Lords Sitting of 11 August 1896

PRIVATE BUSINESS.

  DUBLIN CORPORATION BILL.— [H.L.]
  Report of the Standing Orders Committee, considered.
  *THE CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES (The EARL of MORLEY)said that this was a Gas and Water Bill when it was originally introduced into the House of Lords. The Lords' Committee threw out the gas clauses, and when the Bill went to the Commons it was purely a Water Bill. In the Commons the Committee were instructed to deal with the municipal franchise of Dublin, and clauses were introduced into the Bill for that purpose. It was obvious that those clauses could not be covered by the original notices, and when the Bill as amended came before the Examiners they found that there had been a non-compliance with the Standing Orders. The Standing Orders Committee had met that afternoon, and had heard the promoters and certain of the opponents of the Bill, and they had come to the conclusion that the Standing Orders in this case should not be dispensed with, and that the third part of the Bill relating to the municipal franchise should be struck out. This case was different from the Drogheda case, in which there was no opposition. But in this ease there was opposition to the dispensation of the Standing Orders; and, further, as the Bill originated in the House of Lords, and these Amendments, which were never contemplated in the first instance, were introduced in the House of Commons, it would now be impossible for anyone who wished to oppose to be heard in the House of Lords. He hoped the House would agree with the decision of the Standing Orders Committee; and he wished to lay emphasis on the great importance of keeping matters dealing
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  with public interests, such as the municipal franchise, out of Private Bills altogether. It was not right that large constitutional changes should be introduced in a manner which gave no public notice of what was taking place. Further, it had an extremely prejudicial effect on private legislation that it should be possible in a Gas and Water Bill to introduce subjects which were not cognate to the subject of the Bill. Therefore, he asked their Lordships to agree to the Report of the Standing Orders Committee which he now presented to the House.
  Motion agreed to.
  *THE CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEESmoved that the House do disagree with those portions of the Commons' Amendments which dealt with the franchise clause of the Bill, and that the House do agree with the rest of the Commons' Amendments.
  Motion agreed to.
  A Committee appointed to prepare reasons to be offered to the Commons for the Lords disagreeing to the said Amendments. The Committee to meet forth-with.
  Report from the Committee of the reasons prepared by them read, and agreed to; and a Message sent to the Commons to return the said Bill with the reasons.

BATHS AND WASHHOUSES ACTS AMENDMENT BILL.
Brought from the Commons; Read 1a, and to be printed.—[No. 248.]
WEST HIGHLAND RAILWAY GUARANTEE BILL.
Read 1a; to be printed; and to be Read 2a on Thursday next.—(Lord Balfour).—[No. 249.]

