* THE EARL OF DUNRAVENMy Lords, before asking the question which stands in my name on the Notice Paper, I should like to express my great satisfaction that Her Majesty's Government have found themselves in a position to accept the invitation to assist at the Congress now assembled at Berlin for the discussion of certain matters affecting labour. It would, I think, have been a very unfortunate thing if this country, which has taken the lead in manufacturing enterprise, and also in the care and consideration bestowed upon the people employed in them, as shown in such matters as the observance of Sunday, and the restrictions placed upon the employment of children, young persons, and women, had not been adequately represented at a Conference of this nature. My Lords, I do not myself attach a very great, certainly not an exaggerated, importance to what the probable and immediate results of the Congress may be as far as this country is concerned. I 1664 have no doubt a great deal of good will result to workers in foreign countries, and I hope that a great deal of good will eventually result to the workers in this country. But the matter is one which has attracted a great deal of attention, not only on account of the exalted position of the originator of the idea, and on account of the fact that this is the first occasion on which Governments-have met together to discuss matters affecting labour, and to endeavour to devise means whereby the interests of labour may be furthered in their respective countries. It also attracts attention on account of certain matters which are to be there under discussion. There can be no doubt that a great result will be achieved if this Congress itself, or future discussions originating from it, can devise any means whereby in the event of international competition becoming excessive and injurious in its effects, means may be devised whereby those injurious effects upon the moral and physical health of the working populations might be modified. But there is one particular point which is of enormous importance to us in this country, and that is the second and third matters which are mentioned to be brought under discussion. It is said that inasmuch as the working-day in mines is fraught with great danger to health, it is a matter for discussion whether it should be subject to limitation. As to that proposition, I have only to say that I am sorry it does not go a little further, and say that there is danger to life, for I have not the slightest doubt that thousands of lives have been lost in this country, owing to carelessness arising from fatigue, which has been caused from working excessive hours in mines under hard conditions. The other subject of discussion to which I alluded is, whether it would be possible in the public interest, in order to assure the regularity of the output of coal, to subject labour in mines to International regulations. I need not point out to your Lordships the enormous importance to this country of anything affecting the output of coal. The coal industry is in one respect the greatest in the country; that all the other manufacturing industries depend upon it; and the coal industry itself, to a great extent, depends upon the foreign trade in coal. On account of this particular subject which is to come 1665 under discussion, and on account also of the great importance for several reasons that have appeared of this Congress as a whole, it seems to me (that is, of course, supposing no injury can accrue to the Public Service by doing so) that it would be very desirable that the Instructions under which our Plenipotentiaries and Delegates are discussing these matters, should be presented to Parliament before the Recess, and I therefore wish to ask Her Majesty's Government if they will lay upon the Table of the House a Copy of the Instructions given to the Plenipotentiaries appointed to represent this country at the Labour Conference at Berlin?
§ THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURYIt is entirely unusual to lay the Instructions given to our Representatives at a Congress or Conference on the Table before that Conference is concluded. I do not mean to say that there have been no exceptions to the rule, but the exceptions are exceedingly rare. On the present occasion I do not think there is any temptation to commit an irregularity, because the Instructions, if laid upon the Table, would not interest my noble Friend in the least. They are of the most general character, and mainly echo the terms of the Despatch in which the invitation to the Conference was accepted. It is obvious that only general Instructions could be given, because we were not aware of the precise nature of the proposals which, it was the intention of the German or other Governments to submit. If the Conference had been one of our suggestion, or had been summoned by this country, of course the summons would have been given with certain specific objects which might have been dwelt upon in Instructions to Plenipotentiaries. But where the Conference is of a character so entirely novel, and the precise nature of the recommendations suggested for submission is a matter of uncertainty, there clearly could be no advantage in giving hypothetical Instructions. Of course, our Representatives act on the principle that nothing of importance shall be assented to without the sanction of Her Majesty's Government being first obtained; and, knowing who the Representatives are, I do not think that there is any danger of their giving any unwise or incautious assent. But I have every ground for believing that, although the results of the Conference 1666 may not appear very large as compared to the sensation which the Conference has created and the notice which has been attracted to it, still considerable advantage will result from, its deliberations, and not the smallest advantage will be that it will give some hope that other countries will come up to the level which this country has already attained in the care which it bestows on the regulation of infant and female labour, and for the provision of the weekly rest which we so much value. If that is done, not only will a great and philanthropic end be obtained, but also a great end of justice for the labourers of this country. Our working population has now for many years past been working at a great disadvantage in point of pure commercial competition by reason of the very care and precautions which Parliament has properly taken in their higher interests which I have named. If that result comes from the Conference, it will be of great advantage. I do not say that other results may not come, and that there may not be matters coming up at the Conference with respect to which Parliament will have subsequently to be consulted; but I think that there is every ground for believing that the recommendations which the Conference is likely to make will be in general harmony with those principles which the English Parliament has hitherto pursued.