Lords Sitting of 3 April 1884

MINUTES.
PUBLIC BILLS—First Reading— Settled Land* (52); Public Notaries* (53); Local Government (Ireland) Provisional Order (The Labourers Act) (Carrick-on-Suir) * (54): Local Government (Ireland; Provisional Orders (Naas, &c.) * (55).
Second Reading—Criminal Law Amendment (45).
Committee—Report—City of Norwich (Mouse-hold Meath) Provisional Order* (35); Metropolitan Commons Provisional Order * (36); Isle of Man Harbours* (47); Dublin Museum of Science and Art* (38).
Third Reading—Medical Act Amendment (34): Intestates Estates * (46), and passed.

HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF ALBANY.

  HER MAJESTY'S ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS.
  THE LORD STEWARD OF THE HOUSEHOLD (The EARL SYDNEY)reported the Queen's Answer to the Address of Monday last as follows:—
  "I return you My sincere thanks for your loyal and dutiful Address, and for your sympathy with Me in the great trial and loss which I have sustained in the death of My beloved Son.
  "I am deeply sensible of your loyalty and devotion, and I have received with satisfaction the assurance of the interest you take in all that concerns the happiness of Myself and My Family."

CRIMINAL LAW AMENDMENT BILL.
(The Earl of Dalhousie.)
CRIMINAL LAW AMENDMENT BILL.

  (NO. 45.) SECOND READING.
  Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
  THE EARL OF DALHOUSIE, in moving that the Bill be now read a second time, called attention to the fact that it was a much milder measure than the Bill which passed through their Lordships' House last year; many provisions of that Bill were omitted, and many additional safeguards introduced. It differed also in form. The present Bill was divided into three parts—the first relating to the suppression of prostitution, the second to the suppression of brothels, while the third contained definitions and other miscellaneous matter. With regard to the first part, some of
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  the clauses were in the same form as last year; others had been modified. The Government, in framing the measure, had endeavoured not to go beyond public opinion, and many persons, on, that account, might consider the Bill inadequate; but it had been their object to keep their efforts within such limits as would be approved by public opinion as represented by 12 jurymen. Their Lordships would judge how far the efforts of the Government had been successful; at the same time, they would admit that the necessity for some measure was beyond all doubt—a fact which was affirmed last year in that House by reading the Bill a second time without a Division. In other countries female chastity was protected up to the age of 21; in this country it was not, and it was admitted that juvenile prostitution was largely on the increase, especially in London. There was a good deal of evidence to show that the Contagious Diseases Acts had worked beneficially in some respects. Since the beginning of the year 22 Memorials and Resolutions had been presented bearing testimony to the beneficial working of those Acts in reducing disease and juvenile prostitution. Those Memorials appeared to be spontaneous, and fairly to represent the state of opinion in the districts from which they came; and the second portion of the Bill was founded, in some degree, on the Report of a Select Committee of the House of Commons, which expressed the opinion that the Contagious Diseases Acts had diminished prostitution and suppressed juvenile prostitution in the subjected districts, and which recommended that additional and more absolute powers should be given to the police. Of course, these recommendations were not sufficient to justify a Bill of this kind if it was wrong; but a recommendation of a Select Committee of that kind raised some presumption in its favour. In I their Lordships' Committee evidence had been given that juvenile prostitution had been carried on chiefly in low-class brothels, and that it was impossible to deal with the question unless additional powers were given for dealing with these brothels. The powers given to householders by the Act of George II. upon the subject were very seldom used, because of the opprobrium which their exercise brought on those who made use of them. This Bill created no new offence

