Acts of one kind and another. I do not think they have been successful. I do not think they have resulted in increasing respect for the law in that country, and I hold, in the phrase used by my late right hon. friend Mr. Bright, that "force is no remedy." We look to see what we can do to meet this difficulty in another way. We are told that it is wrong to speak of remedying grievances unless you have first absolutely established perfect order in Ireland. I do not agree with that. I believe you should seek to remedy grievances, if any grievances exist, and that we are bound, certainly by all our traditions and opinions, to try that remedy before we look for any other means of dealing with the present condition of affairs.
It is not true to say that His Majesty's Government are indifferent to the grievous state of things that have existed in Ireland of late. We may have our remedy; noble Lords opposite may have theirs. Noble Lords opposite may be so enamoured of the Crimes Act that they I may think it is the obvious thing that men who have protested throughout the whole of their political lives against a policy of that kind should adopt it out of hand. We are not inclined to do that, and we have every reason for thinking that we can find a remedy of another kind in the
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fact that the Congested Districts Board, in their Report for 1895, said they could not deal with the questions submitted for their administration unless they had the power of compulsory purchase of lands in certain districts. Nothing was done upon that recommendation; no notice was taken of it. Whether that absence of notice has anything to do with what has subsequently happened in Ireland I do not say; but I do say that, having that recommendation before us, we are bound, as we intend, to act upon that advice if we can obtain the consent of Parliament. My noble friend rather cast ridicule upon us because we said we wanted to govern Ireland by Irish ideas. The author of that sentiment, Lord Dudley, sits on the Front Bench opposite, and I think it is a sentiment which did him great honour. It is a sentiment to which I entirely subscribe, but why my noble friend thought fit to deprive Lord Dudley of the distinction I confess I am quite unable to understand.
It is quite true that His Majesty's Government do intend to introduce a Bill to amend the licensing law. My noble friend said he did not know exactly why; he did not think the Act of 1904 had in any way failed. But my noble friend will well remember that that Act was pretty fully discussed in this House, and that there were many Members of the House, including a full contingent from the bench of Bishops, who were in favour of the Amendment of that Act in many respects. I think some of those right rev. Prelates were not quite so bold in pressing their opinions to a division as I should have desired, but at the same time they did very distinctly intimate their opinion that, in some material respects, that Bill would require amendment.
As regards the Elementary Education Bill, my noble friend said he was very glad that my right hon. friend Mr. McKenna had on this occasion thought fit to apply for an Act of Parliament, and he said that my right hon. friend had been in the habit of doing things which were inconsistent with the law. Well, my Lords, we will discuss that whenever my noble friend likes. Whenever any noble Lord brings forward in

39
this House the question of the legality of any of the acts of my right hon. friend we shall be quite prepared to enter into a discussion upon that matter. My noble friend did not say much about the Housing Bill and for what is called town planning. I believe that to be a very important and a very urgent subject. I am not fond of talking about things not being Party questions, for I have often observed that when men get up and say this or that is not a Party question, and that they are going to consider it from a perfectly independent point of view, they generally make the strongest possible Party speech. Therefore I will merely say that this is a very important question relating to a matter which will have the sympathy of noble Lords on both sides of the House.
As to the question of University education in Ireland, I hope it will be possible to come to some conclusion in the present session. It is a matter in which the people of Ireland have a great and definite grievance. Mr. Balfour recognised it when he said that he had difficulty in defending the Union while this grievance was unredressed. There are only two more Bills alluded to—those relating to Scottish land and valuation. I can assure your Lordships that it is the earnest desire of the Government that those Bills should be sent up for your Lordships' consideration at the earliest possible moment; and every effort will be made by the Prime Minister to get them through the House of Commons at a time when this House will have an ample opportunity of considering them. I welcome the statement of my noble friend that these measures will receive consideration and discussion when they come up to this House. I believe I have gone through all the topics touched upon by my noble friend. The list of measures is long, and the labours of the two Houses are likely to be arduous and prolonged; but the business of the country is so great and growing, both in administration and legislation, that it makes increasing demands on all concerned. I hope and believe that so far as this House is concerned your Lordships will not refuse to incur even
40
private inconvenience in order to take your part in these necessary labours.
VISCOUNT RIDLEY: My Lords, before the House rises I desire briefly to call attention to yet another omission from the gracious Speech from the Throne. It is not that I am disposed to complain of the insufficiency of the fare which is set before your Lordships to consume during the next few months. As the noble Marquess observed in his closing remarks, it is likely to provide sufficient occupation for this House and for the other for many weeks to come. But although the two Houses of Parliament may be fully employed with the measures that have been promised us, I cannot help expressing some surprise that there is no mention whatever in the Speech of the great and growing problem of unemployment. I do not desire to exaggerate that problem. It is true, and always must be true, that the unemployable will be among the unemployed, but His Majesty's Government thought fit last year and the year before to pay especial attention to the problem of unemployment. The previous Government made grants of public money for the administration of the Unemployed Workmen Act which the present Government have continued, and many of the friends and allies of His Majesty's Government have never failed to urge upon their immediate attention the problem of unemployment as being one of grave national urgency.
What I desire to ask of the Government in this connection is: What is the state of affairs now which makes it unnecessary to refer to that problem when it was necessary to treat it so seriously last year and the year before? What has happened to make the problem less serious? Why do His Majesty's advisers pay no attention whatever to it? It is, as a matter of fact, true, that in many of the important manufacturing towns of the north subscriptions are being got up for unemployed funds, and that other subscription lists are being opened to feed the children of unemployed men and women. It is the fact that in December last the returns of unemployed in trade unions were over 6 per cent. as compared with

41
4·9 per cent. in December a year ago, when His Majesty's Government thought fit to notice the question. It is true also that the increase in the number of paupers and the increase in the number of emigrants from this country has gone on steadily, and every indication as regards the unemployed is more serious than last year, when His Majesty's Government thought fit to take serious notice of it.
There is another feature to which I would draw attention. Some of your Lordships may have noticed a report upon the Poor Law statistics of the metropolis, and perhaps some noble Lords may have observed this very remarkable feature, that it is not so much the increase in the number of paupers to which these returns draw attention, although that is significant enough, but the increase in the number of able-bodied paupers. The new feature in workhouse statistics is the increased number of recipients of Poor Law relief who are neither old nor ill. That is a very grave and serious feature. It is not the old and the unemployable so much as the middle-aged and the employable who show a tendency to increase in the workhouses of the metropolis. And it is not during the winter months—so the reports proceed—that these increases are most noticeable. The remarkable feature in the increases is that they are during the summer months and among the able-bodied and the employable. At this very moment there is a march of the unemployed proceeding towards London. The problem is exactly the same as it was a year ago, if not aggravated in its intensity by every set of statistics to which it is possible to allude.
Why is it that His Majesty's Government have paid no attention whatever to this problem? Is it because they conceive that the measures which they have passed during the past year have relieved or mitigated the problem? Do they imagine that the getting rid of thousands of men of the Regular Army and throwing them on the labour market is going to relieve the problem of unemployment? Do they imagine that reducing their works at Woolwich and diminishing work in the dockyards is going to help to relieve
42
this problem? Do they imagine that giving contracts abroad in increasing quantities is going to help the solution of this question in this country? And do they imagine that the growing tendency of capital to find its way abroad is going to help employment in these islands?
There is one figure I would like to trouble your Lordships with in regard to the increase of the amount of capital going abroad. I take the return of the Income Tax Commissioners, and I find that the average growth per year during the past twenty-one years of ascertained income coming into this country from foreign investments has been £1,134,000 per year—that is, an average increase of £1,134,000 each year over the previous year during the past twenty years. But for the last year in respect of which we have the complete figures of the Income Tax Commissioners, which, curiously enough, is the first year during which the present Government held office, the increase was not an average one of £1,134,000, but £7,837,000, which is an increase of six times as much as the average for the previous twenty years. At 5 per cent. that sum, capitalised, represents something like £150,000,000 of capital gone out of the country in the year. It cannot be argued that that has improved employment in this country. It is obvious that money invested in works abroad does not give employment to workmen in these islands. This is not the moment to press upon the attention of the House the only way in which I believe unemployment can be cured—namely, by tariff reform—but I think the reason why His Majesty's Government are afraid of mentioning the problem is that they are afraid of the only possible solution.
With regard to dealing with unemployment by tariff bargaining, I have read that His Majesty's Government have negotiated a tariff treaty with the United States whereby American commercial travellers are permitted to bring into this country samples of cocoa, wines, and so forth free, and in return for that the Government of the United States are to remit 25 per cent. off articles such as pictures and art treasures exported from this country to America, That is

