§ LORD WAVENEYrose to call the attention of Her Majesty's Government to the condition of the Island of Cyprus with reference to colonization, and to move for Papers, if any, relating to the arrival of refugees from Alexandria during the recent troubles, and the preparations, if any, for their permanent reception. The noble Lord said that the object he had in view was not to make political capital out of this question for the benefit of the one Party or the other, but to develop the natural resources of the Island. Cyprus had proved of very great importance to us. It had been one of our island fortresses, and might also be made one of our island colonies. It might become an asylum for the industry driven from Egypt, but, in order to secure that, there must be no doubt about our intention of keeping the possession of the Island. He would 18 admit that there had been a great many improvements made in it since it had been in our possession, and that an admirable system of administrative machinery had been introduced into the Island under the direction of Sir Garnet Wolseley as the first High Commissioner. One thing, however, that would be necessary to be brought about, before we could colonize the Island, would be that we should not merely have a temporary possession of it, but that it should become actually a portion of the freehold of the British Empire. Although the Revenue of the Island had merely balanced the Expenditure a year or two ago, it might be confidently anticipated that, under a fair and just Government, the former would be largely increased. It must be remembered that the Island of Cyprus was at one time one of the most beautiful islands in the Eastern part of the Mediterranean, and that it was through the misgovernment of the Turks that its mountains had been denuded of their forests, causing its streams to dry up and its verdure to disappear. With the care and skill of civilization, the beauty and the fertility of the Island might easily be restored. The harbour of Famagusta, which would easily accommodate 14 of our iron-clads, had been allowed to deteriorate through the wasteful neglect of the Turkish Government; but it might be improved so as to give us a most important naval station in those waters, which we did not at present possess. As a military station, also, it would be of the utmost importance, as it lay directly in the path between Egypt and Turkey, and no force dare approach Constantinople without our leave if we held it in strength. He did not propose that the Island should be converted into a second Gibraltar; but he thought we should turn it into an armed fortress for the protection of British commerce. The noble Lord concluded by making the Motion of which he had given Notice.
§ Moved, That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty for papers, if any, relating to the arrival in Cyprus of refugees from Alexandria during the recent troubles, and the preparations, if any, for their permanent reception.—(The Lord Waveney.)
THE EARL OF KIMBERLEYsaid, his noble Friend (Lord Waveney) had made a very interesting statement as to Cyprus, and had gone a little further than he 19 (the Earl of Kimberley) expected from his Notice. He hardly anticipated that their Lordships would expect him to enter into the whole question with respect to Cyprus; but he would rather confine himself to the one of which Notice had been given—namely, the question of colonization. On the subject of the Revenue, he might, in passing, mention one fact which would be of interest to their Lordships. A very careful inquiry which had been made into the finances of Cyprus convinced the Government that, on the average of years, they could not, at all events for some time to come, hope that the Revenue and Expenditure of the Island could be made to meet without a yearly grant of at least £40,000 from the Parliament of this country. He did not say that to depreciate the value of Cyprus; but he thought it was as well that he should state the result of the inquiry. In the present year, he believed, the deficit would be much larger; but, in future years, the Government hoped to be able to reduce it to about £40,000. In this calculation he, of course, took into account the tribute payable to the Porte, but for which the Revenue would be in a perfectly flourishing condition. His noble Friend had referred not only to the colonization of the Island, but to the tenure of land and other questions, as well as to its facility as a place of refuge, and the necessity of improving the harbours. Their Lordships would not forget that we held Cyprus by Treaty with the Porte; and while he (the Earl of Kimberley) admitted that it had some advantages as a military station, and its general bearing upon the politics of the Eastern world, he hardly thought, as he had said, that the House would require him to enter into the whole of the questions raised by the noble Lord. He would, however, say a word in regard to the harbours, which were