HL Deb 05 February 1875 vol 222 cc7-35
The QUEEN'S SPEECH

reported by The LORD CHANCELLOR.

THE EARL OF DONOUGHMORE

My Lords, it is with extreme diffidence that I present myself before your Lordships to move that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty in reply to Her Majesty's Gracious Speech from the Throne. Though deeply sensible of my little fitness to perform so important and so responsible a duty, nevertheless I am encouraged by the recollection that the Members of your Lordships' House have ever been wont in past years to accord an indulgent ear to those who, for the first time, ventured to address them. The full measure of that indulgence I now beg your Lordships to extend to myself, and ask you to look with leniency on my inadequate efforts, and to pardon any inaccuracy of expression that may fall from my lips as spoken in ignorance of the customs of your Lordships' House.

Before proceeding to the discussion of the topics mentioned in the Speech from the Throne, I would endeavour to express the deep regret that must be felt by every one of your Lordships for the cause which has prevented Her Majesty the Queen from carrying outlier gracious intention of opening Parliament in person. That cause has been a source of sorrow to every loyal heart, and we must most devoutly hope, as the latest accounts justify us in doing, that in a short time all reason for Her Majesty's maternal anxiety may have passed away.

It will be a source of satisfaction to your Lordships to understand that Her Majesty's relations with Foreign Powers continue on the same friendly footing as heretofore. Such an assurance is the best guarantee for the safety and interest of our commercial community abroad, and gives the surest promise of prosperity at home; and while our own friendly ties remain unbroken, it is satisfactory to know that the same condition prevails with regard to the other Great Powers. Although it is impossible, perhaps, to persuade ourselves that the great armaments on the Continent are established merely for purposes of defence, still there is at present no cloud on the political horizon, no indication of a coming storm.

Your Lordships are aware that an invitation was issued last year to the Great Powers to assemble in Conference for the discussion of the treatment of prisoners of war. As long as this proposal emanated from a private society, it was not considered a matter in which Her Majesty's Government should interfere: but when the question was taken up by one of the Great Powers, and the area of discussion was enlarged so as to comprehend the laws and usages of modern warfare, it was decided that this country should not be unrepresented. Her Majesty's Government, however, felt it to be their duty—and with great wisdom—to make it a condition of the attendance of our Representative, that no matters relating to International Law or maritime warfare should be introduced for discussion, and our Representative was instructed carefully to abstain from participating in any such debates that might fortuitously arise. It was urged by the promoters of the Conference that the present laws of warfare were not clearly enough defined; and it was their object that the Great Powers should deliberate upon some fixed and certain military code, which should be an infallible guide to generals in command of armies in the field. Her Majesty's Government have carefully watched the progress of this Conference, and upon subsequent deliberation have arrived at the conclusion that the interest of invaders and invaded are so irreconcilable, and the contingencies that may arise in time of war so various and uncontrollable, that it would be impossible to lay down any fixed rules which would meet with general acquiescence. Holding this opinion, your Lordships will agree that Her Majesty's Government are fully justified in the determination at which they have arrived—to take no further part in any Conference on this subject.

I am sure your Lordships will consider it a matter of congratulation, that the exertions made by Her Majesty's Government for the repression of the Slave Trade on the East Coast of Africa have not been without their fruit. Owing in a great measure to the loyal manner in which the Sultan of Zanzibar has adhered to the terms of the Treaty lately entered into on the subject, the traffic in slaves by sea has greatly diminished, and there is every expectation of a further diminution. And I would further suggest, my Lords, that it is of the greatest importance to our largely increasing trade in the China Seas that the threatened hostilities between that country and Japan have been so fortunately avoided. Had it not been so, there would have been grave apprehension for the safety of our merchant vessels in those waters; and the greatest praise is due to Her Majesty's Representatives at Pekin and Yeddo, to whoso exertions this peaceful arrangement may mainly be attributed. Before leaving the subject of Foreign Affairs, there is one more point to which I would desire leave to draw the attention of your Lordships. We have seen, during many months, a great and chivalrous nation, a nation that was our active ally in a time of general European convulsion—with whoso name the honour of the British arms will ever be associated, and whoso country was the theatre of their exploits—harassed by civil war, torn by factions, and so divided against herself, that all hope for her tranquillity seemed to have passed away. The English people, cherishing still the sympathies of the earlier years of the century, have waited, though despairingly, and hoped, though against hope, for a brighter day to dawn on the race, whose soldiers had fought by the side of their own. But now, by the suddenly expressed voice of the Spanish Army, the Representative of an ancient House has been called to the Throne; and although a Government founded upon military pronunciamento may not be in accordance with the ideas of the lovers of Constitutional Monarchy, yet, for the sake of peace, and the material prosperity of Spain, we may with sincerity pray that wise and impartial counsellors may guide the youthful impulses of the new Sovereign to the accomplishment of a successful issue. The actions and expressions of the King since his arrival in the country afford us every reason to expect such an issue; and I am sure your Lordships will read here with pleasure, that his recognition by the Government of this country is now under consideration.