43
no doubt an instance of a tariff arrangement with another country, but an instance where His Majesty's Government, in endeavouring to apply tariff reform, have applied it in a way in which it is of the least possible benefit to this country. They make an arrangement whereby they admit on easy terms samples of goods which are going to compete with workmen in this country, and in return get from the United States a concession by means of which rich people may have greater facilities for removing our art treasures to another country.
If the various measures which the Government have taken during the past year have done nothing to relieve unemployment, and if the figures show that the problem is more acute than when the Government took office, what is it they promise to do in His Majesty's Speech? You will not find one single measure which is directly calculated to do anything to assist this question. You find various measures mentioned dealing with housing, with land questions, and with the protection of children, all of which measures may be of great benefit to the country, but, if passed, and if useful, will at their best only ministrate to the comfort of the employed and not find employment for the unemployed. Another education Bill is mentioned. It is true that that measure may provide employment for a certain number of school teachers, and, if you create a Welsh Department, occupation for a few more lawyers; and the Bills for Scotland may lead to more employment for surveyors. If you take old-age pensions, they will give extra comfort to the aged, but will not relieve unemployment. If you look to the Licensing Bill that will probably increase unemployment, especially if it is to asssist in getting rid of the humble occupation of barmaid.
Not only do His Majesty's Government in all the measures they foreshadow make no proposal whatever to deal with this unemployed question, whether by tariff reform or otherwise, but they take no notice whatever of what is undoubtedly a great aggravation to the question of unemployment at this moment—that is to say, the increase
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in the price of all the necessaries of domestic consumption. I allude more particularly to the price of bread, which, as we have been told on Cobdenite platforms, is a necessary of life. We must remember that cheap bread was promised by the reformers of 1846. It was one of the great attractions to the manufacturers and one of the arguments in favour of adopting the system of free imports. It was said that bread would be so cheap that wages could be lowered; and at the last election it was declared that by voting for the Liberal Party you Were voting for the big loaf. Do not let me say that the Liberal Government have wickedly said that the price of the loaf shall be 6d. when it used to be 4½d., but they promised the country the big loaf, and though the country may be having that loaf it is paying a bigger price for it. I do say that the Liberal Party promised the country that by voting for the present system they were voting for a cheap loaf, and I further say that facts have contradicted them, that the free trade system does not guarantee to this country under existing circumstances the cheap loaf, and that a bargain with our Colonies on the lines of preference would have a greater prospect of permanently maintaining the loaf at a reasonably cheap price.
I do not desire to labour that particular point at this moment. There will be other opportunities of pressing home what I and others conceive to be the real remedy for unemployment. What I rose to call attention to, and what I think will probably very seriously be called in question in other places, is the total absence of any indication on the part of His Majesty's Government that they have taken into consideration this question, which they themselves have declared again and again was a serious and pressing problem, and which, since they made those declarations as to its seriousness, they have in the various measures which they have attempted to bring forward done nothing whatever to relieve or mitigate.
THE EARL OF MAYO: My Lords, it is not my wish to detain your Lordships

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for more than a few moments. I do not rise to complain of any omission from the gracious Speech, but to draw attention to the fact that this is the first time the Congo question has been mentioned in the Speech from the Throne. I am glad to see in that Speech these words—
"My Government are fully aware of the great anxiety felt with regard to the treatment of the native population in the Congo State. Their sole desire is to see the government of that State humanely administered in accordance with the spirit of the Berlin Act."
Speaking for the Congo Reform Association, which has worked hard in regard to this question for many years, it is gratifying to find that at last some recognition is given by the Government to the representations which have been made with regard to the horrible way in which the Congo natives have been treated and the way in which they have been forced to labour. The Berlin Act should not only be enforced in that respect, but if Belgium takes over the Congo I trust it will also be enforced in respect of the trade of the nations signatory to the Berlin Act. That, perhaps, is not quite as important, but nearly as important, as the question of the natives. I hope that later in the session we shall have a discussion upon this subject. Meanwhile nothing will be said by myself as one of the members of the Congo Reform Association or by my colleagues which will impede in any way the negotiations which are going on between Belgium and King Leopold. The treaty of cession has now been formulated and the question is being debated in the Chamber. The noble Marquess expressed the hope that when the negotiations were completed the Powers would be relieved of their responsibility, but the responsibility of the Powers will end only when the atrocities and forced labour cease. I do not wish to press the noble Lord the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs for an answer to my remarks; but, in speaking of Africa, I would remind him that there was a Commission upon the disease of sleeping sickness, and I should like to know what has happened, as this question affects not only the natives of the Congo, but those of a great part of our East African Possessions.
THE UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS (Lord FITZMAURICE): My Lords, I not only have no complaint to make of my noble friend for having mentioned the subject of the Congo in this debate, but on the contrary, I am grateful to him for having so early, and also, if I may say so, so adequately recognised the importance of the fact that the Congo question and the ill-treatment of the natives on the Congo have been mentioned in the King's Speech. That is, as he most truly said, a very important thing. It is quite true that both in this House and in the other House of Parliament of late years—indeed, I may say every year—there have been long and important debates in which the ill-treatment of the natives and the violation of the Berlin Act, not only in regard to the treatment of the natives, but also in many other important particulars, have over and over again been dwelt upon. But the matter has now been placed on record in a great public document, the King's Speech.
I hope that, to a certain extent, this may be an answer—not, perhaps, as complete as some would wish—to those who, moved by a not unnatural impatience, have during the last few months complained of His Majesty's Government's not having taken strong action with regard to the Congo. I entirely share the feelings of sorrow which those gentlemen have expressed in regard to the state of things existing on the Congo. But an Association, however large and important, does not bear the responsibilities of State. In the case of the Foreign Office, every word which falls from the lips of right my hon. friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, or which is written by his pen, is of the greatest gravity, and clearly every step has to be taken with the greatest care. I am convinced that everything that has happened since last year has shown that the course which was indicated by Sir Edward Grey in another place and by myself here has been wise. We submitted to Parliament that any rash attempt to interfere in the course of the negotiations between the Sovereign of the Congo State and the Belgian Parliament would be as likely to do harm as good.

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Those negotiations, I told the House in June last, would, I hoped, have entered upon an important phase by the autumn. That statement has been fully justified. I never said, nor did Sir Edward Grey in another place, that a treaty would have been actually settled and signed by that time. That would have been an absurd hope to hold out. But what I did say was that these negotiations would, I believed, by that time have entered on a stage showing a great advance, and that they would then probably proceed to a satisfactory conclusion. The general course of events is, I think, fairly well known to your Lordships, but I may say that a certain unexpected element of delay was introduced by the lamented death of the Belgian Prime Minister, an eminent man whose loss his country has every reason to deplore; but now that a successor has been found to his onerous office, I have reason to know that the negotiations have been resumed and they appear to be progressing, if slowly, in the direction we all desire.
My noble friend has alluded to another question which is very germane to this one. He has asked for information in regard to the investigations into the question of sleeping sickness, which so greatly affects British territories in Africa. I certainly had hoped that by this time it would have been my good fortune to have been able to tell your Lordships that the Convention in regard to this question, which was practically agreed upon last summer, had been signed. The International Conference which met in London upon sleeping sickness and tropical diseases, arrived unanimously at certain conclusions, but as the delegates who came from foreign States had no power to sign a treaty, the Conference was adjourned. The Conference was to have met again in November, but the German Government, most naturally, desired to send as one of their delegates that most eminent scientist, Dr. Koch, whose name is more associated than that of any living man with tropical diseases. Dr. Koch was then in Africa, and the Conference agreed to adjourn till January, but at the last moment it was found that
48
that date was not convenient to another of the Powers, and we consented to a further adjournment. I am glad, however, to have this opportunity of explaining that the delays were in no manner owing to anything which took place on this side of the water, but were entirely due to our desire to find a date convenient to the other Powers interested in this question. I am now able to say that I hope the Conference will reassemble in March, and I have every hope also that a Convention will then be signed.
I am not inclined to think that your Lordships would desire that I should attempt to follow the noble Viscount opposite and discuss the large question of tariff reform and unemployed labour. I only desire to state that it would be a very great mistake to suppose that the mere fact that this question is not mentioned in His Majesty's Speech is to be taken in any way as showing a want of interest or of appreciation of the importance of the subject on the part of the Government. Clearly there are several alternatives before the Government in this matter. A Bill could be brought forward, depending, no doubt, very largely upon what the Chancellor of the Exchequer could allow to be done as part of his general scheme of finance in connection with the question of unemployed; or the existing Unemployed Workmen Act could be continued for a short period by inclusion in the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill. I am not saying that either of those courses has been decided upon, or adopted, or rejected. I am only desirous of saying that the question is one of the importance of which the Government are fully conscious. So far as the noble Viscount, Lord Ridley, is concerned, I am inclined to think that he had already been answered by his own leader, because my noble friend who leads the Opposition found fault with the Government for dealing with the question of old-age pensions instead of waiting for the Report of the Poor Law Commission presided over by Lord George Hamilton. Now it appears to me that if the argument of the noble Marquess the Leader of the Opposition is good against us in regard