a matter of considerable interest. There was, in fact, but one harbour in Cyprus, or, rather, there might be one—namely, at Famagusta. That harbour, in its present condition, was not fully available; but from the Reports which had been made on it, he believed it would be possible, at no very great expense, to render it a very useful and, to a certain extent, commodious harbour, even for a certain number of large vessels of war. But the construction of a military harbour 20 necessarily implied fortifications to protect it; and, although the harbour might be improved at an expense probably not very serious, yet the fortifications which, owing to the nature of the ground, it would be necessary to construct for the protection of the harbour, must cost a very large sum indeed. For commercial purposes such a harbour was not likely to be much used, because the tendency was for vessels to go to Limasol and Larnaca. The accommodation at both those places was being improved, and it was hoped it would result in a large increase of commerce at them. Indeed, an extensive improvement in that respect had already taken place at Limasol. As to the question of colonization immediately, alluded to by his noble Friend, he might point out that when England took over this Island it was already occupied by a large Native population, who possessed rights of all kinds over the land, and it was extremely difficult to find places where common rights did not exist; it would, consequently, be very difficult to introduce settlers in any considerable number to cultivate the soil. At the same time, he perfectly recognized the importance of the question, and was at one with his noble Friend in wishing to give every encouragement to settlers in Cyprus. There were a certain number of persons from Asia Minor who had settled in the Island; and as the Island increased in prosperity, which it might be expected to do under English rule, he thought there would be an increased influx of persons who came in search of a secure asylum, which he hoped they would always receive under the Government of the Queen. The present population might appear exceedingly small when compared with the population in ancient times; but they must look to the actual condition of the Island, and to the amount of population which it would support. Much of the land not now under cultivation required to be provided with the means of irrigation, which would be a very expensive process; and it was probable that, as matters stood, any sudden increase of population might be attended with large distress. The present rate of wages in the Island was extremely low, and with the mode of cultivation adopted there was not employment for a large number of hands. The most promising industry was the cultivation of the vine. 21 That had greatly declined under the pressure of Turkish taxation and misrule; but under our administration it was showing a marked tendency to improve; and it was the intention of the Government, by every means in their power—whether by relief from taxation or otherwise—to encourage that valuable industry. An important market for Cyprus wine existed in France, and it would be interesting to their Lordships to know that they drank Cyprus wine in the shape of French claret, for it was largely imported into France for strengthening the wines of that country.
§ THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURYIs there no phylloxera in Cyprus?
THE EARL OF KIMBERLEYsaid, that at present, happily, there was no phylloxera. He had been told that the great objection to Cyprus wine was the fact that it was brought down in goatskins, which were tarred inside; but that objection might be obviated by the simple expedient of providing good roads. As to the production of Papers asked for, the fact was that there were scarcely any to produce, and most certainly not any worth printing. He might, however, read a despatch he had recently received from the High Commissioner. That despatch was as follows:—
Mount Troodos, July 8, 1882. My Lord,—I have the honour to transmit a Return of refugees who have arrived here from Egypt, showing the nationalities of those who have arrived at Larnaca. I continue to receive assurances that most of those who have arrived in Cyprus are fairly well-to-do people. Doubtless they have suffered some losses, and it is possible that after a short time they will come to the end of their resources. I have given passages to their homes in Malta, Smyrna, and Beyrout, for some women who came alone, and who stated that their friends were in those places, and I shall carefully watch for cases of destitution. I have ordered a record to be kept of the nationalities of those relieved, and to make a Report on the same in due course.