My Lords, it would be presumptuous in me at this early period to speculate upon the future policy of the Spanish Government. Yet I would submit that we must hail with satisfaction these an-nouncements which have appeared in the daily press, which inform us that liberty of conscience and freedom of religious worship are to be respected. When we consider the evils which have fallen upon Spain, not only in our time, but in days of yore, it would indeed be deplorable if the difficulties of the new Government should be increased by the adoption of reactionary measures, which would deprive them of the sympathy of all free people, whether in Europe or in America. And I would further suggest, my Lords, that the events which have taken place in Spain from the year 1868 to the present time, have tended greatly to demonstrate the wisdom of that foreign policy which successive Governments of this country have in modern times, and in all cases, endeavoured to practice. Although it has been the care of Her Majesty's Advisers to secure by their influence and co-operation the maintenance of the general peace of Europe, and the faithful performance of international obligations, still they have studiously avoided any direct interference in the internal affairs of foreign nations. By thus dealing, a wise and prudent principle has been established, which is compatible with a duo regard for the honour of this country, and a determination to vindicate that honour should it ever be assailed.

My Lords, in Her Majesty's gracious Speech from the Throne last year your Lordships were informed of the impending famine in Bengal, and the paragraph further stated, that the Viceroy and Governor General had been directed to spare no cost to mitigate this terrible calamity. The noble Marquess who moved the Address in reply, stated it to be our duty to alleviate the sufferings occasioned by that calamity, and I hope your Lordships will permit me to bear my humble testimony to the admirable manner in which that duty has been performed. I need not bring back to your Lordships' recollection the paragraphs in The Times newspaper, which notified the subscriptions to the Bengal Famine Fund. These were no less a monument of British charity to the distressed, than an evidence of the good-will of the English people towards their fellow-subjects in the far East. The distress was greatest in these parts which were most inaccessible to traffic; there was often great difficulty in procuring carriage; and that native apathy, to which the noble Marquess so ably alluded last year, rendered the duties of the distributing officers doubly harassing. My Lords, the fearful misery and destruction of human life that would have occurred among these teeming millions if prompt measures of relief had not been undertaken, would have been almost beyond calculation. To quote the words of a telegram of the 21st of March last, if it had not been for the measures taken by the Government, "there would have been thousands of starvation deaths ere this." The Famine of 1874 would have swept across those thickly-populated plains, and traced its disastrous course by ravages equal to, if not surpassing, these of previous dreadful visitations. But now, my Lords, in my opinion, an epoch has been marked in the history of British India, to which, whatever may be the future of that great Empire, future generations of Englishmen may look back with pride and satisfaction. And I would further add, with regard to the people of India themselves, that the recollection of our open-handed liberality, of our fatherly care for them in this the time of their great distress, will go far to strengthen their confidence in, and reconcile them to, the governing race. And to whom, my Lords, shall we give the praise, but to those who, in conjunction with Her Majesty's Government, so ably initiated, and so practically carried out, those measures of relief. In mentioning the past and present Lieutenant Governors of Bengal, I am but naming two well-tried public servants, who have added new lustre to their well-deserved reputation by their conduct at this crisis. And I am glad to have this opportunity of paying my humble tribute to the Viceroy of India, to whom I am indebted for many acts of personal kindness. The noble Marquess who presides at the India Office alluded last year, in far abler terms than I can hope to command, to the vigour and judgment of the Governor General in the face of this great responsibility. It was my fortune to be in India for many months after the Governor General's first arrival in the country, and I had full opportunity of witnessing the growth of that confidence in his great and varied talents among all classes of the community, which is the reflex of that which he enjoys at the hands of the noble Marquess and of all those who have been associated with him in political life at home.