AGRICULTURAL RATES, CONGESTED DISTRICTS AND BURGH LAND TAX RELIEF (SCOTLAND) BILL.
Order of the Day for the Second Reading, read.
THE SECRETARY FOR SCOTLAND (LORD BALFOUR)moved that the Bill be now read a Second time. He said that the purpose of the Bill was to relieve from a pressing injustice the agricultural occupiers of Scotland by lightening the burdens of taxation which they had to bear, and to that extent mitigating the depression under which agriculture was suffering. It was upon the agricultural occupiers in Scotland that the chief injustice of the present system of local taxation fell; and it was to them that the chief benefits of the Bill would go. Many people thought that the heritable property, as a whole, bore an unjust proportion of the local burdens. But that was to be the subject of an inquiry, and before pronouncing any opinion on the question, it would be prudent to wait for the result of the inquiry. But the injustice to the agricultural occupier was perfectly obvious. It could not be denied, and it had long been the subject of urgent complaints from the agricultural occupier. It was especially obvious at the present time, when by common consent the condition of agriculture was such that it was especially indefensible to place upon it any undue burden of taxation. As to the amount which would be available for distribution, and the method by which that distribution was to be effected, the amount was not a fixed sum. It could not at the present time he accurately ascertained, because, according to the existing system of allocating the grants of the class to which this belonged, the amount allocated to Scotland and Ireland bore a certain fixed proportion to the amount which was given from the Imperial Exchequer to England. In the case of Scotland, the proportion was eleven-eightieths of the sum distributed to England. He believed that proportion to be absolutely fair to Scotland; but he rested his case on the fact that it was the accepted proportion which had been in force for many years, and he had not seen it seriously challenged. But he could not say precisely the sum which would be available for Scotland until the
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total sum to be expended in England was known. As nearly as it could be estimated, however, the sum that would be available for Scotland, would be £214,000. Next they had to consider whether the circumstances of Scottish agriculture required the whole of this amount. He had no doubt whatever that agricultural values in Scotland had fallen very seriously. Some Members of Parliament had attempted to deny that this was so. He thought that they had better go down to the agricultural districts of Scotland, and endeavour to convince the agriculturists themselves that their theory was true. He thought that they would have some difficulty in doing so. All the figures and statistics available to him proved that the agricultural depression was very real and serious in Scotland, though it had not gone so far as it had in some parts of England. In 1879 the value of agricultural heritable property in Scotland was. £7,769,000. In 1893 it had fallen to £6,251,000—a drop of a million and a half in the 14 years; which was equivalent to 20 per cent. on the sum which he had mentioned. It was estimated that the depreciation in value in English agricultural subjects extended to some 24 or 25 per cent. The depreciation had not been felt in Scotland as it had been in some of the eastern counties of England, but there was real and serious depreciation in agricultural values over nearly the whole of Scotland. Of course it was more severe in the districts adapted to the growing of corn than in the pasture districts. In his own county 25 years ago, what was known as the fair price for wheat was 24s. 6d. per quarter, and since then it had fallen to 19s. He also knew land in the same county which had depreciated in value to the extent of 40 or 45 per cent. It was equitable in the opinion of the Government that the larger part of the money should go to the relief of the agricultural occupiers. The precise method which had been chosen to help the agricultural ratepayer was to reduce his local rates; and the problem the Government had to solve was how to effect that object without making any undue disturbance in the incidence of the system of local rating. The cardinal feature of the Scotch system of local rating was, that the sum

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to be raised was equally distributed between the owner and the occupier. The only exception to that rule was in the case of what was known as the owner's sterotyped rate which it was necessary to explain in detail. The county rates were at present assessed upon the gross value of the subjects liable to them; but the parochial rates were subject to what were known as deductions and qualifications. Deductions were given for certain statutory reasons, with which they had nothing to do, for the purposes of the Bill; and they need only deal with the difficulties raised by the system of classification. The classification of the various subjects which were liable to rates applied to the occupiers' rates only. The system was not universal throughout Scotland. Any Parish Council could, with the consent of the Local Government Board, bring in classification if it chose; but at present there were only 170 out of 800 parishes that had adopted the system. Still it was a system that had to be reckoned with in dealing with the system of rating in Scotland. But there was this feature that was common to all kinds of classification that, almost without exception, every parish that had adopted the system had given agricultural land, so far as the occupiers' rate was concerned, the most favourable position in that classification. He did not think that at the present time it was expedient to raise any question as between the owner of one kind of property and the owner of another. They were rated upon the annual value of the subjects which they owned. There might be questions between the owners of one class of property and the owners of another, but for the purpose they had in hand, the Government relief resolved itself into giving this money to the occupiers for the reasons which had been indicated. He did not think he need delay the House by elaborating the question of whether the existing system was or was not unjust to the agricultural occupier. The man who occupied a house was rented upon the annual value of that house, but the occupier of a farm was rented not only on the annual value of the house but on the actual value of the subjects which he occupied, which was more analogous to rating him upon his stock-in-trade than upon the corre-
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sponding system of the other occupiers with whom he was classed. The proposal in the Bill was that this grant should be applied to paying five-eighths of the agricultural occupiers' rating, and it was estimated that to do that would take an annual sum of about £187,500. The result would be that while the agricultural occupier would only pay three-eighths of his share of the rate the Government grant would make up the other five-eighths. The only difficulty in applying the system was in connection with those parishes which had adopted some form of classification. According to the original proposal in the Bill as introduced in the other House, classification would have been superseded altogether. But after consideration it was found that in some few places, mostly rural in their character, it would be desirable to make a change, and therefore the Government proposed an Amendment which would have the effect of preserving all existing classifications and yet give equal advantage to the agricultural occupiers with that which was first proposed. So much for the county and parochial rates. What was proposed with regard to the Public Health Rate was that it should cease in future to be levied according to the parochial classification, that it should be levied like the county rate upon gross values, and that so far as the agricultural occupier was concerned, the same system should prevail as regarded other rates, and that he should pay only three-eighths. The other circumstances he had mentioned included an expenditure of some £8,000 in relieving the Royal Burghs which were liable to the Land Tax. The justification for that was that while it was not possible to give equal relief to any occupiers of agricultural land whose land might be situated within the limits of the Burgh, it was probably fair that something should be done for those communities. That tax was universally admitted to be inconvenient in incidence, and very expensive to collect, and it was certainly the fact that this repeal had been long and urgently demanded. They proposed to set aside a sum of £15,000 for the improvement of congested districts in Scotland, which would be the poorest parts of Scotland, and would be chiefly found in the Highlands. At present they put forward no scheme for dealing