—I have, &c, ROBERT BIDDULPH.In a later despatch Sir Robert Biddulph said—I have formed sub-committees at Larnaca and Limasol, at both of which places the refugees are congregated, and I have placed a sum of £100 at the disposal of each for the relief of distress.The total number of refugees who had arrived from Egypt in Cyprus was 3,029, and preparations had been made for the reception of persons at Larnaca and Limasol, and a sum of money had been 22 contributed to provide for any contingencies that might arise. He had no apprehension of any serious inconvenience arising from an influx of these people into Cyprus. On the contrary, he thought they would form a valuable addition to the population. There were many of the refugees who were in tolerable circumstances, and there was every reason to hope that they would find profitable employment. He ought to allude to a matter to which the noble Lord who had made the Motion had made but very slight reference—namely, to the experiment, unfortunately very unsatisfactory as it had turned out, of establishing a Maltese Colony in Cyprus. The plan had been proposed for consideration, during the existence of the late Government, by the High Commissioner; but, in the meantime, it was undertaken by a private gentleman of Malta, as an experiment on his own account, and under it a certain number of Maltese had been sent to that Island. They had arrived under unfavourable conditions, and had been placed in a part of the Island where, it seemed, they had not been usefully employed. They had, therefore, become dissatisfied, many of the Colonists fell ill, some of them died, and, the Colony breaking up, the remainder ultimately returned home, carrying with them very unfavourable ideas of life in Cyprus. It was matter of regret that the experiment had not been tried under more favourable circumstances, because it had had the effect of producing a bad impression in Malta. He had great doubt, indeed, whether the Maltese would succeed in Cyprus, as they spoke a peculiar language, a dialect of Arabic, and the emigrants were not people disposed to agricultural labour, being mostly porters, small traders, and the different classes of persons to be found generally in such places as Alexandria, but for whose services there was no outlet at present in Cyprus. In addition to that, it was also found that they did not agree very well with the Native population. Although it had no reference to the present Motion, he might be allowed to mention that there was a desire in Malta to encourage emigration to Queensland, and there was hope that such a scheme would be carried out, and that that country would suit the Maltese. For himself, however, he 23 was not very sanguine about it, on the ground of the expense. He could assure his noble Friend that the subject was engaging the attention of Her Majesty's Government, and that emigration would be encouraged in every way.
THE EARL OF CARNARVONsaid, he regretted that the Maltese emigration to Cyprus took place under conditions which led to failure; but he thought that, in some respects, the fact that the Maltese did not get on well with the Cypriote population was a circumstance in their favour. The noble Lord who brought forward this question (Lord Waveney) had travelled over a large space of ground; but he (the Earl of Carnarvon) would only refer to the system of government in Cyprus. He had recently read a very interesting despatch of the noble Earl the Secretary of State for the Colonies (the Earl of Kimberley), in which he had revised the Constitution of the Council of Cyprus. He could not say that he had read that despatch with unalloyed satisfaction. He objected to the alterations which would be made in the Council in regard to the official and elected Members—there would be a majority of two to one of the latter, and the elected Members would be divided into nine Christians and three Mahomedans, elected by Christians and Mahomedans respectively. He was the last person in the House to say a word against elective institutions; but they should be applied at a fitting time and to fitting persons. In this case, however, as in the cases of Jamaica and Ceylon, he did not think the new Constitution would work well, and he did not know why the change had been made. The second objection he had to bring against the scheme was that it divided the people distinctly into the classes of Christian and Mahomedan, giving the Christian population, in proportion to their numbers it was true, a majority of two to one. It would have been more satisfactory if the elected Members had been equal in number, as it was very important that there should be no doubt in the minds of any portion of the population that their rights were not completely safeguarded, and that they had complete justice done to them. He hoped that it would not become necessary to interfere to correct any errors which might arise; but he was glad to find from the despatch which he had referred to that there was 24 a power taken to make alterations hereafter, should the present arrangements not prove satisfactory, so that it might be hoped that a suitable opportunity would be taken for retracing any step which had been hastily adopted.