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  whatever. Under the law as it now stood, keeping a brothel was an offence punishable by fine and imprisonment; it was now proposed to make it an offence liable to summary proceedings. The 12th clause provided for the determination of tenancies by the landlord in the case of the premises being used as a brothel. In the 13th clause of the Bill there was an error in the wording; the words "there is reasonable cause to suspect" should be left out. Those words had been cut out last year as being too drastic. In dealing with this question, Her Majesty's Government knew that it was impossible to deal with vice of any kind by legislation in the present state of society and of human nature, and this Bill was not intended to be a measure for the suppression of vice. All they could do was to compel brothel-keepers to carry on their business so that, on the one hand, they should not be an annoyance to their respectable neighbours, nor, on the other, hold out any open temptation to either sex. For this reason the Government proposed, by the 13th clause, to make the keeping of such a house an offence which should be dealt with summarily. It was not intended that the police should attempt to put down all brothels forthwith. The clause empowered a Justice of the Peace to issue a search warrant on the information by oath of any Superintendent or Inspector of Police. In attempting to deal with these houses in such a manner, they had not been without the results of experience in the matter. Acts of Parliament had been passed dealing with the subject, more especially for the towns of Leamington and Glasgow. Those Acts had worked satisfactorily; and with regard to the proposal of the noble Earl (the Earl of Milltown) to refer the measure to a Select Committee, he trusted that their Lordships would not agree to it. He did not pretend that the Bill as it stood was a perfect measure; in fact, one part of it the Government intended to amend. The whole subject was a very difficult one; and it was not so much a question of principle as of degree. He would ask their Lordships not to refer the Bill to a Select Committee on three grounds. In the first place, the Bill did not deal with any new question at all, but with one which had been before their Lordships last year, and had been discussed at
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  very great length. Secondly, the subject-matter with which it dealt had been already investigated by two Select Committees, and he did not think that any fresh evidence would be brought out. If the Bill did require any amendment, he did not see why that should not be done in its passage through their Lordships' House. A third reason was the delay which would thus be caused; a similar measure had been lost last year in the House of Commons through the lateness of the time at which it was introduced into that House. The Bill was one in which a large number of persons were deeply interested; and he hoped that it would not be delayed by being sent to a Select Committee.
  Moved, "That the Bill be now read 2a" —(The Earl of Dalhousie.)
  THE EARL OF MILLTOWNsaid, that, although the measure before them was not so severe as that of last year, it was so extremely faulty in construction that it was absolutely impossible to amend it in Committee of the Whole House. Nothing could be more unjustifiable than to pass a Bill of that character, simply because the noble Earl appeared to think that any Bill was better than no Bill at all. The first two clauses of the Act were much the same as passed last year; but in the 3rd clause there was a considerable enlargement, because, while the present law applied to women under age, this clause applied to women of any age. The 4th clause was simply the law as at present existing. It was identical with the 3rd section of 38 & 39 Vict., c. 94. He thought that if that enactment should be repealed, it would be most desirable to provide adequate punishment for the attempt to commit the felony. While making an outrage on a child under 12 years of age a felony, it left the attempt still only a misdemeanour entailing a really inadequate punishment. This was all the more extraordinary, since in the next clause they had met the attempt and the actual crime with the same punishment. Although the crime so dealt with was only a misdemeanour, there would be nothing novel in making it a felony to attempt to commit a felony, as this had been done in several instances. Clause 7 extended the protection at present given in the case of girls under