And now, my Lords, to turn to the Colonies. Before proceeding to the few remarks I have to offer your Lordships, I would ask leave to express from the bottom of my heart my deep sorrow for the great bereavement which has befallen my noble Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies—a feeling which I am confident will be shared by every one in your Lordships' House. Your Lordships will pardon me if I say no more—in this House I know it is unnecessary. Of our Australian Colonies proper I will say but a few words, and those merely to bear witness from personal experience of the accuracy of the general reports regarding their progress and the increasing prosperity they are achieving. When we consider that little more than 40 years ago no British settler had permanently established himself on Victorian soil (for though Port Philip was discovered in 1802, no practical attempt at colonization was made until 1834), and then turn to contemplate that great city of Melbourne, founded on a swamp in 1836, now risen to the position of the eighth city of the British Empire—with its magnificent public buildings, its busy factories, its broad thoroughfares, and its large spaces of gardens, which conduce alike to public recreation and public health—we cannot but be impressed with the energy and determination which has so rapidly developed the resources of the country. And I would also testify to the vitality, equally in Victoria as in the other colonies I have visited, of that loyalty to the Crown which is in all climes the characteristic of our countrymen. And there is another colony added to our Australasian dependencies, the acquisition of which has to-day been announced to your Lordships in the Speech from the Throne. It is almost needless for me to point out to your Lordships the importance of the Fiji Islands, from their position in the centre of the South Pacific Ocean. Situated as they are, on the high road between the Australian Continent and America, we can hardly too highly rate their value as a depôt for our mail service, and a maritime station for the protection of our commercial interests. And, above all, we may congratulate Her Majesty's Government on having secured a vantage ground, from which, by the establishment of a strong Crown Colony in the centre of Polynesia, a watchful eye may be kept to check the abuses in the labour traffic of the Islands, which have from time time, and, indeed, recently, been brought into notice. Your Lordships cannot fail to appreciate the wise discretion which prompted Her Majesty's Government to choose for the difficult task of negotiating the cession and organizing the temporary Government of these Islands, one whose previous experience in the Government and organization of Crown Colonies so eminently fitted him for the duty. Sir Hercules Robinson is not only the oldest but amongst the ablest of our Crown Colony Governors, and the services he has already rendered fully justify the confidence that has been reposed upon him on this important occasion. Your Lordships will recollect that in the year 1871, at the time of the federation of the provinces in the Dominion of Canada, an arrangement was entered into as one of the conditions of Union, between the Government of the Dominion and that of British Columbia, for the construction by the former of a railway across the Continent, to be known as the Canadian Pacific Railway. By the original agreement this enterprise was to be completed within 10 years from the date of federation, and an annual sum of $1,500,000 was fixed as the minimum expenditure to be incurred in carrying out the works. Some doubts, however, appear to have arisen on the part of the Government of British Columbia as to the possibility of the conditions being fulfilled within the time specified, and a disagreement that might have resulted in serious consequences was referred to the British Government for arbitration. The question was finally amicably adjusted by a compromise, which extended the time for completion to the year 1890, and fixed the minimum annual expenditure at $2,000,000. I need hardly remind your Lordships that the Minister under whoso auspices the successful federation of the Provinces was organized was my noble Friend who now presides over the Colonial Department; and he has thus, by suggesting a mode of settling this difficult question, been able to make a further contribution to the development of the resources of our dominions in North America.

Your Lordships will, I hope, excuse me, if an interest in affairs beyond sea, has led me so to intrude them on your Lordships' attention, as to leave me but little space to treat of matters at home. It is satisfactory to hear of the prosperous state of the country; and although there has been a slight falling off in trade, the prospects of the year are such as to give us no anxiety for the future.

My Lords, there is a paragraph in the Speech from the Throne which announces to your Lordships that a measure of Law Reform will be laid before you, and this I venture to think your Lordships will consider worthy of special attention. For notwithstanding our respect and admiration for the traditional and proverbial excellence of English Law, and deeply as we may venerate the abilities of those sages of jurisprudence who are and have been from time to time such conspicuous ornaments of your Lordships' ancient Assembly, yet it must be acknowledged that our present legal system, handed down as it has been from the feudal period, has collected in its growth to its present dimensions much that is superfluous, and unsuited to the exigencies of our time. By a judicious elimination of redundant matter, and by a careful analysis and reduction to a more manageable form of all that is useful and necessary in the congeries of the present system—both the study and the practice of our law will be greatly facilitated. Your Lordships' attention was called to this measure in the past Session, but time would not admit of its full discussion. Lot us hope that now it may be brought to a, satisfactory conclusion. And there is another measure, with the title of which your Lordships are already familiar, which provides facilities for the transfer of land. Everyone of your Lordships is aware of the great expense and waste of time entailed by the sale of land under the present system, owing to the necessity of proving title by deed. This involves the employment of the most costly professional assistance and a large element of uncertainty, causes such delay as sometimes to frustrate the object of this partial dealing, and has the disadvantage of being cumbrous from the mass of documents that have to be preserved. It is to simplify this system that your Lordships' co-operation is requested, and I feel sure it will have your consideration. Various other Bills are mentioned in Her Majesty's Speech which will be laid before you during the coming Session. I cannot but venture to think, my Lords, that the condition of external peace which has been announced to us, marks a most fitting period for the introduction of measures of social improvement at home. Besides, in the last few years more than one great measure of organic change, on the wisdom of which it is not my province to dilate, have received the sanction of the Legislature; and it would appear inevitable, that while such questions are before the country, occupying the energies and attention of all, others, which do not so readily obtrude themselves into notice but are none the less important, should be necessarily neglected. Your Lordships will, I hope, therefore, read here with satisfaction, that a group of measures relating to sanitary matters will be laid before you, as also a Bill upon Friendly Societies, all of which, if brought to a successful issue, will confer great benefits on the poorer portion of the community. Of the actual contents of these measures I am necessarily ignorant, so will merely recommend them to your Lordships' attention.

There is one more paragraph in the Speech from the Throne, to which at the risk of wearying your Lordships I would ask leave briefly to allude, as it is one which contains a question of vital importance to a large class of persons, amongst whom may be numbered many Members of your Lordships' House—I mean that which draws attention to the present state of affairs in Ireland, and announces that, in the opinion of Her Majesty's Government, the time has arrived for the reconsideration of a portion of those coercive measures which since the year 1871 have been considered necessary for the maintenance of order, and the safety of human life, in that portion of Her Majesty's Dominions. The conviction of the necessity for exceptional legislation in any part of the British Islands must have formed itself most painfully and reluctantly in all patriotic minds, and a corresponding degree of satisfaction will be felt if that necessity has ceased to exist. But, my Lords, when we look back on the catalogue of agrarian outrage and murder perpetrated in Ireland in past times, we must believe that so serious a step as any change in the direction indicated will not be taken by Her Majesty's Government except on the most indisputable evidence as to the tranquillity of the country. A protracted absence from home, and a sense of respect for your Lordships' House, alike deter me from venturing any opinion upon the state of the country. But this I may safely assert, my Lords—that no class of people in Her Majesty's dominions would be more rejoiced to find that the necessity for these coercive measures had passed away, than the country gentlemen of Ireland.