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with this money, but left that for the future decision of Parliament. He believed it would severely tax the wisdom and energy of Parliament to find a satisfactory solution of the many difficulties now present in the Highlands. He ventured to say there had seldom been put forward a scheme so generally acceptable to the people of Scotland as this one. It was sometimes said that it was not the outcome of any spontaneous desire on the part of Burghs, but he took that to be an absolutely erroneous statement. He believed this subject of justice to the agricultural occupier was one upon which the public mind of Scotland had been thoroughly prepared after long discussion and full consideration of the whole subject. Others might have received objections to it of which he did not know, but he could say that since this Bill was published not half a dozen letters of objection to any of the provisions of the Bill had come to him at the Scotch Office, and if he might gauge outside opinion from those he had had an opportunity of consulting, he could truly say he believed this scheme to be generally acceptable to the people of Scotland. Apart from the special circumstances of the case, the Government thought that hitherto the occupiers of agricultural land had borne an unjust share of the burdens which must be borne for local purposes by the community, and he was entitled to say that nothing in the way of any alternative proposal had been so much as indicated in a form in which it was possible to criticise or discuss it. He believed the Bill would give great satisfaction in Scotland and prepare the way for greater reforms in the near future. ["Hear, hear!"]
THE EARL OF CAMPERDOWNsaid he did not propose to enter into any of the details of the Bill, with regard to which he agreed with what had been said by the noble Lord who had just sat down. He only wished to make one or two remarks as regarded the principle of the Bill itself and the Commission which had been alluded to. They had heard in the country (and he had no doubt they would hear again in the course of the autumn) that this Bill and also the Bill for England were Measures devised for the relief of landowners, and landowners only. At all events he hoped
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nothing of that kind would be said or hinted at as regarded Scotland, because, as the noble Lord had said (and he wished to emphasise it), this was a Bill devised for the relief of occupiers, and occupiers of land alone. He did not think it made any difference whether the occupier of land hired it from someone else or owned it himself. Indeed, he thought the House would agree that in the case of small owners of land, the boon was even more required than in the case of persons who owned property and let it to others. The remedy proposed by this Bill was good so far as it went. It was given to the occupiers, but nobody contended—and he was sure the noble Lord did not claim for the Measure—that this was anything in the nature of a complete meeting of the agricultural difficulty. What this Bill did was to recognise the grievance which the noble Lord very properly said was absolutely undoubted, and he undertook to say that grievance was admitted, just as fully in the towns scattered about the country as in the country districts themselves which were affected. But the point on which he wished to lay stress was that they did not look to this Bill alone, or mainly to this Bill for the redress of this grievance. What they looked to was the Report of the Commission, which he was glad to see from the papers was now very nearly completed in its composition, which it was announced the noble Earl himself was to be the Chairman of. To that inquiry all those connected with land must look forward with the greatest anxiety and interest. They knew very well that the position of agricultural land, as distinct from business and other sorts of property, had hitherto occupied in the amount of taxation it had been called upon to bear, would be fully laid before the country, and that the value of that would be very great. But what they felt in the meantime was that this Bill admitted the grievance, and all they had to say was that the sooner this Commission could report the better; and then the agriculturists of Scotland would be perfectly ready to accept their relief not alone, or in any selfish way, but in common with all the other persons who owned real property in Scotland, and who had to bear the burden of local taxation. The appointment of this Commission was the most important thing the