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  16 abducted for any purpose to girls of 18 abducted for an immoral purpose. He could not see why, supposing that extension was adhered to, an unmarried girl of that age should be the only one who was protected. Why should not a married servant girl, for instance, be as much protected as an unmarried one? Clause 8 extended the power of the Metropolitan Police by enabling them to arrest any woman who importuned persons in the street, whether she annoyed the passengers or not. No doubt something should be done to rescue the streets from their present shameful condition; but that Bill would put an enormous power in the hands of the police. He wished to speak of that force with every possible respect. It was an admirable body, which, as a whole, did its duty efficiently, humanely, and well. But at the same times it was a large army of more than 10,000, and in such a host there must be some men of indifferent character; and their Lordships should be careful not to place in their hands an engine of extortion upon those unhappy girls. The Bill said that the Court, in the case of any girl under 16 so offending, might, if she was under no guardianship, send her to a certified home. Surely any girl under 16 who was found to have so acted should be sent to a certified home—if there was such a thing—whether she was under the power of any guardian or not. Then he came to the question of the homes to which they were to be sent. There were no such places in existence; but in Clause 9 of the Bill there was a provision for constituting them. One of Her Majesty's principal Secretaries of State might, subject to certain conditions, grant to any person, or to two or more persons jointly, a certificate authorizing them to keep a home, he supposed, for the reception of those outcasts; but there was no provision made for any inspection of those homes, or with regard to their management. What the girls were to do when incarcerated was not stated. Above all, the Bill gave what the people of this country strongly objected to—namely, power to private persons to become gaolers. Every one of those girls would be reluctant prisoners. Moreover, there was no provision for making the parents of those children contribute to their support, thus holding out a premium to such parents to send
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  their children into the streets. If, again, the police did their duty under that section, the number of those waifs and strays whom they would have to arrest would be counted by the thousand; for it was estimated that at present in the Metropolis there were over 80,000 of those wretched females, a large proportion of them being children. He now came to the part of the Bill relating to brothels. After their Lordships had decided last year, upon full consideration, by a majority of 28, that it was inexpedient to overload the Bill with provisions respecting such houses, he was surprised to find those provisions—or provisions very nearly to the same effect —again introduced into the present Bill. The noble Earl said that the object of Clause 11 was to give summary jurisdiction to magistrates over persons who kept brothels, instead of dealing with them by indictment, and to inflict imprisonment without the option of a line; but on conviction any such person was made liable for the first offence to any penalty not exceeding £20, or, in the discretion of the Court, to imprisonment for any term not exceeding three months, with or without hard labour. Was there any public demand for fresh legislation on that subject? Under the present state of the law, to keep a disorderly house of that character was a misdemeanour at Common Law, because it was a nuisance; and there existed no difficulty whatever in putting a stop to those nuisances and getting those houses suppressed whenever the inhabitants of the neighbourhood desired it. Therefore that attempt to do more in the matter seemed to him Quixotic. Section 13, giving power to a constable to obtain a search warrant over any householder's premises seemed to him a very extraordinary provision. To keep a disorderly house was, as he had said, a misdemeanour at Common Law, because it was a nuisance; and yet it was supposed that to discover that nuisance it was necessary to examine and pry all over the house. There was no necessity for anything of the kind; nothing was more easy than to get the evidence of the neighbours, or to place a constable near the door to notice those who came and went. Nothing more objectionable than to grant a search warrant to enter everybody's house and try to discover what was going on there

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  could well be conceived. Nor was the remedy of an action, as suggested by the noble Earl, in the event of a house; when searched turning out not to be of the character that had been supposed, a very certain or satisfactory one. He very much doubted whether any such action would lie, unless express malice could be proved. These were among the chief reasons why he thought the Bill could not be properly amended in Committee of the Whole House. He yielded to no Member of their Lordships House, or to anyone out of it, in his anxiety to remedy, and, if possible, to suppress the terrible evils which the evidence before their Lordships' Committee had disclosed; and, so far as this Bill proceeded in that direction, it had his humble and most hearty support. It was with, the object of rendering the Bill more efficient for that purpose, to make it a reality and not a sham, and also to get rid of provisions which now overloaded it, and which might lead to its shipwreck "elsewhere," that he ventured to ask their Lordships to refer the Bill to a Select Committee. He felt bound to add, however, that in his judgment it was not by penal legislation of this kind, however severe, or however drastic, that their Lordships would remedy those terrible evils which had been found to exist. It was rather by such measures as those which had been so nobly inaugurated by the noble Marquess who sat below him (the Marquess of Salisbury) in rendering decent the homes of the inhabitants of our great cities, and whose present condition was a dark blot on our boasted civilization, and anything but a credit to our wealthy Established Church. In thousands of thousands of those miserable homes—to use the word in such a connection seemed but a mockery—decency was impossible, morality was unknown, and the name of the Most High was never used, except for the purposes of blasphemy or obscenity. It was from such polluted sources that those horrid streams of vice which offended the eyes of their Lordships and the public flowed; and while these terrible sources of evil were left uncared for, to increase and multiply day by day and hour by hour, all such legislation as that now before the House would, he believed, prove but another delusion, mockery, and snare.
  Motion agreed to; Bill read 2a accordingly.
  THE EARL OF MILLTOWNbegged to move that the Bill be referred to a Select Committee.
  Moved, "That the Bill be referred to a Select Committee."—(The Earl of Milltown.)
  EARL CAIRNSsaid, with regard to the subject-matter of the Bill, a criticism of the wording of it would be more usefully conducted in the proposed Committee than in a Committee of the Whole House; but he did not see any reason why there should be any delay in disposing of criticism of this kind. In any event, he hoped that the Bill would not be delayed by the reconsideration of the whole matter.
  THE LORD CHANCELLORsaid, he was glad to hear what had been said by the noble and learned Earl who had just spoken, because it was not possible for him to foresee what the decision of the House might be upon the Motion of the noble Earl (the Earl of Milltown). It would certainly be matter for regret if the House should think fit to refer the Bill to a Select Committee, and allow the whole subject and the evidence to be re-opened. Whatever objections there might be to the course suggested by the noble Earl, it would occupy very much less time and delay than if the whole grounds of the Bill were investigated by the Select Committee. While recognizing the excellent spirit of the speech made by the noble Earl who proposed this Motion, yet he must remark that the noble Earl had, in his opinion, furnished good arguments against his own Motion. He had gone through the clauses of the Bill, and his criticisms of the measure had been as able as they usually were. These criticisms, however, had not suggested any questions which it would be difficult for the House in full Committee to discuss. That course was followed last year with a larger and more difficult measure. The House had plenty of time to dispose of at present, and he could not help thinking it unnecessary to follow the course suggested by the noble Earl.
  THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURYsaid, with reference to the question of time, their Lordships were not oppressed by Business, and there was no danger of