And now, my Lords, but one word more. In asking your Lordships' forgiveness for trespassing so long on your attention, I would assure your Lordships of my deep sense of the honour of being permitted now for the first time to take an active part in your deliberations. To one with so little to recommend him to your Lordships' notice as myself, your forbearance is doubly welcome; and I beg to return you my heartfelt thanks for the kind and patient hearing you have accorded mo. The noble Earl concluded by moving the following humble Address to Her Majesty thanking Her Majesty for Her Majesty's most Gracious Speech from the Throne:—

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN, WE, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our bumble thanks to Your Majesty for the gracious Speech which Your Majesty has commanded to be made to both Houses of Parliament. We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that Your Majesty continues to receive assurances of friendship from all Foreign Powers, and that the peace of Europe remains unbroken. We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us of the termination of the Conference held at Brussels on the Laws and Usages of War, and of Your Majesty's decision not to enter into further negotiations on the subject. We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that the Prince of Asturias has been called to the throne of Spain under the title of King Alfonso XII, and that the question of formally recognizing, in concert with other Powers, the newly restored Monarchy, is under the consideration of Your Majesty's Government. We rejoice to learn that the exertions of Your Majesty's naval and consular servants in the repression of the East African Slave Trade have not been relaxed, and we share the hope expressed by Your Majesty that they will bring about the complete extinction of this inhuman traffic. We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that the differences which have arisen between China and Japan have been adjusted; and that the good offices of Your Majesty's Minister at Pekin have been largely instrumental in bringing about this result. We rejoice to learn that the past year has been one of general prosperity and progress throughout Your Majesty's Colonial Empire. We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us of the progress which has been made in the establishment of civil government on the Gold Coast, and that Your Majesty has procured the assent of the protected tribes to the abolition of slavery. We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that Your Majesty has found it necessary to review the sentence passed upon a native Chief in Natal, and to consider the condition of the tribes, and their relations to the European settlers and Your Majesty's Government, with the view of ensuring a wise and humane system of native administration in that part of South Africa. We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that, the King and Chiefs of Fiji having renewed the offer of their Islands unfettered by conditions, Your Majesty has thought it right to accept the cession of this territory. We rejoice to learn that an ample harvest has restored prosperity to the Provinces of Your Majesty's Eastern Empire, which last year were visited with famine, and that, by the blessing of Providence, the measures adopted by Your Majesty's Indian Government averted the loss of life apprehended from that calamity. We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that the state of the finances is satisfactory, and that the general prosperity of the people, supported by an excellent harvest, as well as by the recent reductions in taxation, has been fully maintained. We humbly assure Your Majesty that our careful consideration shall be given to the Measures which may be submitted to us, and we earnestly join in Your Majesty's prayer that our deliberations may, under the Divine blessing, result in the happiness and contentment of Your Majesty's people.