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Government had done during the present Session, and he could only say that the noble Lord (if it were true that the noble Lord was going to be Chairman of the Commission) had his very best wishes in the work to which he hoped he would apply himself as soon as opportunity was given.
Bill read 2a, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House on Thursday next.

STANNARIES BILL [H.L.]
The consent of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales in right of his Duchy of Cornwall, signified; Commons Amendments considered (according to Order), and agreed to.

LIGHT RAILWAYS BILL.
Amendments reported (according to Order.)
*THE CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEESmoved the insertion, after Clause 2, of the following new clause:—
No application for an order under this Act shall be granted by the Light Railway Commissioners, unless such railway is projected, mainly—

(a.) For the conveyance of agricultural produce; or

(b.) For communication with harbours and fishing villages; or

(c.) To open up remote and thinly populated districts; and does not exceed 20 miles in length.

Provided that the Light Railway Commissioners may sanction a railway of greater length, but in that ease they shall make a special report to the Board of Trade, and such report shall, with the decision of the Board thereon, be laid before Parliament.
The noble Earl said the object of his proposed new clause was to attempt to confine the scope of the Bill to the objects which its promoters avowed it was intended to meet. But it was desirable to give some elasticity to it, so he proposed that where the Light Railways Commissioners thought a greater length than 20 miles was desirable they should sanction it, provided they made a special report to Parliament. If the
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Government could suggest any other purposes than those mentioned in the clause to which the Light Railways might be adapted, he should be glad to add them. He had taken the words nearly Verbatim from the 5th Clause of the Bill itself, which set out the conditions under which special advances by the Treasury were to be made, and they were confined to the cases enumerated in his clause. The objections he took to the Bill on the Second Reading were by no means removed by anything that had subsequently taken place. Those objections were mainly to the uncontrolled transference to a branch of Executive and certain Commissioners of powers that had hitherto been exercised exclusively by Parliament. Under the Bill at present those powers were practically undefined. They extended over every tramway and every railway in the country or could be so extended if the Commissioners and the Board of Trade agreed. Under the Bill there was nothing to prevent a limited company or an individual applying for and obtaining powers to construct a light railway through any street of the Metropolis or any large town; and so, under the pretence of a light railway, evading all the provisions of the Tramways Acts as to provisions that the rails should not be above the surface of the road; that the frontages should be consulted, also the local authorities; nor was there anything to prevent a large railway company—the Great Western, or London and North Western—making branches all over the country, which could not be differentiated from branches made by their less fortunate rivals. The answer of course was, "You must trust that the Commissioners and the Board of Trade will use these powers with discretion." He hoped they might trust them, and he had no reason at present to doubt that their confidence would be well placed. But the Commissioners and the Presidents of the Board of Trade were not everlasting. Individuals changed, and it was an entirely new principle in our legislation that they should give to branches of the Executive unlimited powers simply in the confidence that they would not be abused. Let the House consider for a moment what the principle led to. If they gave the Board of Trade these powers in the case of railways, what