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  Obstruction arising at a later period which would prevent the Bill going forward until it reached "another place." The delays in "another place" were I such that it was not likely that the measure could be considered there for many months. He, therefore, thought there was some hollowness in the plea of time. With reference to referring the Bill to a Select Committee, he confessed that he should prefer that course. The noble Earl last year expressed an opinion in that sense, which he was not, however, in a position to grant. His feeling was, that it was a matter of very great difficulty to discuss this question in the Whole House and with the reporters present. He earnestly hoped, with a view to the probability of this Bill passing and securing the assent of the House, the objections made by the noble Earl who had moved this Motion would be tested in a Select Committee. They seemed to be, as far as he could judge, sound and full of force. They must not conceal from themselves that in parts of this Bill they were entering into new legislative territory, in respect to which considerable antagonism might be aroused. Formerly they had always dealt with the question of brothels as nuisances, and claimed the right to repress them; but the ground they were now taking was that of attacking these houses from a moral point of view, and dealing with them as an evil in themselves. There was, undoubtedly, a very wide logical chasm between the law as it was sought to be passed and the law as it existed.
  EARL GRANVILLEsaid, he thought there were certain difficulties in going into a Select Committee with a Bill of this kind. He thought the measure was much more likely to be favourably received in the House of Commons, and its progress through that House would be much more facilitated if the arguments in reference to the Bill were urged from both sides of their Lordships' House rather than that there should be any secret conclave without any person knowing what had been said.
  Motion (by leave of the House) withdrawn.
  Bill committed to a Committee of the Whole House on Tuesday the 29 th instant.

MEDICAL ACT AMENDMENT BILL.
(The Lord President.)
MEDICAL ACT AMENDMENT BILL.

  (NO. 34.) THIRD READING.
  Order of the Day for the Third Reading read.
  LORD CARLINGFORD (LORD PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL), in moving that the Bill be now read a third time, said, he had received a Petition from the British Medical Association, which was a body of great importance, containing the names of 10,000 registered members of the Medical Profession, and comprising a large proportion of the physicians and surgeons in the hospitals, and the physicians and lecturers attached to the various medical schools throughout the Kingdom, praying that the Bill might be passed into law during the present Session.
  Moved, "That the Bill be now read 3a." — (The Lord President.)
  THE EARL OF CAMPERDOWNsaid, he wished, before the Bill left their Lordships' House, to make a few observations in regard to a topic which had been alluded to slightly in the House, and which, he thought, was very likely to meet with some discussion elsewhere. This Bill was undoubtedly a compromise between the opinions of those who held that all medical authorities ought to preserve full liberty to issue medical licences, and those who considered the licences ought to be given only after State examinations. He did not suppose the Lord President was so sanguine as to expect that under these circumstances the Government Bill would meet with the approbation of all the persons and authorities and interests concerned. At the same time, he thought there could be no doubt that the Bill met with a considerable amount of general approbation; and it was very much to be desired, both in the interest of the public and the medical authorities themselves, that the measure should be passed into law during the present Session. A point was raised by the noble Lord (Lord Balfour) the other night, with reference to Scottish Universities. He (the Earl of Camperdown) did not say anything, because he did not wish to say anything disagreeable to those Universities, and also because they discussed this question last year, and the arguments in support of the matter