49
to old-age pensions, it is still more true against the noble Viscount in regard to the unemployed problem.
THE MARQUESS OF LONDONDERRY: My Lords, as there are many peers from Ireland who desire to discuss fully the condition of affairs in that country, I beg to move the adjournment of the debate.
Moved, "That the debate be adjourned."—[The Marquess of Londonderry.]
On Question, Motion agreed to.

EARL OF CLANWILLIAM.
Petition of Arthur Vescy, Earl of Clanwilliam in the Peerage of Ireland, claiming a right to vote at the elections of Representative Peers for Ireland; read, and referred to the Lord Chancellor to consider and report thereupon to the House.
PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS (RECESS).
The LORD CHANCELLOR acquainted the House that the following Papers, having been commanded to be presented to this House by His Majesty, had been so presented on the following dates by delivery to the Clerk of the Parliaments, pursuant to Standing Order No. CXI., viz.—

BOARD OF EDUCATION.
I. Official correspondence relating to the payment of teachers' salaries in Merionethshire. (August 29.)
II. Administrative County of Kent: Endowed Charities (Elementary Education)—Report made to the Board of Education in the result of an inquiry into endowments, subject to the provisions of the Charitable Trusts Acts, 1853 to 1894, and appropriated in whole or in part to purposes of elementary education in the administrative county of Kent, or in any part thereof. (September 26.)
III. Special Reports on Educational Subjects—

1. Volume 18. Education and training of the French primary school teacher. (October 11.)

50

2. Volume 19. School training for the home duties of women: Part III. Domestic training of girls in Germany and Austria. (December 20.)

3. Volume 21. School excursions and vacation schools. (December 30.)

IV. Regulations providing for special grants in aid of certain local education authorities in England and Wales, in 1907–1908. (October 19.)
V. General report on instruction and training of pupil teachers in Wales (including Monmouthshire.) (November 11.)
VI. Report of the Board of Education for the year 1906–1907. (December 20.)
VII. Building regulations for secondary schools and pupil teacher centres, being principles to be observed in designing and fitting up new buildings, rules as to construction, etc., and certain requirements as to plans, specifications, and estimates. (December 30.)
VIII. Reports from those Universities and University Colleges in Great Britain which participate in the Parliamentary Grant, 1907.
IX. Statistics of Public Education in England and Wales, 1905–1906–1907 (January 23.)

TREATY SERIES.
No. 27 (1907). International Sanitary Convention; signed at Paris, 3rd December, 1903. (Ratifications deposited at Paris, 6th April, 1907.)
No. 28 (1907). Declaration between the United Kingdom and Portugal respecting Boundaries in Central Africa (Barotseland); signed at London, 12th August, 1903.
No. 29 (1907). Accession of Ecuador to the Convention signed at Geneva 22nd August, 1864, for the amelioration of the condition of the wounded in armies in the field, 3rd August, 1907. (August 30.)
No. 30 (1907). Accession of Venezuela to the Convention signed at Geneva, 6th July, 1906, for the amelioration of the condition of the wounded and sick in armies in the field, 8th July, 1907. (September 12.)
No. 31 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and Italy respecting the importation of drugs and medical

51
preparations, 9th July, 1907. (September 16.)
No. 32 (1907). Accession of the United Kingdom to the Declarations signed at The Hague, 29th July, 1899, respecting (1) expanding bullets; (2) asphyxiating gases; 30th August, 1907. (September 25.)
No. 33 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States of America respecting protection of patents in Morocco, 24th June, 1907. (September 28.)
No. 34 (1907). Convention between the United Kingdom and Russia, relating to Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet; signed at St. Petersburg, 31st August, 1907. (Ratifications exchanged at St. Petersburg, 23rd. September, 1907.) (October 4.)
No. 35 (1907). Exchange of Notes establishing a modus vivendi between the United Kingdom and the United States of America with regard to the Newfoundland Fisheries, 4th and 6th September, 1907. (October 8.)
No. 36 (1907). Convention between the United Kingdom and Belgium for the exchange of money orders; signed at London, 17th September, 1907. (Ratifications exchanged at London, 5th October, 1907). (October 15.)
No. 37 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and Sweden respecting the estates of deceased seamen, 5th October, 1907. (October 19.)
No. 38 (1907). Accession of Turkey to the Conventions signed at Geneva, 6th July, 1906, for the amelioration of the conditions of the wounded and sick in armies in the field, 24th August, 1907. (November 4.)
No. 39 (1907). Accessions, etc. of Foreign States to various International Treaty Engagements.
No. 40 (1907). Accession of Nicaragua to the Declarations, signed at The Hague 29th July, 1899, respecting (1) expanding bullets; (2) asphyxiating gases; 11th October, 1907. (November 15.)
No. 41 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and France supplementary to Money Order Convention of 21st September, 1887; signed at
52
Paris, 30th June, 1906. (Ratifications exchanged at Paris, 23rd October, 1907.)
No. 42 (1907). Convention between the United Kingdom and France for the exchange of money orders between the United Kingdom and various French colonies; signed at Paris, 30th June, 1906. (Ratifications exchanged at Paris, 23rd October, 1907.)
No. 43 (1907). Accessions of British Colonies, etc., to the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation between the United Kingdom and Nicaragua; signed at Managua, 28th July, 1905 (see Treaty Series, No. 12 (1906)). (November 27.)
No. 44 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and the United States of America respecting (1) commercial travellers' samples entering the United Kingdom; (2) import duties on British works of art entering the United States; signed at London, 19th November, 1907. (December 16.)
No. 45 (1907). Agreement between the United Kingdom and France respecting commercial travellers' samples; signed at Paris,. 23rd October, 1907. (December 20.)
No. 46 (1907). International Convention respecting the liquor traffic in. Africa; signed at Brussels, 3rd November, 1906. (December 30.)
No. 1 (1908). Commercial Convention, Protocol, and Declaration between the United Kingdom and Bulgaria; signed at Sofia, 9th December, 1905. (Ratifications exchanged at Sofia, 26th November, 1907.)
No. 2 (1908). Agreement additional to the Commercial Convention between the United Kingdom and Egypt of 29th October, 1889; signed at Cairo 16th December, 1907. (January 24.)

COLONIES. I. (ANNUAL).
No. 536. Gambia (Report for 1906). (August 31.)
No. 537. British Central Africa Protectorate (Report for 1906–1907). (September 19.)
No. 538. Bechuanaland Protectorate" (Report for 1906–1907). (October 8.)
No. 539. Leeward Islands (Report for 1906–1907). (October 15.)
No. 540. Straits Settlements (Report for 1906). (October 17.)
No. 541. Turks and Caicos Islands (Report for 1906). (October 18.)
No. 542. Somaliland Protectorate (Report for 1906–1907). (October 21.)
No. 543. Bahamas (Report for 1906–1907). (October 22.)
No. 544. Barbados (Report for 1906–1907). (October 22.)
No. 545. Trinidad and Tobago (Report for 1906–1907). (October 26.)
No. 546. Grenada (Report for 1906–1907). (October 28.)
No. 547, Mauritius (Report for 1906). (October 29.)
No. 548. Fiji (Report for 1906). (November 19.)
No. 549. Jamaica (Report for 1906–1907). (November 27.)
No. 550. British Guiana (Report for 1906–1907). (December 2.)
No. 551. Northern Nigeria (Report for 1906–1907). (December 6.)
No. 552. British Honduras (Report for 1906). (December 19.)
No. 553. St. Lucia (Report for 1906–1907.) (January 10.)