LORD RAYLEIGH

My Lords, in rising to second the Motion for the Address which has been so ably and eloquently moved by my noble Friend, I must begin by joining with my noble Friend in giving expression to the sympathy so universally felt by all classes of Her Majesty's subjects for the young Prince whose illness has deprived us of Her Majesty's most gracious presence to-day. Although the latest accounts are somewhat more favourable, the case is one which more than usually illustrates the vanity of human hopes, and even the common wish of restoration of health is sadly inapplicable. My Lords, in common with all classes of the community, your Lordships will have heard with pleasure the announcement from the Throne that the relations of this country with Foreign Powers continues to be satisfactory, and that—so far as can be judged—there is at present no cause for special anxiety as to the maintenance of the peace of Europe. This information is the more welcome as it would be idle to deny that the immense and apparently ever-increasing armaments of the Continental Powers cast a deep shadow over the future of the civilized world. It is not to be supposed that armies amounting in the aggregate to six or seven millions of men are maintained at a vast sacrifice for no purpose, or for purposes of pure defence. Although our insular position exempts us in great measure from the necessity of embarking in this ruinous competition, still the proximity of so much explosive material is decidedly dangerous, and demands on our part a renewed vigilance, and an efficient Navy, capable of acting on the shortest notice. With regard to the Brussels Conference, your Lordships have probably heard with satisfaction that Her Majesty's Ministers have found themselves unable to entertain proposals having for their object the modification of the laws of war in a direction which, however it may commend itself on humanitarian grounds, appears likely in the event of war to be disadvantageous to the action of the more free and less highly drilled nations of Europe. The paragraphs in Her Majesty's Speech relating to India and the Colonies have been so ably commented upon by the noble Earl the Mover of the Address, with all the freshness of recent experience, that I feel it unnecessary for me to add anything to what he has said on those subjects. Turning to home affairs, it is gratifying to find that, notwithstanding a slight falling off, the trade of the country is on the whole flourishing, and that an abundant harvest has made us more than usually independent of foreign supplies. After last year's immense remission of taxation, it was not to be expected that much could again be done in that direction; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer will be able to give a satisfactory account of the financial position of the country. The measures which the Government will introduce are important, and are adapted to remedy admitted evils, but are not of that blazing character which the experience of recent years has led many to expect. In some quarters the notion seems to prevail that a Government has no raison d'être, unless it has a Church to disestablish or some organic revolution to propose. Such an absurdity will scarcely impose on anyone when clearly stated. Of course, in a country like ours, and in the 19th century, when events march rapidly, changes will from time to time be necessary to meet the altered state of things; but, however inconvenient to orators and journalists a deficiency of exciting topics may be, the proverb is not far wrong which asserts the happiness of a people of whom history has little to record. In quiet times, at any rate, the first business of a Government must be to govern—to administer and improve existing laws rather than initiate daring innovations. The Bill for amending the laws relating to the transfer of land is, I believe, substantially the same as that which last year passed your Lordships' House, but failed in the House of Commons from want of time. The thorough discussion which the matter received from noble and learned Lords is a guarantee that the Bill will afford a satisfactory solution of a rather troublesome question. Among the subjects which will engage the attention of Parliament is the consolidation of the various Sanitary Acts. Those of your Lordships who have turned your attention to this question will admit the necessity of some legislation. At present there is great confusion, and the various local bodies on whom the administration largely devolves are scarcely equal to the task of interpreting intricate and sometimes almost conflicting Acts of Parliament. Of the importance of these matters there is, of course, no doubt at all; but our knowledge of the laws of health is still very scanty, and there is danger, I think, lest enthusiasts, led away by the fashion of the moment, may encourage an excessive expenditure, which may not only fail to attain its object, but excite a disgust that may prove a serious impediment in the way of future attempts at improvement. In connection with this subject we may hope that the measure to be introduced by the Government with the view of chocking the great and growing evil of the pollution of rivers will deal successfully with the various difficulties with which the question is embarrassed. The Friendly Societies Bill about to be introduced—and which will be, as I understand, a modification of that of last year—deals with a subject as difficult as it is important. The function of Government in this matter is necessarily limited, but no labour will be thrown away which may tend, however indirectly, to secure from fraud or mismanagement the savings of our poorer fellow-countrymen. The increase of crimes of violence, especially in the North of England, has lately excited much public comment, and Parliament will doubtless be ready to assist Her Majesty's Government in passing any measure that may be found necessary to repress an outbreak of savagery which is a disgrace to our age and country. Your Lordships will hail with satisfaction the announcement that the Government see their way to an improvement in the laws relating to agricultural tenancies, by which the interests of all parties may be promoted. The co-operation of Parliament in a matter of such great importance may be safely relied upon by the Government. The last subject to which I will venture shortly to allude is not mentioned in the Queen's Speech, but which has excited some public interest of a non-political character—I mean the recent transit of the planet Venus. This phenomenon is of great astronomical importance, since it affords the most accurate method of ascertaining the sun's distance as well as the scale of the solar system generally; and it occurs so seldom, that the loss of one opportunity might delay the settlement of the question for more than one generation. So far as is at present known, the labours of the astronomers—in which this country has taken a large, though by no means too large a part—have been fairly successful. I cannot pass from the subject of astronomy without expressing a hope that other sciences of equal philosophical interest and even greater practical importance will receive more Government recognition than has hitherto been accorded them. It is something of an anomaly that England, whoso great prosperity is largely due to scientific invention, should be slow to encourage those whoso discoveries are laying the foundations of future progress. It is said, I know, that these things may be safely loft to individual enterprize; but there are fields of investigation in which individuals are powerless. My Lords, the proposed despatch of an expedition to explore the Arctic regions may, I hope, be taken as an indication that these matters will not be neglected by Her Majesty's Government; and the favour with which the announcement was received proved, I think, that the people of this country are not so entirely absorbed in shop-keeping as some would have us suppose. I can imagine no better substitute for actual war in training both officers and men than the experience in evading and overcoming difficulties which such a contest with Nature is sure to afford. In conclusion, I must thank your Lord-ships for the kindness with which I have been received, and beg your indulgence for any indiscretion into which I may have been led by enthusiasm or inexperience. The noble Lord concluded by seconding the Address. [See page 17.]