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argument could they use if the Local Government Board applied for similar powers in the case of sanitary and street improvements and the hundred and one objects which localities now came to Parliament to obtain under Public Health Bills. It was a principle capable of large development, and development not without danger. One of the arguments of his hon. Friend who had charge of the Bill in favour of the clause relating to compulsory taking of land was that it had a precedent in the Allotments Act. That pointed to the danger of development. Compulsory powers under the Allotments Act were given to meet a special case absolutely different from giving powers for constructing or making railways or tramways, and how could they draw an analogy between two or three acres that might be wanted for an allotment ground, and the miles of laud that might be wanted for constructing railways. He had called attention to these matters, because it showed how dangerous it was to apply to one set of conditions principles that had been applied already to another set of conditions absolutely and totally different. He would say no more on the subject. The object of the clause he had moved was to limit to some extent the area over which the principle of the Bill would have its scope. The object of the Bill was to make the construction and promotion of railways cheaper. With this he was certain their Lordships would all sympathise. But let them remember that cheapness might be purchased at somewhat too great a sacrifice of important principles, and he ventured to say the object might have been efficiently attained without so violent a departure from the existing methods of legislation. He believed the clause he had proposed would somewhat improve the Bill by limiting its scope, and he hoped the Government would see their way to accept it.
*THE SECRETARY TO THE BOARD OF TRADE (The EARL of DUDLEY)said it was not necessary for him to follow his noble Friend in the observations he had made as to the powers it was proposed to confer on the Commissioners and the Board of Trade under this Bill. That matter had already been fully discussed upon the Committee stage of the Bill, and it therefore seemed to him only necessary he
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should remind their Lordships that this Commission was limited to the specified term of five years, and therefore, it would be always open to Parliament at the end of that time, if it disapproved of the action the Commission had taken to put an end to the procedure set up in this Bill. He hoped the House would not be led away by the arguments which his noble Friend had so ably put before it into accepting the Amendment because it would injuriously affect and limit the scope and provisions of this Bill. It would exclude the schemes which the Government hoped would be promoted under the facility clauses of the Bill and confine the establishment of light railways to those very cases in which the prospect of profit was the smallest. He might remind the House that under the provisions of this Bill they contemplated the establishment of two different classes of railway, and they had in view the extension of railway communication in two different sorts of districts. On the one hand there were districts in which the establishment of light railways would be for purposes such as those specified in the Amendment of his noble Friend—railways for agricultural produce, for communication with harbours and fishing villages or to open up remote and thinly populated districts, and they believed that in regard to those districts it was only by State aid and by a cheapening of the procedure that they should be able to facilitate the extension of railway communication. But there was also another sort of district they hoped to develop under the provisions of this Bill, districts which could not be called "remote and thinly populated," but which were not thickly populated; districts in which various small industries existed, and in which a light railway was wanted not mainly for any particular purpose, but for general convenience; for instance, for connecting one village with another, or one small town with another in exactly the same way, but on a different scale, as large trunk lines were required throughout the country generally. Why was it such districts were at present very often without adequate means of railway communication? Because the capital cost of promotion under the existing procedure was so large that the receipts from such districts would not probably return a fair rate of interest