II. (MISCELLANEOUS).
No. 42. Ceylon (Report on the results of the mineral survey in 1905–1906). (September 23.)
No. 43. Caicos Islands (Report with special reference to the further development of the sisal industry). (October 26.)
No. 44. East Africa Protectorate (Report on Survey Department, by Major E. H. Hills, R.E., C.M.G., dated 21st February, 1907). (November 4.)
No. 45. East Africa Protectorate (Report relating to the geology of the East Africa Protectorate, by Mr. H. Brant-wood Muff, B.A., of the Geological Survey of Great Britain.) (January 27.)

HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS (ROYAL COMMISSION).
I. Seventeenth Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts. (August 31.)
II. Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Bath, preserved at Longleat, Wiltshire: Volume III. (Prior Papers). (December 11.)

PRISONS (ENGLAND AND WALES).
Report of the Commissioners of Prisons and the Directors of Convict Prisons, with Appendices, for the Year ended 31st March, 1907. (September 3.)

NATIONAL EDUCATION (IRELAND).
I. Appendix (Section III.) to the Annual Report of the Commissioners, for the Year 1906. (September 4.)
II. Appendix (Section I.) to the Annual Report of the Commissioners, for the Year 1906–1907. (December 18.)
III. Appendix (Section II.) to the Annual Report of the Commissioners, for the Year 1906–1907. (January 22.)

TRADE REPORTS. I. ANNUAL SERIES.
No. 3917. Turkey (Damascus).
No. 3918. Belgium. (September 5.)
No. 3919. Turkey (Tripoli).
No. 3920. Italy (Leghorn). (September 9.)
No. 3921. Turkey (Smyrna).
No. 3922. Brazil (Pernambuco). (September 12.)
No. 3923. Persia (Isaphan and Yezd)
No. 3924. Guatemala (Trade and Finances). (September 13.)
No. 3925. Muscat.
No. 3926. Italy (Florence). (September 14.)
No. 3927. United States (Savannah).
No. 3928. Portugal (Angola). (September 20.)
No. 3929. China (Chefoo). (September 26.)
No. 3930. France (Madagascar.)
No. 3931. China (Swatow).
No. 3932. China (Mengtzu). (September 28.)
No. 3933. United States (Agriculture of States of Oregon, Washington, and Idaho). (October 17.)
No. 3934. China (Kiungchow (Hoi-how)). (October 22.)
No. 3935. France (Algeria).
No. 3936. Germany (Trade and Agriculture of Bavaria for 1906 and part of 1907). (October 24.)
No. 3937. Spain (Malaga).
No. 3938. Siam (Bangkok). (October 25.)
No. 3939. Roumania (Constantza). (October 29.)
No. 3940. Zanzibar.
No. 3941. France (Foreign Trade for 1906 and first half of 1907). (November 1.)
No. 3942. Japan (Kobe). (November 9.)
No. 3943. China (Foreign Trade). (November 13.)
No. 3944. Bahrain Islands. (November 16.)
No. 3945. Netherlands (Finances). (December 4.)
No. 3946. Ecuador (Trade and Finances.)
No. 3947. Austria-Hungary (Finances). (December 10.)
No. 3948. Netherlands (Amsterdam). (December 18.)
No. 3949. Bulgaria. (December 23.)
No. 3950. Sweden (Finances, 1905–1908).
No. 3951. Persia (Bushire). (January 8.)
No. 3952. Brazil (Santos). (January 9.)
No. 3953. Persia (Kermanshah). (January 22.)

II. MISCELLANEOUS SERIES.
No. 664. Belgium (coalmining industry). (September 19.)
No. 665. China (visit to Southern Ports). (October 22.)
No. 666. Japan (coal mines of Kyjushu). (October 29.)

CANADA.
Papers relative to the working of taxation of the unimproved value of land in Canada (in continuation of [Cd. 3191.], November 1906). (September 6)

IRISH LAND COMMISSION.
I. (Proceedings)—

1. Return for the month of July, 1907. (September 3.)

2. Return for the month of August, 1907. (September 19.)

3. Return for the month of September, 1907. (November 4.)

4. Return for the month of October, 1907. (November 26.)

5. Return for the month of November, 1907. (January 4.)

II. Return of advances made under the Irish Land Act, 1903, during the month of January, 1907. (November 11.)

STRAITS SETTLEMENTS.
Reports on the Federated Malay States for 1906 (for reports for 1905, see [Cd. 3186.], October, 1906). (September 7.)
Reports respecting Peterhead Harbour Works (in continuation of [Cd. 3179.], (September 9.)
LUNACY (IRELAND).
Fifty-sixth Report of the Inspectors of Lunatics in Ireland, for the year 1906. (September 10.)

RAILWAY ACCIDENTS.
Returns of accidents and casualties as reported to the Board of Trade by the several railway companies in the United Kingdom in pursuance of the Regulation of Railways Act (1871), together with the reports of the inspecting officers, assistant inspecting officers, and sub-inspectors of the Railway Department to the Board of Trade, upon certain accidents which were inquired into—

I. During the three months ended 31st March, 1907. (September 12.)

II. During the three months ended 30th June, 1907. (November 4.)

III. During the three months ended 30th September, 1907. Part I. (Returns of Accidents). (January 10.)

CONGESTION IN IRELAND (ROYAL COMMISSION).
I. Sixth Report of the Commissioners with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in County Sligo and County Leitrim, 17th to 27th April, 1907, and documents relating thereto). September 13th.)
II. Seventh Report of the Commissioners, with first Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in Ireland, 16th May to 11th June, 1907, and documents relating thereto), and second Appendix. Statistics relating to holdings. October 19th.)
III. Eighth Report of the Commissioners, with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in Kerry and Cork, 3rd to 19th July, 1907) and documents relating thereto. (November, 27th.)
IV. Ninth Report of the Commissioners, with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence taken in County Mayo, 21st August to 3rd September, 1907) and documents relating thereto. (December 4th.)

UNITED STATES, NO. 1. (1907).
Notes exchanged with the American Ambassador on the subject of the Newfoundland Fisheries. (September 14th.)
SERVIA (NEW CUSTOMS TARIFF).
Translation of the New Customs Tariff of Servia, as modified by Commercial Treaties with the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Switzerland, Italy, Belgium, and Turkey; together with the Tariff of Servian Duties known as "Trosharina." (September 14th.)
VIVISECTION (ROYAL COMMISSION).
Third Report of the Commissioners with Appendix (Minutes of Evidence, April to July, 1907). (September 17th.)
TUBERCULOSIS (HUMAN AND BOVINE) (ROYAL COMMISSION).
Second Interim Report of the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into the relations of human and animal tuberculosis. Part II. Appendix, Vol. 3. (September 17th.)

REFORMATORY AND INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS (GREAT BRITAIN).
Fiftieth Report, for the year 1906, of His Majesty's Inspector of Reforma-
58
tory and Industrial Schools. Part II General Report and Appendices III. to XL (September 20th.)

CYPRUS.
Annual Report for 1906–1907. (September 21st.)
CONGESTED DISTRICTS BOARD (IRELAND).
Report of the Board, for the year ended 31st March, 1907. (September 23rd.)
NEW SOUTH WALES.
Papers relative to the working of taxation of the unimproved value of land in New South Wales (in continuation of [Cd. 3740.], September, 1907.) (September 23rd.)
RUSSIA, NO. 1. (1907).
Convention, signed 31st August, 1907, between Great Britain and Russia, containing arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet. (September 25th.)

AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS (IRELAND).
I. Abstracts showing the acreage under crops, and the numbers of live stock in each county and province, 1906–1907. (September 27th.)
II. Return of prices of crops, live stock, and other Irish agricultural products for the year 1906. (October 4th.)
III. Agricultural Statistics of Ireland with detailed report for the year 1906.(October 26th.)

MINES AND QUARRIES.
General Report and Statistics for 1906—

I. Part II. (Labour)—General Report and Statistics relating to persons employed and accidents at mines and quarries in the United Kingdom, and to the enforcement of the Mines and Quarries Acts. (September 30th.)

II. Part III. (Out-put)—General Report and Statistics relating to the output and value of the minerals raised in the United Kingdom, the amount and value of the metals produced, and the exports and imports of minerals. (October 4th.)