EARL GRANVILLE

My Lords, it has been the custom in this House for many years to avoid, if possible, any difference of opinion in presenting an Address to Her Majesty in answer to the Speech from the Throne. This House has always been anxious to show its loyalty to the Crown, and devotion to the person of the Sovereign; and if ever there was a moment when we should be more anxious to observe this custom of agreeing to the Address it is now, when Her Majesty's anxiety about Her son is the sole reason which has prevented Her Majesty from opening this Assembly. On former occasions there has been great difficulty ill obtaining this unanimity in regard to the Address. There have been great questions—there have been great wars with foreign countries, international differences of various kinds, calamities and difficulties at homo or in our dependencies—still more, there have been great questions of political changes, exciting the enthusiasm of some and much alarm in the minds of others, and when it required very considerable care on the part of the framers of the Speech from the Throne and great moderation on the part of the Opposition to come to the desired conclusion. Happily, on this occasion, there are no such difficulties. There are, no doubt, questions which may be anxiously observed on the distant horizon; and although at homo matters may require improvement and the attention of Parliament, yet, on the whole, there is nothing at the present moment which would render it difficult for a Prime Minister to write a Speech such as would meet with the general concurrence of Parliament. I trust that I shall have no difficulty on my own part in speaking with that moderation which I know will on this occasion be acceptable to your Lordships. I have listened with great attention to the speeches of the noble Lords who have moved and seconded the Address. I well knew the father of the noble Earl (the Earl of Donoughmore). he was one of the best men of business, one of the keenest debaters, and, I must add, one of the most troublesome of good-humoured opponents I over met with. I cannot pay a greater compliment to the noble Earl than to say that the son has proved himself worthy of the father. With regard to the noble Lord who followed him (Lord Rayleigh), it is satisfactory when we see men who have attained the very highest distinction in their respective Universities, come down and show that they moan to take their share in the Public Business of the country:—and I for one shall not object if the noble Lord infuses a little more of the scientific element into our debates. I remember some 15 years ago an old College friend moving the Address in this House on the part a of Conservative Government. I had to follow him, and I troubled the House so far as to repeat my recollection of what happened to myself when I had the honour of moving the Address to Her Majesty in the House of Commons. I went to the Prime Minister—who referred me to other Departments. They were all most kind, but the Foreign Office sent me to the Home Office, and the Home Office to the Colonial Office. Recollecting what had happened to myself, I then ventured to suggest how my noble Friend had been inspired in his laudable search after information. As I was going out of the House, my noble Friend took my arm, and remarked that I was perfectly right in every particular, "But," he said, "how on earth did you know it?" I am not going to risk my reputation as a diviner on the present occasion; but although many points have been properly suggested, yet there are other points on which great reticence has evidently been observed. All I can say is, that it is all the more creditable to those noble Lords to have done so well, and full allowances must be made for their difficulties on that score. With regard to the Speech itself, I entirely share in the feeling expressed by the Mover and Seconder, as to our satisfactory relations with Foreign Powers. With respect to the Conference at Brussels, I am glad that Papers are to be presented. My opinion is, that these Papers will show that the course taken by the Government has been a prudent and a right one. I am not quite sure that the reasons given here are perfectly conclusive on this point; but I have very little doubt that the Government, have taken the right course in not going again into the Conference. With regard to the next paragraph, relating to Spain, objections may be made of a somewhat material character. After the abdication of King Amadeo, the late Government had to consider very frequently the question of recognizing the Government which succeeded we acted on the principle that although the Government of other countries thought it right to recognize the new Government of Spain, yet the chief principle which should guide us was, that we should recognize it, when it had got some legal sanction from the people, or at all events, when it was pretty clear that it was acceptable or accepted by the country at large. Her Majesty's Government have followed exactly the same course. I believe that they, like ourselves, were not in the least degree favourable, but hostile, to the establishment of a Republic in this country; yet that they were not actuated by the least hostility to the Republican form of Government in Spain, if such were to be the wish of the people. In the Speech at the end of last Session, allusion was made to Spain, and reasons were given which explained why there had been no recognition of the Government of Spain up to that time. I do not blame the noble Earl (the Earl of Derby) for not having separated himself from the great majority of Foreign Governments—I have no complaint to make against the noble Earl on that point: but with regard to this paragraph, it amounts to an invitation to Parliament to discuss that which ought to be done by the Sovereign on the responsibility of her Ministers. This is altogether contrary to precedent, and I therefore think it undesirable that this paragraph should be so framed as to omit entirely any definite statement of the intentions of the Government, and to allude in these terms to what they are about to do in regard to the recognition of the Government of Spain. In the concluding sentence of the paragraph relating to Spain there is a word to which I am constrained to take exception; I think I should not have inserted the word "unfortunate," as applied to that country. It may be intended to express a very genuine sympathy; but at the same time, it is a word which is liable to be interpreted in a sense which to some is not altogether agreeable. With reference to the East African Slave Trade, I cannot but rejoice at the prospect hold out to us by the paragraph relating to that subject; but while expressing my approval of that paragraph, I am bound also to express my satisfaction that the Government is not inclined to go beyond the limits indicated in the speech of the noble Earl who moved the Address. The information given by the Speech relating to the settlement of the differences between China and Japan is satisfactory, for no greater evil in that part of the world can be imagined than a war between those two countries. It is admitted that this happy result is largely duo to the exertions of our able Minister in China; but the sentence in which the acknowledgment is made appears to be misplaced, for surely it is unusual to mention a Minister personally—although I do not at all deny that great credit is due to a Minister on whom the burden of a negotiation entirely rests. I hope I shall not be misunderstood if I say it is impossible for me to touch upon any point of Colonial policy in the absence of the noble Earl at the head of the Colonial Office. I entirely agree with the noble Earl (the Earl of Donoughmore) that there is not a man in this House who does not sympathize with Lord Carnarvon in the sudden and overwhelming blow that has fallen upon him. It is impossible in his absence to do justice to the grave questions involved in the paragraphs relating to Colonial matters, and I can only express a sincere hope that he will be able to bear up under his heavy trial, and to return to the House in a condition to bear his part in our discussion of them. With reference to the Finances of the country, the Chancellor of the Exchequer was thought to have been somewhat rash in anticipations which he defended by plausible arguments; and, therefore, it is exceedingly satisfactory to hoar that his estimate will not be found too sanguine, and that there is ample provision for the requirements of the year. With reference to the proposed relaxation of exceptional laws in Ireland, I will not at this moment express an opinion whether the Government are right or wrong; but it is satisfactory to know that the Government are convinced that the state of Ireland is very different from what it was described to be a short time ago, that that which was spoken of as "veiled rebellion" seems to have disappeared, and that the time has come when a prudent Government may make some relaxations. It is also satisfactory to know that the Government has evinced