§ EARL GRANVILLEsaid, that his noble Friend (the Earl of Kimberley) had paused before rising, in order to give any other noble Lord an opportunity of speaking before he answered his noble Friend (Lord Waveney) who had brought forward this subject. It was, therefore, a little inconvenient that the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Carnarvon) did not take advantage of that opportunity. His noble Friend certainly had not expected that the noble Earl opposite would, on that occasion, have entered into a disquisition on the details of the Constitution of Cyprus; but, if he desired to do so, it would have come better before his noble Friend was, by the Rules of the House, precluded from replying to it. The noble Earl had complained of his noble Friend for having given a Constitution to Cyprus, and referred to those of Ceylon and Jamaica as not having worked well; but the cases were very different. In those Islands there were small numbers of white and large numbers of coloured populations; while in Cyprus it was just the reverse. Another thing which the noble Earl had forgotten was that Crete, which was under the dominion of the Sultan, was not very far from Cyprus, and that the Greeks there had very large powers in regard to representation. He did not pretend now to answer all the details which the noble Earl had sprung upon them; but he would content himself with having pointed out the fallacy which he had indicated, and would only add that, in any case where it might be found necessary, the official Members with the Mahomedans would be in a majority as against the Greeks.
THE MARQUESS OF SALISBUBYsaid, he did not wish to enter upon a discussion as to the Constitution of Cyprus; but he thought the warning which his noble Friend (the Earl of Carnarvon) had given the Government in connection with Jamaica and Ceylon was a very useful one, and he trusted that they would not overlook it, and that the parallel between the two cases would not hereafter be justified. He did not rise for the purpose of defending Cy- 25 prus, as that Island would, no doubt, take care of itself in the future, and justify itself. But there were two points in the speech of the noble Earl the Secretary of State for the Colonies (the Earl of Kimberley) with reference to which he wished to make some remarks. The noble Earl had spoken of the Island as costing the country £40,000 a-year. He (the Marquess of Salisbury) might be wrong; but his own impression was that more than this proportion, the £90,000 a-year which was paid to the Sultan by Cyprus, was laid hold of by the Treasury to satisfy the interest on the Guaranteed Debt, which the Sultan owed to this country from 1855. Therefore, he thought that if they put together all that Cyprus brought in, and all that it took away, they would find there was a considerable sum to the credit of Cyprus; and he mentioned it to show that it was not, in a pecuniary sense, a bad bargain—there was, in fact, a considerable surplus. These facts should be known to the public. The noble Earl spoke about the Maltese being diseased and the Colony depressed, and the inference was that Cyprus was an unhealthy island. Now, as a military station—the noble Earl would be able to correct him if he were wrong—Cyprus had been found, he believed, to be the healthiest military station in the British Empire. Four years ago the late Government had had many reproaches levelled at them. Among other evils they were charged with was the commercial crisis, the long frost, and the un-healthiness of Cyprus. He was happy to see that under the auspices of the present Government, Cyprus had become no evil at all; but something quite the reverse, and the unhealthiness of Cyprus had disappeared.
THE EARL OF KIMBERLEYsaid, that he was not able to confirm the statement made by the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Salisbury), that Cyprus was the most healthy station in the British Empire, although he would not assert the contrary, because he had not seen the statistics on the subject. But, at the same time, he felt bound to admit that the Reports which had reached him went to show that the late Government were extremely unfortunate in regard to the first year when they took over Cyprus, because it was an exceptionally unfavourable one. Since that time, al- 26 though fevers had been common in Cyprus, as in other Mediterranean islands, neither the station nor the island could be called unhealthy.
THE EARL OF CARNARVONrose for the purpose of explaining that he was not aware that he was expected to rise immediately after the noble Lord (Lord Waveney), or he would have done so.
LORD DUNSANYsaid, he was glad that the Government were turning the Island to the best account. It was a good station for our ships of war. A harbour might be made, though, no doubt, it would cost something; but the money would be, under the circumstances, well laid out. He thought that the Island would suit the Maltese from Tunis and other places.
§ LORD WAVENEYsaid, after the explanation of the noble Earl the Secretary of State for the Colonies, he would withdraw his Motion.
§ Motion (by leave of the House) withdrawn.