Correspondence respecting the tenure of land in Fiji. (September 30th.)
TRISTAN DA CUNHA.
Further correspondence relating to the Island of Tristan da Cunha (in continuation of [Cd. 3098], September, 1906). (September 30.)
POLICE (METROPOLIS).
Report of the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis, for the year 1906. (October 1.)

INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITIONS COMMITTEE.
I. Report of the Committee appointed by the Board of Trade to make inquiries with reference to the participation of Great Britain in great international exhibitions; together with the appendices thereto.
II. Minutes of evidence taken by the Committee appointed by the Board of Trade to make inquiries with reference to the participation of Great Britain in great international exhibitions; with Appendices and Index. (October 2.)

SECONDARY EDUCATION (SCOTLAND)
Report for the year 1907, by J. Struthers, Esq., C.B., LL.D. (October 10.)
NEWFOUNDLAND.
Further correspondence relating to the Newfoundland Fishery Question (in continuation of [Cd. 3262.], December 1906). (October 10.)

INDIA.
I. (Trade).—Review of the trade of India in 1906–1907. (October 16.)
II. (Excise Committee).—Orders of the Government of India on Chapters XI, XII., and XIII. of the Report of the Excise Committee 1905–1906. (November 12.)

MISCELLANEOUS.
No. 4 (1907). Proceedings of the First International Conference on the sleeping sickness, held at London in June 1907. (October 19.)
No. 5 (1907). Reports from His Majesty's Representatives abroad re-
60
specting the composition and functions of the Second or Upper Chamber in Foreign States. (December 14.)
No. 6 (1907). Further paper respecting the proceedings of the First International Conference on the sleeping sickness held in London in June 1907 (in continuation of Miscellaneous. No. 4 (1907) [Cd. 3778.]. (December 16.)
No. 1 (1908). Correspondence respecting the Second Peace Conference, held at the Hague in 1907 (with reference to "Miscellaneous, No. 1 (1899)"). (January 4.)

CONCILIATION AND ARBITRATION BOARDS (BOARD OF TRADE LABOUR DEPARTMENT).
Report on rules of voluntary conciliation and arbitration boards and joint committees. (October 19.)
LAND LAW (IRELAND) ACT, 1887.
Return of the number of eviction notices filed during the quarter ended 30th September 1907. (October 23.)
HOUSE-LETTING (SCOTLAND).
Report to the Secretary for Scotland of the Departmental Committee on House-Letting in Scotland. Volume II. Minutes of Evidence, Appendices, and Index. (October 26.)
FACTORY AND WORKSHOP (TINNING OF METALS.)
Special Report by Miss A. M. Anderson, principal lady inspector of factories, and T. M. Legge, M.D., Medical Inspector of Factories, on dangerous processes in the coating of metal with lead, together with Report by G. E. Duckering, inspector of factories, on an experimental investigation into the condition of work in tinning workshops. (October 29.)

COMMERCIAL.
No. 10 (1907). Correspondence respecting the additional Act to the Brussels Sugar Convention of 5th March, 1902; signed at Brussels, 28th August, 1907. (October 29.)
No. 11 (1907). Despatch from His Majesty's Chargé d'Affairs at Paris, transmitting a copy of the convention respecting the commercial relations between Canada and France; signed at

61
Paris, 19th September, 1907. (November 28.)

LIGHT RAILWAYS ACT, 1896.
I. Orders made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and confirmed by the Board of Trade—

1. Amending the Dartford District Light Rail ways Order, 1903.

2. Amending the Headcorn and Maidstone Junction Light Railway Order, 1906.

3. Amending the Holmfield and South Ouram Light Railway Orders 1902 and 1905.

4. Extending the borrowing powers of the Kent and East Sussex Light Railway Company.

II. Orders made by the Light Railway Commissioners, and modified and confirmed by the Board of Trade—

1. Authorising the construction of light railways in the urban district of Colwyn Bay and Colwyn, in the county of Denbigh, in extension of the light railway authorised by the Llandudno and Colwyn Bay Light Railway Order, 1898, and amending the said Order, and the Llandudno and Colwyn Bay Light Railway (Deviation and Amendment) Orner, 1903.

2. Authorising the transfer to the Great Western Railway Company of the powers conferred on the Callington Light Railway Company by the Callington Light Railway Order, 1900, as amended by the Callington Light Railway (Extension of Time) Order, 1903, and reviving the powers granted, and extending the period limited by the said Orders for the compulsory purchase of lands, and extending the period limited by the said Orders for the completion of the railway and works thereby authorised.

3. Transferring to a company the powers conferred upon the rural district councils of Escrick and of Riccall by the Derwent Valley Light Railway Order, 1902, and amending that Order.

4. Amending the borrowing powers of the Southwold Railway Company, and for other purposes. (November 4.)

5. Authorising the construction of additional light railways in the borough of Maidstone.

62

6. Authorising the East and West Yorkshire Union Railways Company to exercise further borrowing powers.

7. Reviving the powers granted, and extending the period limited by the Cromarty and Dingwall Light. Railway Order, 1902, for the compulsory purchase of lands, and extending the period limited by that Order for the completion of the railway and works by that Order authorised, and authorising a deviation of part of the said railway, and the compulsory purchase of certain lands for the purposes of the said railway and works. (December 11.)

COLONIAL OFFICE.
Despatch to the governors of the self-governing colonies relative to the reorganisation of the Colonial Office. (November 6.)
ARMY MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.
Report for the Year 1906, Vol. 48. (November 6.)
WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN PUBLIC HOUSES.
Information obtained from certain police forces as to the frequenting of public houses by women and children. (November 6.)
EVICTIONS (IRELAND).
Return of evictions in Ireland for the quarter ended 31st September, 1907. (November 12)
BANKING, RAILWAY, AND SHIPPING STATISTICS (IRELAND).
Report for June, 1907. (November 12.)

RAILWAY SERVANTS (HOURS OF LABOUR).
Return in pursuance of Section 4 of the Regulation of Railways Act, 1889, of railway servants of certain classes who were on duty on the railways of the United Kingdom for more than twelve hours at a time, or who, after being on duty more than twelve hours, were allowed to resume work with less than nine hours rest, showing: (1) Periods of duty from start to finish without any deductions; (2) Periods of duty after deduction of time spent in travelling home after relief; with Appendices giving additional statements

63
and explanations furnished by the railway companies—

I. On one or more occasions during the month of July, 1907. (November 13.)

II. On one or more occasions during the month of October, 1907. (January 24.)

JUDICIAL STATISTICS (SCOTLAND) ACT, 1869.
Report on the Judicial Statistics of Scotland for the year 1906. (November 14.)

BOARD OF AGRICULTURE AND FISHERIES.
1. Agricultural Statistics, 1906—

1. Vol. XLI., Part IV. Colonial and Foreign Statistics, with Index to Vol. XLI. (November 15.)

2. Vol. XLII., Part I. Acreage and Live Stock Returns of Great Britain, with summaries of the United Kingdom. (January 1.)

II. Annual Report of Proceedings under the Sale of Food and Drugs Acts, 1875 to 1899, the Merchandise Marks Acts, 1887 to 1894, the Fertilisers and Feeding Stuffs Act, 1893, and the Board of Agriculture Act, 1889 (Section 2, Sub-section 3), for the year 1906. (December 30.)