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upon the money invested in making the line. But if the procedure was cheapened, the circumstances would be altogether changed and under the altered conditions they believed many other lines would be constructed by existing railway companies as feeders for their main system without any application to Parliament whatever for State aid. If, however, they analysed too strictly the precise objects of these light railways it might be found absolutely impossible to make them conform to the limitations desired by his noble Friend. They might not be intended for any particular purpose; they might be required for all sorts of purposes, and therefore, unless it could be shown that they were intended either for the carriage of agricultural produce or for the development of the fishing industry, his noble Friend would forbid their establishment, and force the promoters either to abandon the whole scheme or to fall back upon the present expensive procedure before Parliament. As he had said before, he believed the provisions of this Pill would be mainly used by existing railway companies for the construction of light branch lines, and they could not get these railway companies to promote schemes if they tied them down merely, or even mainly, to the unremunerative traffic involved in the carriage of agricultural and fishing produce. This was one of the main objections he had to the Amendment of his noble Friend, but there were also one or two minor defects. In the first place, under the Amendment who was to decide if a light railway fulfilled the conditions laid down by his noble Friend? He had no doubt the noble Earl meant that the Commissioners were to decide it, but he did not say so, and he was advised that if the clause was inserted in the Bill there would be constant danger of continual legal contests as to whether a light railway was really intended for the one purpose specified in the Amendment. Again, supposing a light railway was established from an agricultural district into a town and conveyed agricultural produce to that town, who was to decide whether it was mainly an agricultural railway or a railway to convey town produce. Possibly the bulk and value of the produce that it took back to the country from the town would be greater than that which it
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brought from the country into the town, and yet if that were so, according to the Amendment, he took it, it was a railway which ought not in fact to have been established. Then why did his noble Friend fix upon agriculture and fishing as the only industries which were to benefit under this Bill? Why should not light railways be established, for instance, in Wales, to some of the slate quarries, or some of the coalfields throughout England and other parts of the Kingdom? His noble Friend was good enough in his speech to say that if the Government could suggest any other industries that required light railways, he would extend his Amendment to cover them. Put there might be requirements for light railways where it was impossible to specify any particular industry that would benefit by them and, therefore, the Government wished to make the provisions of this Bill so elastic and wide that cases of that sort would be taken into account, and light railways, no matter for what purpose, would be established, and the trade of the community, no matter to what branch it might belong, would derive the benefit it was hoped would result from the provisions of the Bill. He hoped he had said enough to convince their Lordships that if the Amendment was inserted it would very injuriously affect the provisions of the Bill and limit its scope. He therefore hoped his noble Friend would not press it to a Division.
THE CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEESsaid that, after what had fallen from the noble Lord, he did not think it wise to press the Amendment to a Division, and would therefore withdraw it.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
THE CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEEScalled attention to the fact that in paragraph (c) Sub-section (1) of Clause 5, the expression was used "and every such parish shall be notified of the intention, etc." The word" notified "in that sense was new to the Statute Book, and he suggested that" informed" would be a better word.
*THE EARL OF DUDLEYsaid he would accept the word "informed" in place of "notified."

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Word "notified" struck out; word "informed" inserted instead thereof.
On the Motion of the EARL of DUDLEY, certain verbal Amendments were agreed to.
Bill read the Third time, and passed.

UGANDA RAILWAY BILL.
Considered in Committee (according to Order); Bill reported without Amendment; Standing Committee negatived; and Bill to be read 3a on Thursday next.

PUBLIC HEALTH (IRELAND) BILL.
Considered in Committee.
[The CHAIRMAN of COMMITTEES in the Chair.]
Clause 2,—

PUBLIC HEALTH (IRELAND) BILL.

  POWER TO EXECUTE WORKS IN ADJOINING DISTRICTS, AND TO COMBINE FOR EXECUTION OF WORKS.
  Any sanitary authority may, with the consent of the sanitary authority of any adjoining district, execute and do in such adjoining; district all or any of such works and things as they may execute and do within their own district, and on such terms as to payment or otherwise as may be agreed on between them and the sanitary authority of the adjoining district, and any two or more sanitary authorities may combine together for the purpose of executing and maintaining any works that may be for the benefit of their respective districts or any part thereof. All moneys which any sanitary authority may agree to contribute for defraying expenses incurred under this section shall be deemed to be expenses incurred by them in the execution of works within their district.
  THE EARL OF RANEURLYmoved, after the words "adjoining district," to insert the words—
  "or between them and. any person with the consent of such last - mentioned sanitary authority, and may, with the like consent, supply and sell water to any person in such adjoining district."
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  This Amendment was by way of enlarging the powers, so that with the sanction of the central authority another contractor, independent of the central authority, could do the work.
  Amendment agreed to; clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.
  Clause 10,—