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  were exhausted. He was not without! hope that the, Universities made their statement through the noble Lord merely as a protest, and not with any intention of opposing the Bill in "another place." If there was any intention of that kind, he hoped they would not fail to realize the true meaning of their objection. That objection went to the very root of the whole Bill. If the Scottish Universities were to be allowed to retain the power of giving licences, was it to be expected for a moment that the English Universities or the University of Dublin would be contented to resign n privilege to which they attached so much value? No demand was being made upon the Scottish Universities which was not being made on the other Universities of the United Kingdom. It was only the other day that the Scottish Representatives were urging in "another place," with reference to the extension of the franchise, that it was absolutely necessary to treat the Three Kingdoms exactly in the same manner. If that argument held good, he hoped it would also be remembered in connection with the question of medical licences. He was certain that this contention of the, Scottish Universities, if it were acceded to by the Government, would occasion the overthrow of the Bill; and, moreover, he thought the Scottish Universities were not well advised in taking the objection. He believed they suffered more than any other body from the present system of licensing. One of the reasons why medical students had preferred to go to the Medical Corporations for their licences had been owing to the excellence of the examination of the Scottish Universities; but now that there was to be an approximately equal standard of examination in all the Three Kingdoms, it was only reasonable to suppose that many students would go where they could get the best education. He thought the Lord President had treated the Scottish Medical Corporations with the fullest extent of conciliation. He had given them more representation in proportion to the Scottish Universities than he proposed to do in the Bill of last year. He had raised no objection, because he knew very well that in a Bill of this sort it was very desirable that the Privy Council should do everything it could to conciliate all the important existing
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  interests, and they had a guarantee that in the future the examinations of the Scottish Corporations would be more satisfactory. Supposing that were not the case, there was a provision in the Bill to empower the Privy Council and the Medical Council together to make a change hereafter in the representation of the various authorities on the Medical Boards. Under all these circumstances, he was quite willing to agree to the change proposed to be made in the Bill; but, at the same time, he wished to say that the Scottish Medical Corporations would be very ill-advised indeed if they proposed to force the change further in "another place." The evidence before the Royal Commission, including testimony of the most incontrovertible character—that of the "crammers"— showed that hitherto the examinations of some of the Scottish Medical Corporations had been very inferior. The proposal put forward by the Irish Medical Corporation for compulsory affiliation he hoped would not be listened to for a moment. He cordially agreed with the decision as to the inexpediency of making any addition to the existing titles. This decision would indirectly support and enhance the value of those titles; but if the medical authorities proposed to push this matter further, and to insist that every medical student should belong to one of their Bodies, they would impose a considerable additional cost on them, and place a very strong argument in the hands of their opponents. Nearly all the Universities and Medical Corporations had been so good as to accede to the proposal of taking away the power of giving licences; and there was every reason to believe that the Bill in its present form would receive the approbation both of the Universities and the Medical Corporations. He hoped the Government would press the Bill forward as much as they possibly could in "another place." He did not believe the opposition to it would be of a strenuous character. The delay which had taken place in regard to medical legislation had been very damaging to the institutions connected with medical education and the Medical Profession generally; and he hoped the Government would do all in their power to push on the Bill, which, if passed, would, he thought, be found to be of great advantage to the Medical Profession.
  LORD CARLINGFORD (LORD PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL)said, he was glad flint the Bill had received the blessing of the noble Lord before it proceeded to encounter the dangers of "another place." He was also glad to have the weight of the noble Lord's authority and of the Royal Commission against certain changes which had been talked of in certain quarters, and which it seemed were likely to be attempted in that other place. One of the suggested Amendments — suggested by the noble Lord (Lord Balfour)—was really opposed to the essence of the Bill. The Royal Commission considered the views of the Scottish Universities, and for cogent reasons came to the conclusion that it was absolutely impossible that the Scottish Universities should be treated upon an exceptional footing and given exceptional privileges, not obtained by the Universities of England and Ireland. He felt convinced that the Bill ran no danger so far as public and professional opinion was concerned. Whatever danger there might be would proceed solely from the unfortunate jealousies and fancied interests of certain of the licensing bodies. He hoped that public and professional interests would prevail over such attempts, and that the Bill would in "another place" be treated in the same public spirit as that with which it had been received in their Lordships' House.
  Motion agreed to; Bill read 3a accordingly.
  On Question, "That the Bill do pass?"
  LORD CARLINGFORD (LORD PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL)moved a series of Amendments, providing that the Representatives of the Royal University on the Irish Medical Board be four in number instead of three.
  Amendments moved in Clause 9, page 4, line 3, leave out ("Three"), and insert ("Four"); in lines 3 and 4, leave out ("voting as a separate elective body"); in line 5, leave out ("Three"), and insert ("Four"); in lines 5 and 6, leave out ("voting as a separate elective body"); and leave out lines 7 and 8. —(The Lord President.)
  THE EARL OF MILLTOWNsaid, the Irish Medical Corporations did not object to the old University of Dublin being
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  given four Representatives; but they did not think that the newly-established Royal University was entitled to so large a number.
  EARL CAIRNSsaid, he should support the Amendment.
  LORD CARLINGFORD (LORD PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL)said, he had been unfortunate in his attempts to gratify the Irish Medical Corporations. There was a very strong feeling on the part of the Irish College of Physicians to be put on a footing of equality with their sister Corporation, the College of Surgeons, and he had satisfied himself that would be better; but it was always assumed that the Irish Universities should be maintained in a majority. He had attempted to deal with the matter by giving a Member to the Universities, to be elected by them conjointly or alternately; but that plan was thoroughly distasteful to both of those Bodies, and he could only settle the matter by giving a Member to each. That change simply came this—that the majority was a majority of two instead of one.
  Amendments agreed to.
  Bill passed, and sent to the Commons.