ALIENS ACT, 1905.
Return of alien passengers brought to the United Kingdom from ports in Europe or within the Mediterranean Sea during the three months ended 30th September, 1907, together with the number of expulsion orders made during that period requiring aliens to leave the United Kingdom. (November 15.)
UNEMPLOYED WORKMEN ACT, 1905.
Report by the Local Government Board for Scotland, as to the proceedings of Distress Committees in Scotland, for the year ended 15th May, 1907. (November 15.)
JAMAICA.
Despatch from the Governor relative to the earthquake at Kingston, Jamaica, on 14th January, 1907, and the reply thereto (in continuation of [Cd. 3560.], June, 1907). (November 15.)
AUSTRALIA.
Despatch from the Governor-General enclosing the Navigation Bill, 1907, of the Government of the Commonwealth of Australia. (November 15.)
BIRTHS, DEATHS, AND MARRIAGES.
Sixty-ninth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of Births. Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales (1906). (November 15.)
INEBRIATES ACTS, 1879–1900 (SCOTLAND).
Report of the Inspector for Scotland under the Inebriates Acts, for the year 1906. (November 20.)
INEBRIATES ACTS (IRELAND).
Third Report (with Appendices) of the Inspector for Ireland under the Acts, for the year 1906. (November 26.)
NORTH SEA FISHERIES INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE.
Second Report (Southern Area) Fishery and Hydrographical Investigations in the North Sea and adjacent Waters, 1904–1905. Part I. (November 27.)
EXPLOSIVES (EXPLOSION OF GELIGNITE ON THE FISHGUARD RAILWAY CONSTRUCTION WORKS).
Report to the Secretary of State for the Home Department on the circumstances attending an explosion which occurred during the operation of thawing gelignite in connection with the construction of the new Great Western Railway line from Clarbeston Road to Fishguard, Pembrokeshire, on the 26th Februray, 1906. (November 27.)
MERCANTILE MARINE (SEAMEN EMPLOYED).
Return of the number, ages, ratings, and nationalities of the seamen employed on 4th April, 1906, on vessels registered under Part I. of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, in the British Islands. (November 29.)
EDUCATION (SCOTLAND).
Memorandum on the study of history in Scottish schools. (December 3.)
FISHERIES (SCOTLAND).
Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Fishery Board for Scotland, for the year 1906. Part III. Scientific investigations. (November 30.)
Report of the Departmental Committee on Check-weighing in the Iron and Steel Trades (with evidence, etc.). (December 4.)
BUILDING ACCIDENTS COMMITTEE.
Report of the Departmental Committee appointed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department to inquire into the dangers attendant on building operations; with draft Regulations, Minutes of Evidence, and Appendices. (December 10.)
FOREIGN IMPORT DUTIES (1907).
Statement of the rates of import duties levied in European Countries, Egypt, the United States, Mexico, Japan, China, and Persia, upon the produce and manufactures of the United Kingdom. (December 14.)
COST OF LIVING OF THE WORKING CLASSES.
Report of an inquiry by the Board of Trade into working class rents, housing and retail prices, together with the standard rates of wages prevailing in certain occupations in the principal industrial towns of the United Kingdom; with an introductory memorandum. (December 21.)
OPTIONS AND FUTURES (LEGISLATION RESPECTING).
Report by His Majesty's Ambassador to the United States of America on legislation in regard to gambling in "options and futures" (supplementary to [Cd. 3280.]). (December 21.)
TRADE WITH NEW ZEALAND (BOARD OF TRADE, COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE).
Report upon the conditions and prospects of British trade in New Zealand by the Advisory Committee on Commercial Intelligence of the Board of Trade, based on information collected by their Commissioner, Mr. R. J. Jeffray. (December 30.)
TRADE WITH CANADA (BOARD OF TRADE, COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE).
Report upon the Condition and Prospects of British Trade in Canada by Mr. Richard Grigg, Special Commissioner to the Advisory Committee to the Board of Trade on Commercial Intelligence. December 30.)
MINES (ROYAL COMMISSION).
Minutes of Evidence taken before the Royal Commission on Mines; with Index and Appendices. Volume II. (December 21.)
STATISTICS.
Statistical Abstract for the British Empire in each year from 1892 to 1906. Fourth Number. (January 24.)
WEST INDIES.
List of Laws dealing with Emigration of Labourers from British West Indian Colonies to Foreign Countries. (January 24.)

VICE-REGAL COMMISSION ON IRISH RAILWAYS.
Vice-Regal Commission on Irish Railways—

I. Second Report of the Commissioners;

II. Appendix to the Second Report of the Commissioners. (January 24.)

NATAL.
I. Further Correspondence relating to Native Affairs in Natal (in continuation of [Cd. 3247.] and Cd. 3563.]);
II. Report of the Native Affairs Commission, 1906–1907. (January 27.)

TRANSVAAL.
Further Correspondence relating to Legislation affecting Asiatics in the Transvaal (in continuation of [Cd. 3308], February, 1907). (January 27.)
The same were ordered to lie on the Table.

BOARD OF EDUCATION.
List of elementary schools and certified efficient schools in England (excluding Monmouthshire) on 1st August, 1907.
QUEENSLAND.
Papers relative to the workings of taxation on the unimproved value of land in Queensland (in continuation of [Cd. 3761], September, 1907).
MERCHANT SHIPPING.
Correspondence relating to proposed legislation of Australia and New Zealand on the subject of merchant shipping (in continuation of [Cd. 3826], November, 1907.
NAVY (GUNNERY).
Result of test of gunlayers with heavy guns in His Majesty's Fleet, 1907.

POST OFFICE.
1. Additional articles to the agreement of 29th April—7th November, 1906, for the exchange of money orders between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Dutch Colony of Surinam, dated 28th October, 1907–2nd December, 1907.
2. Agreement between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Dutch Colony of Curacao, dated 25th April, 1907–15th June, 1907.
3. Agreement between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Republic of Salvador, dated 27th June, 1907–27th August, 1907.
4. Agreement between the Post Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the Post Office of the Empire of Japan, dated 31st January, 1907.

TRADE REPORTS (ANNUAL SERIES).
No. 3954. Cuba.
No. 3955. Portugal (Goa).

MISCELLANEOUS, No. 2 (1908).
Reports from His Majesty's representatives abroad showing the regulations and methods which guide the application of the second ballot at elections in foreign countries.
IRISH LAND COMMISSION.
Rules of the Estates Commissioners, dated 4th November, 1907.
ALIENS ACT, 1905.
Return of alien passengers brought to the United Kingdom from ports in Europe or within the Mediterranean Sea during the three months ended 31st December, 1907; together with the number of expulsion orders made during that period requiring aliens to leave the United Kingdom.
CHILDREN UNDER THE POOR LAW.
Report to the President of the Local Government Board by T. J. Macnamara, Parliamentary Secretary to the Board.
WAGES AND EFFECTS OF DECEASED SEAMEN.
Account of the sums received and paid in respect of the wages and effects of deceased seamen in the year ended 31st March, 1907.

LOCOMOTIVES ON HIGHWAYS ACT, 1896, MOTOR CAR ACT, 1903.
Orders by the Secretary for Scotland prohibiting motor car traffic on certain highways—

1. (Dated 26th October, 1907) in the county of Wigtown.

2. (Dated 20th November, 1907) in the county of Perth.

Presented (by Command), and ordered to lie on the Table.

LUNACY (SCOTLAND).
1. General rules for the management of the Kingseat Asylum at Newmachar, Aberdeen.
2. General rules for the government of the asylum, Riccartsbar, Paisley.

FACTORY AND WORKSHOP (DANGEROUS AND UNHEALTHY INDUSTRIES).
Regulations made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department in pursuance of Section 79 of the Factory and Workshop Act, 1901—

1. Dated 28th August, for the processes of spinning and weaving hemp or jute or hemp or jute tow, and processes incidental thereto.

2. Dated 13th December, for the manufacture of nitro- and amido-derivatives of benzene, and the manufacture of explosives in the use of dinitrobenzol or dinitrotoluol.

69

3. Dated 20th December, 1907, in respect of processes involving the use of horsehair from China, Siberia, and Russia.

TRINIDAD.
Rules for the government of district prisons, and amended rules providing for punishment of officials for breaches of discipline.

LUNACY.
1. Report to the Lord Chancellor of the number of visits made, the number of patients seen, and the number of miles travelled by the visitors of lunatics, pursuant to the Lunacy Act, 1890, between 1st April, 1907, and 1st September, 1907.
2. Return of all sums received by the visitors of lunatics for travelling expenses, or upon any other account, from 1st January to 31st December, 1907.

The Public Trustee Rules, 1907, dated 29th November, 1907.
General rules for formal investigations into shipping casualties and appeals and re-hearings.
Treasury Order, dated 22nd October, 1907, regulating fees in county courts.
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL TEACHERS' DEFERRED ANNUITY FUND.
First Septennial Actuarial Report on the assets and liabilities of the Elementary School Teachers' Deferred Annuity Fund.
LABOURERS (IRELAND) ACT, 1906.
Treasury Minute, dated 6th January, 1908, directing that the "Labourer's Cottages Fund Account" be examined and audited by the Comptroller and Auditor-General.

PUBLIC ACCOUNTS AND CHARGES ACT, 1891.
Treasury Minute, dated 16th December, 1907, under Section 2 (3) of the Public Accounts and Charges Act, 1891 directing that, as from the 1st April, 1908, the receipts under Section 28 (9) of the
70
Merchant Shipping Act, 1906, shall be applied as appropriations in aid of the moneys to be granted by Parliament for Mercantile Marine Services.