a willingness to make whatever relaxations are possible. I have omitted to notice the handsome acknowledgment which is made in Her Majesty's Speech of the services of the Indian Government in grappling with the Famine in that country—one of the most formidable calamities which can befall any country—and we understand Her Majesty has been advised to confer a distinction on Lord Northbrook as a mark of the high admiration evoked by his energy in dealing with the emergency. The noble Marquess the Secretary of State for India has also rendered justice to Lord Northbrook in a speech he has made elsewhere; but I must remark it has also been stated that the whole credit belongs to the noble Marquess the Secretary of State. On both sides of the House it is admitted that Lord Northbrook displayed ability, sagacity, and industry, and that he resisted clamour, which made it all the more difficult for him to carry out his policy, But I am sure the noble Marquess will agree that the merit of selecting Lord Northbrook is due to the Duke of Argyll; that the instructions under which he acted were drawn up by the Duke of Argyll, and that the claim of the noble Marquess to credit is based on the fact that he made himself perfect master of the facts of the case, and, in spite of inducements to reverse the policy already adopted, he firmly supported it, and in the most public way gave his support to Lord Northbrook. I do not believe the noble Marquess intended to be unjust to the noble Duke; but it seems as if it was desired to make up for the little praise the noble Marquess received at the end of last Session by exaggerated credit in the Recess. Now— For transient sorrows, simple wiles, Praise, blame, love, kisses, tears, and smiles, are charming ingredients in those who have to deal with young children; but I am not quite sure that they are appropriate manifestations to be indulged in publicly as between the Prime Minister and his Colleagues. The noble Marquess has, on a recent occasion, shown his great desire to render justice to his predecessor. Coming to the long list of measures to be proposed by the Government, I read it with great satisfaction; because there have been rumours, such as are usually current before the meeting of Parliament, that some of the measures already matured in Parliament were not to be reintroduced in substantial conformity with the Bills already discussed. I am glad therefore to find that several measures which were postponed at the end of last Session will be again introduced—especially those for simplifying the Transfer of Land and completing the reconstruction of our Judicial System. I am glad also to find that other measures connected with the Administration of the Law will be introduced. The value of many of the measures announced will depend upon the principles adopted in them and the manner in which they are carried out. There was another measure which last year Her Majesty's Government pledged themselves to introduce this Session, of which no mention is made in the Speech from the Throne. We are to be invited to consider a measure for improving the law as to Agricultural Tenancies; and that is a subject which can, perhaps, be treated better by a Conservative than by a Liberal Government, because a Conservative Government possesses the confidence of the landlords, and in a great degree that of the farmers, and may therefore be better able to deal with the subject in a manner satisfactory to both. My Lords, having touched thus briefly on those topics contained in Her Majesty's Speech, there are certain omissions in it to which I must for a moment advert. The first omission is with regard to the Navy. A friend of mine suggested to me this afternoon that the reason of this omission was of a very substantial character, and until contradicted, I cannot but believe that the knowledge of the state of that great service, both with regard to its admirable condition and also the great superiority of the improvements introduced, and the cheapness and excellence of all the stores, have brought the Government to feel that the First Lord last year had been led away in debate to make the assertions he did with regard to the state of the Navy. There is another omission still more important; there is no mention in the Speech of that great subject which has agitated Parliament—particularly in "another place"—so much—I mean the question of local government and local taxation. I am not going to trouble your Lordships with the list of divisions that have been taken, or the various assurances that have been given by different Members of the Government on the subject. But I think I may refer to a very distinguished deputation, with a noble Lord opposite at the head of it, which waited on the Primo Minister after he had accepted office. They stated their case, and in his answer the Prime Minister reminded them that this was a subject which he had brought before Parliament five-and-twenty years ago—a subject which he had constantly kept alive, and now that he had a real majority at his back his acts would be based upon his words. But this great subject has no place in the Royal Speech. Now, the omission of this subject must, I think, mean one of three things. Either it means that the Government are perfectly satisfied with having handed over the sum of money to the taxpayers last Session which the late Government were willing to give—or that they meant to take no action in the matter whatever—or the third alternative was, that they would hand over money from the Consolidated Fund to the taxpayers without any proper improved machinery for local government, the want of which would be a great difficulty in dealing with the subject. I think the House and the country have a right to know more clearly and definitively what are the intentions of the Government. I have now only a very few words, my Lords, to add. I have been told within the last few days that it was expected that the Liberal Party would at this moment lay down a "programme." I do not acknowledge this claim on the Liberal Party. First of all, I do not like the term "programme"—it is more of a sensational and theatrical than a practical character, and has little reference to the sober transactions of Public Business. But I object to more than the name—I do not admit the right of anyone to make such a claim upon the Opposition. When one Party is displaced, and another likely to come into power, the country and Parliament have a right to know, in a general way at least, what are the principles and policy by which the incoming Party is likely to be guided; but I deny that this is necessary on the part of an Opposition in the present circumstances of the Liberal Party. I doubt whether the Conservative Party during the last Parliament could be accused of any marked policy, and I cannot conceive that any Party could be more triumphant than they were at the last Election. Nobody can imagine that the Liberal Party, during so many Administrations in the last 40 years, had no policy; and no one can want to know what are the principles by which the Liberal Party—now a power-loss Party—are guided. What I believe the country now wants is, that we should know very clearly what is the policy of the Government—the first Conservative Government, with the exception of Lord Aberdeen's, which really commands a majority in both Houses of Parliament. What we see in the Queen's Speech is not very encouraging. The Queen's Speech at the commencement of last Session indicated various measures which it was desirable to pass into law; but the Speech at the conclusion of the Session only mentioned one of those—that with regard to the licensed victuallers—which was announced in the Speech as having been ultimately passed. What I wish to state is the course which will be taken by this side of your Lordships' House. It will not be factious. I think nobody will deny that we have no expectation of turning out the Government. I may add we have no wish to do so. I believe it is good for both Parties in turn to bear the responsibilities of office, and I also believe it is good to those in the Government that the opposition should be effectively given. We have no intention whatever of making any attack on the Government—we do not wish to do anything to embarrass them. We do not wish to press forward any measures to place them in any difficulty; but while I say this, I say also that we will keep an observant eye on the conduct and policy of the Government. I believe that is the right course for the Opposition to take, and if the Government be well conducted, that course in the end will be the more useful and honourable to them than any active opposition. If the Government bring in truly liberal measures, dealing with the questions they raise in a manner nothing different from the policy adopted by the late Government for several years, I do believe the Session will terminate happily, and we may hope that, in the concluding words of Her Majesty's Gracious Speech, our deliberations may, under the Divine blessing, result in the happiness and contentment of the people.