  JURISDICTION OF PORT SANITARY AUTHORITY.
  The order of the Local Government Board constituting a port sanitary authority shall be deemed to give such authority jurisdiction over all waters within the limits of such port, and also over the whole or such portions of the district within the jurisdiction of any sanitary authority as may be specified in the order.
  THE EARL OF RANFURLYmoved, after Clause 10, to insert the following clause:—
  "The Local Government Board may by order assign to any port sanitary authority any powers, rights, duties, capacities, and obligations under the Infectious Disease Prevention Act, 1890, with the necessary modifications."
  He said this clause incorporated the English Port Sanitary Bill, passed this Session.
  Clause read 1a and 2a, and ordered to stand part of the Bill.
  Clause 30,—

  INTERPRETATION OF 41 & 42 VICT., c. 52, s. 2.
  In the interpretation of the expression "Sanitary Acts" in Section two of the principal Act, the expression "in force" means in force for the time being.
  THE EARL OF RANEURLYmoved, after Clause 30, to insert the following clause:—
  31. All buildings, offices, and premises vested in, or in the occupation of Her Majesty the Queen, either beneficially or as part of the hereditary revenues of the Crown, or in trust for the public service, or for public purposes, or in the occupation of any department of Her Majesty's Government, or used or employed for public purposes, shall be and are hereby exempted from the provisions of this Act, and also from the provisions of the Public Health (Ireland) Acts, 1878 to 1890: Provided that nothing in this Act shall in anywise prejudice,

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  affect, or make void any matters or things here tofore done by any sanitary authority in pursuance of the said Acts in connection with or in; relation to the building's, offices, or premises referred to in this section.
  He said this clause was proposed by the Treasury simply for the protection of its buildings, such as post offices.
  Clause read 1a and 2a, and ordered to stand part of the Bill.
  Clause 32,—

  DEFINITIONS.
  In this Act the expression "the principal Act" means the Public Health (Ireland) Act, 1878; and the expression "the Public Health (Ireland) Acts, 1878 to 1890," means the Public Health (Ireland) Act, 1878, the Public Health (Ireland) Amendment Act, 1879, the Public Health (Ireland) Amendment Act, 1884, the Public Health Act, 1889, and the Public Health Acts Amendment Act, 1890.
  THE EARL OF RANFURLYmoved, at the end of the clause, to insert the words "and the expression 'town' includes a township having Commissioners."
  Amendment agreed to; clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
  Standing Committee negatived; Standing Order No. XXXIX. considered (according to Order), and dispensed with; Amendments reported; Bill read. 3a, with the Amendments, passed, and returned to the Commons.

  EXPIRING LAWS CONTINUANCE BILL.
  Read 2a (according to Order); Committee negatived; and Bill to be read 3a on Thursday next.
  PUBLIC WORKS LOANS BILL.
  Read 2a (according to Order); Committee negatived; and Bill to be read 3a on Thursday next.
  TELEGRAPH MONKY BILL.
  Read 2a (according to Order); Committee negatived; and Bill to be read 3a on Thursday next.

  LOCAL TAXATION (IRELAND) ESTATE DUTY BILL.
  Read 2a (according to Order); Committee negatived; and Bill to be read 3a on Thursday next.
  THE LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL (The DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE), in moving the adjournment of the House, said he understood it was necessary for their Lordships to meet at a Quarter past 11 To-morrow night.
  House adjourned at Twenty minutes before Seven o'clock, till To-morrow, at a Quarter past Eleven o'clock p.m.