INLAND REVENUE.
Treasury Minutes, dated 5th December, 1907—

1. Appointing Mr. George Frederick Howe to be a Special Commissioner of Income Tax.

2. Appointing Mr. Albert Grassman to be a Special Commissioner of Income Tax.

BANK OF ENGLAND.
Return of the amount of notes issued more than forty years and outstanding on 30th October, 1907, which have been written off.
PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND).
Treasury Minute, dated 11th December, 1907, authorising the renewal of the lease of two small plots of land near the Royal Marine Hotel, Kingstown.

SUPERANNUATION (TREASURY MINUTES).
I. Granting retired allowances under Section 2 of the Superannuation Act, 1887, to—

1. Mr. T. S. Williams, counter clerk and telegraphist, London Postal District, Post Office, dated 23rd August, 1907.

2. Mr. T. O. Hewitt, engineer, first class, Engineer-in-Chief's Department, Post Office, dated 1st October, 1907.

3. Mr. F. T. Freeman, staff clerk, War Office, dated 22nd October, 1907.

4. Mr. John Guillon, foreman of the yard, Chatham, Admiralty, dated 2nd November, 1907.

5. Mr. H. E. Köhler, overseer, Post Office, Brighton, dated 20th November, 1907.

6. Mr. T. F. Hart, assistant superintendent, Post Office, Brighton, dated 20th November, 1907.

7. Mr. W. L. Mowll, overseer, Post Office, Brighton, dated 20th November, 1907.

8. Mr. F. Westington, overseer, Post Office, Brighton, dated 20th November, 1907.

71

9. Mr. Charles Barwick, rural postman, Scarborough Post Office, dated 12th December, 1907.

10. Mr. W. R. Barton, a clerk of the Higher Grade of the Second Division, War Office, dated 16th December, 1907.

11. Mr. Walter Charles Bass, established butler, Haslar Hospital, Admiralty-dated 8th January, 1908.

12. Mr. Owen Cook, second class surveyor of taxes, Inland Revenue, dated 10th January, 1908.

II. Dated 5th September, 1907, declaring that Henry Harris, labourer, Royal Laboratory, War Department, was appointed without a civil service certificate, through inadvertence on the part of the head of his department.
III. Dated 28th October, 1907, granting a special pension to Sir H. W. Primrose, K.C.B., C.S.I., I.S.O., late chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue.
IV. (Professional Qualifications.)—Dated 21st November, 1907, declaring that for the due and efficient discharge of the duties of the office of Small Holdings Commissioner, professional or other peculiar qualifications not ordinarily to be acquired in the public service are required.

PUBLIC RECORDS.
1. High Court of Justice (King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer).—Second schedule containing a list and particulars of classes of documents belonging to the late Courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer Divisions of the High Court of Justice which are not considered of sufficient public value to justify their preservation in the Public Record Office.
2. (War Department).—Seventh schedule containing a list and particulars of classes of documents pertaining to the department of His Majesty's principal Secretary of State for War and deposited in the Public Record Office which are not considered of sufficient public value to justify their preservation therein.

PATENTS AND DESIGNS ACT, 1907.
1. (Designs).—Designs Rules, 1908; dated 17th December, 1907.
2. (Patents).—Patents Rules, 1908; dated 17th December, 1907.
3. (Patents).—Register of Patent Agents' Rules, 1908; dated 17th December, 1907.

RAMSGATE HARBOUR.
Statements of receipts and payments made by the Board of Trade, for the year ended 31st March, 1907; together with an account of the receipt and issue of stores.
SEAMEN'S SAVINGS BANKS, MONEY ORDERS, AND TRANSMISSION OF WAGES.
Account of all deposits received and repaid by the Board of Trade on account of Seamen's Savings Banks, under the authority of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, during the year ended 26th November, 1906, and of the interest thereon; Statement showing the number and amount of seamen's money orders issued and paid at ports in the United Kingdom and at ports abroad, from 1855 to 31st March, 1907; also Statements showing the receipts and payments in connection with the transmission of seamen's wages, Home and Foreign, from 1878 to 31st March, 1907.
Account of the General Lighthouse Fund showing income and expenditure for year ended 31st March, 1907.

POST OFFICE.
I. (Foreign and Colonial Post)—

1. (Japan).—The Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No. 10.) Warrant, 1907, dated 12th September, 1907.

2. (Pitcairn Island and French Settlements of Oceania).—The Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No.11) Warrant, 1907, dated 16th September, 1907.

3. (Portugal).—The Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No. 12) Warrant, 1908, dated 18th September, 1908.

4. (British East Africa Protectorate).—The Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post Amendment (No. 13) Warrant, 1908, dated 16th January, 1908.

II. (Foreign and Colonial Post except Parcels).—Treasury Warrant, dated 30th September, 1907, as to the Foreign and Colonial Parcel Post except Parcels.

POST OFFICE TELEGRAPHS (INCLUDING TELEPHONES).
Account showing the gross amount received and expended on account of the Telegraph Service during the year ended 31st March, 1907, and the balance of the expenditure over receipts and additional statement; together with account showing the gross amount received and the gross amount expended in respect of the Telegraph Service, including telephones, from the date of the transfer of the telegraphs to the State to the 31st day of March, 1907, (in continuation of Paper No. 369 of session 1906) and certain other statistics.

DISEASES OF ANIMALS ACTS, 1894 TO 1903.
1. Order dated 23rd August, 1907, entitled the "Glanders or Farcy Order of. 1907."
2. Order dated 26th August, 1907, defining a foreign animals quarantine station at the Port of Liverpool.
3. Order dated 13th September, 1907, defining a foreign animals quarantine station at the Royal Albert Docks, in the Port of London.
4. Order dated 19th September, 1907, revoking Order No. 7324 of the 26th August, 1907, defining a foreign animals quarantine station at the Port of Liverpool.
5. Order dated 23rd October, 1907, revoking Order No. 7335 of the 13th September, 1907, defining a foreign animals quarantine station in the borough of East Ham.
6. Order dated 28th November, 1907, revoking Order No. 6612 of 15th May, 1903, defining a foreign animals wharf at the port at Southampton.

INDIA.
1. (Loans raised in India).—Return of all loans raised in India chargeable on the Revenues of India, outstanding at the commencement of the half-year ended on the 30th September, 1907, with the rates of interest and total amount payable thereon, and the date of the termination of each loan, the debt incurred during the half-year, the moneys raised thereby during the half-year, the
74
loans paid off or discharged during the half-year, and the loans outstanding at the close of the half-year, stating, so far as the public convenience will allow, the purpose or service for which moneys have been raised during the half-year.
2. (Loans raised in England).—Return of all loans raised in England, chargeable on the revenues of India, outstanding at the commencement of the half-year ended on the 30th September, 1907, with the rates of interest and total amount payable thereon, and the date of the termination of each loan, the debt incurred during the half-year, the moneys raised thereby during the half-year, the loans paid off or discharged during the half-year, and the loans outstanding at the close of the half-year stating, so far as the public convenience will allow, the purpose or service for which moneys have been raised during the half-year.

POLLING DISTRICTS.
1. (County of Lancaster).—Order made by the Council of the County of Lancaster re-dividing the Parliamentary Division of Gorton into convenient polling districts.
2. (County of West Suffolk).—Order made by the Council of West Suffolk re-naming the Bradford St. George Polling District, the Rougham Polling District.
3. (County of Surrey).—Orders made by the Council of the County of Surrey—

(i.) Dividing the present Parliamentary Polling district of Farnham into three polling districts.

(ii.) Altering the boundary between the Windlesham and Bagshot Polling Districts.

4. (City of Bath).—Order made by the Council of the City of Bath altering certain Polling Districts in Lyncombe, and Widcombe, and Walcot Wards, in the City of Bath.
5. (County of East Suffolk).—Order made by the Council of the County of East Suffolk altering certain Polling Districts in the Northern or Lowestoft Parliamentary Division of the county.

PENAL SERVITUDE ACTS, 1853–1891 (CONDITIONAL LICENCE).
Licence granted by His Majesty to John Williams or Taylor, under the provisions of the Penal Servitude Acts, 1853–1891, to which are annexed conditions other than those contained in Schedule. A. of the Penal Servitude Act. 1864.