THE IRISH LAND COMMISSION.

  MOTION FOR A RETURN.
  THE EARL OF LIMERICK, in moving for a Return showing the number of applications to fix judicial rents filed in the Office of the Land Commission Court, said, he moved for it because it was impossible to get the information he required from the Returns at present supplied by the Land Commission, which ran from one month to another.
  Moved, That there be laid before the House a Return of—
  "(1.) The number of applications to fix judicial rents filed in the office of the Irish Land Commission Court (a) up to the last day of June 1883, and (b) during each of the nine months ending 31st March 1884;
  "(2.) The number of judicial rents fixed by the sub-commissioners during each of the same months, giving the average percentage reduction of rent for each month;
  "(3.) The number of applications remaining to be disposed of on the 31st March 1884."— (The Earl of Limerick.)
  LORD CARLINGFORD (LORD PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL)said, he was not going to oppose the Motion, as he understood the preparation of the Returns

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  would not involve much labour, though he believed they would be perfectly use-less. If the Returns were to cost any considerable amount of labour, he would feel compelled to protest against the proposal. Everything the noble Earl wanted was contained in the Returns presented monthly to Parliament, and the Returns sometimes presented annually. It would be impossible, at present, he believed, to make out Returns to the end of March; but they might be made out up to the end of February.
  THE EARL or LIMERICKsaid, he would prefer to have the Returns up to the end of March.
  Motion agreed to.
  Return ordered to be laid before the House.

  SETTLED LAND BILL [H.L.]
  A Bill to amend "The Settled Land Act, 1882"—Was presented by The Earl CAIRNS: read 1a. (No. 52.)
  PUBLIC NOTARIES BILL [H.L.]
  A Bill to amend the law relating to the admission of persons to practise as public notaries in England: and for other purposes — Was presented by The Lord MONSON: read 1a. (No. 53.)
  LOCAL GOVERNMENT (IRELAND), PROVISIONAL ORDER (THE LABOURERS ACT) (CARRICK-ON-SUIR) BILL [H.L.] (NO. 54.)
  A Bill to confirm a Provisional Order of the Local Government Board for Ireland under the Labourers (Ireland) Act, 1883, relating to the Carrick-on-Suir Union: And

  LOCAL GOVERNMENT (IRELAND) PROVISIONAL ORDERS (NAAS, &c.) BILL [H.L.]
  (NO. 55.) A Bill to confirm certain Provisional Orders of the Local Government Board for Ireland relating to the Naas Burial Ground and the Town of Thurles:
  Were presented by The LORD PRESIDENT; read la; and referred to the Examiners.
  House adjourned at Six o'clock, till To-morrow, a quarter past Ten o'clock.