SHOP HOURS ACT, 1904.
I. Orders made by the following borough councils, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the hours of closing for certain classes of shops within the respective boroughs—

1. Haslingden.

2. Burslem.

3. Rawtenstall.

4. Thornaby-on-Tees.

5. Widnes.

6. Macclesfield.

II. Orders made by the following county councils, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the hours of closing for certain classes of shops within the re spective counties—

1. Chester (Northwich and rural parish of Winnington).

2. Lancaster (urban district of Little-borough).

3. West Riding of Yorkshire (urban districts of Golcar, Linthwaite, Marsden, and Slaithwaite).

III. Orders made by the following metropolitan boroughs fixing the hours of closing for certain classes of shops within the respective metropolitan boroughs—

1. Shoreditch.

2. Stepney.

IV. Orders made by the following county borough councils, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the hours of closing for certain classes of shops within the respective county boroughs—

1. Preston.

2. Halifax.

V. Order made by the Cheltenham Borough Town Council, and confirmed
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by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the hours; of closing for certain classes of shops within the borough.
VI. Order made by the following Urban District Councils, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the hours of closing for certain class of shops within the respective urban districts—

1. Tunstall.

2. Llanelly.

VII. Orders made by the Secretary for Scotland providing for the early closing of certain shops classes of Shops—

1. In the burgh of Dundee, dated 31st August, 1907.

2. In the Shettleston and Tollcross Special Lighting District in the county of Lanark, dated 14th October, 1907.

3. In the burgh of Perth, dated 4th December, 1907.

UNIVERSITIES (SCOTLAND) ACT, 1899.
Annual Statistical Report by the University Court of the University of Glasgow to the Secretary for Scotland, under the provisions of Section 30 of the Universities (Scotland) Act, 1889, for the year 1906–1907.
BOARD OF EDUCATION.
Order amending final Order No. 42, made under Section 11 (8) of the Education Act, 1902.

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES ACT, 1878.
Orders in Council, dated 21st December, 1907—

1. Defining the amount of error to be tolerated in local standards when verified or re-verified by the Board of Trade.

2. Fixing the fees to be paid in respect of the verification and stamping of weights and measures.

NAVAL AND MARINE PAY AND PENSIONS ACT, 1865.
Orders in Council approving memorials of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty praying sanction to—

1. Certain revised arrangements in connection with the victualling of His

77
Majesty's Fleet, dated 9th September, 1907.

2. The amendment of Clause 8 of Order in Council of 29th November, 1881, as to apointment of colonels-commandant R.M.A. and R.M.L.I., dated 9th September, 1907.

3. The payment of allowances for auditing the accounts of the boys' fund in training ships and establishments, dated 9th September, 1907.

4. The payment to engineer-lieutenants on the senior list of similar allowances to those payable to engineer-lieutenants on the junior list when employed as senior engineers in certain ships, dated 2nd November, 1907.

5. The amendment of the regulations for the R.N.R. approved by Order in Council of 20th October, 1902, in regard to appointment of midshipmen to rank of acting sub-lieutenant, and the appointment of midshipmen and acting sub-lieutenants in the R.N.R., date 2nd November, 1907.

6. The abolition, as from 1st July, 1906, of the non-substantive rating of "trained man" for stokers entered for combined service in the Royal Navy and Royal Fleet Reserve; and the increase of the non-continuous service rate of pay of these special service stokers, 1st class, from 1s. 9d. to 1s. 10d. a day from that date, dated 2nd November, 1907.

7. The variation of the allowance within the existing maximum of 4d. a day to the Yeoman of Stores in ships of the Navy, dated 2nd November, 1907.

8. Seamen and Marines lent for colonial employment in West Africa being allowed to count such service as double time for purposes of pension, dated 2nd November, 1907.

9. The issue of certain allowances in lieu of victuals to any persons in the Royal Navy or Royal Marines, dated 2nd November, 1907.

10. The payment of certain allowances: to officers of the Royal Marines employed as instructors of wireless telegraphy or as assistants for wireless telegraphy duties in His Majesty's Fleet, dated 21st December, 1907.

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11. The payment of a certain allowance, in addition to full pay, to the Engineer Commander borne for Fleet duties on the China Station, so long as there is no Engineer Captain so borne, dated 21st December, 1907.

12. The payment of special allowances to Junior Engineer Officers appointed for instructional duties at training establishments for boy artificers and mechanicians, dated 21st December, 1907.

13. A modification of the regulations for the advancement of boy artificers, dated 21st December, 1907.

14. An amendment of the rule by which the time served by petty officers may, under certain conditions, be doubled for pension purposes, dated 21st December, 1907.

15. A revision of the titles and rates of pay of cook ratings, and removal of certain restrictions as to amount of pension under Article 1932A of the Regulations for the government of His Majesty's Naval Service, dated 21st December, 1907.

16. A rule allowing 3rd Class domestics who have served as 1st or 2nd Class domestics to be recommended for the long service and good conduct medal, thus admitting of the award of the medal on re-employment in one of the higher ratings, dated 21st December, 1907.

FOREIGN JURISDICTION ACT, 1890.
Order in Council, dated 9th September, 1907, entitled "The Nigeria Coinage Order in Council, 1907."
Orders in Council, dated 2nd November, 1907—

1. Providing for the exercise of His Majesty's jurisdiction in the islands of the Pacific Ocean known as the New Hebrides in accordance with the terms of the Anglo-French Convention.

2. Entitled "The East Africa Order in Council, 1907."

3. Entitled "The North Eastern Rhodesia Order in Council, 1907."

4. Entitled "The Swaziland Crown Lands Order in Council, 1907."

Order in Council, dated 21st December, 1907, entitled "The Nyasaland Order in Council, 1907 (No. 2)."

MERCHANT SHIPPING ACT, 1894.
Orders in Council, dated 2nd November, 1907—

1. Relating to seamen's lodging houses in the district of the county borough of Swansea.

2. Confirming byelaws made by the Trinity House of Kingston-upon-Hull fixing the rates of pilotage between Hull and Goole.

3. Applying Section 238 of the Act to seamen who desert from Roumanian merchant ships.

4. Revoking Orders in Council of 3rd February, 1863, and 7th January, 1864, made under the Passengers Act, 1855, respecting the carriage of emigrants on board ship.

GOVERNMENT OF INDIA ACT, 1858.
Order in Council, dated 21st December, 1907, approving a statement of new and revised appointments and alterations of salaries in the establishment of the Secretary of State for India in Council.
NAVAL DISCIPLINE ACT, 1866.
Order in Council, dated 2nd November, 1907, approving certain revised General Orders for regulating the procedure and practice of Naval courts-martial; to come into force on 1st April, 1908.

COLONIAL PRISONERS REMOVAL ACT, 1884.
Order in Council, entitled, "The Colonial Prisoners Removal Order in Council, 1907," dated 9th September, 1907.
Laid before the House (pursuant to Act), and ordered to lie on the Table.

RETURNS, REPORTS, ETC.
  MERSEY DOCKS AND HARBOUR BOARD.
  Accounts for the year ended 1st July, 1907. Delivered (pursuant to Act), and ordered to lie on the Table.
  MARGATE PIER AND HARBOUR COMPANY.
  Report and statement of accounts for the year ended, 5th April, 1907. Delivered (pursuant to Act), and ordered to lie on the Table.

  UNIVERSITIES OF OXFORD AND CAMBRIDGE ACT, 1877.
  Statutes made—

  1. By the Governing Body of Peterhouse or St. Peter's College, Cambridge, on the 4th May, 1907, altering and amending Statute XXI. of the Statutes of the College.

  2. By the Governing Body of Trinity College, Oxford, on the 27th May, 1907, altering and amending Statute I. of the Statutes of the College.

  3. By the Governing Body of Queen's College, Oxford, on the 19th June, 1907, altering and amending Stat. Tit. II., Clauses 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, and 15, and Stat. Tit. XXIII., Clause 8, of the Statutes of the College.

  Laid before the House (pursuant to Act), and to be printed. (No. 1).

  UNIVERSITIES (SCOTLAND) ACT, 1889.
  University Court Ordinances:—

  1. No. 22 (Edinburgh, No. 11). Regulations for degrees in arts.

  2. No. 23 (Glasgow No. 6). Regulations for degrees in arts.

  Laid before the House (pursuant to Act), and to be printed. (No. 2.).
  House adjourned at half-past Seven o'clock, till To-morrow, half-past Ten o'clock.