LORD REDESDALE

said, that with reference to one of the measures announced in Her Majesty's Speech—that for completing the reconstruction of the Judicature—a very considerable change of opinion had arisen since last Session, At the present moment a great many members of the Legal Profession were taking an active course for the retention of the jurisdiction of their Lordships' House as a Court of Ultimate Appeal. He said, then, they should be extremely cautious as to what they did, for the public as well as for themselves, in this matter; and they ought to know what was the feeling of the Profession before finally determining what should be done. Last Session they had the advantage of having the opinion of the Profession in Scotland and Ireland; in both countries it was distinctly stated that the Profession was in favour of the retention of their Lordships' House as the Ultimate Court of Appeal. The Profession in England had not yet expressed a decided opinion on the subject, but he believed it would be found they were in favour of the retention of an ultimate jurisdiction by that House. Their Lordships ought also to know what the opinion of the Judges of the country was, and that also, he believed, would be found to be unfavourable to the proposed change. It was the duty of Her Majesty's Government under these circumstances to enable the House to know what was thought both by the Profession and the Judges on this important matter, and to do so before a Bill should be laid upon the Table.

THE DUKE OF RICHMOND

My Lords, before I touch on the particular topics alluded to by my noble Friend opposite (Earl Granville), I would venture to add my tribute of regret at the very unfortunate and much lamented cause of the absence of Her Majesty on this occasion. I should not do justice to my own feelings, and, I am sure, to the unanimous sentiments of this House, of loyal attachment to the Throne, if I did not say how much we deplore the cause of Her Majesty's absence. I also join with my noble Friend opposite in his graceful expressions of approval of the manner in which my noble Friends behind me have acquitted themselves this evening; they have discharged with much ability what to my mind is one of the most difficult duties that a statesman can be called upon to discharge. Like my noble Friend opposite, I have a keen recollection of having had to undergo the same ordeal in the other House of Parliament—now, I am sorry to say, many years ago. I can endorse everything which my noble Friend has said on the subject, and whilst he was speaking my memory carried me back many years, till I fancied I was undergoing the operation which he described. It has frequently been my lot when I sat on the benches opposite to listen to the speeches of noble Lords selected by my noble Friend for the duty of moving and seconding the Address, and I have often been actuated by mixed feelings—admiration at the manner in which those noble Lords acquitted themselves, and regret that they were not connected with the Party to which I had the honour to belong. At present my feelings are of unmixed satisfaction, when I think that among those who are likely to give their support to Her Majesty's Government we shall have the assistance of my two noble Friends, whose mode of dealing with their task has proved them to be second to none of those who of late years have addressed us on such an occasion. Having thus expressed my gratitude to them for the manner in which they have acquitted themselves, I will only add that I venture to hope they will on many occasions be enabled to assist in the deliberations of the House by their speeches and advice. I now turn to a less agreeable part of my task—namely, to answer some objections taken by my noble Friend opposite, to the Speech which has been graciously addressed to your Lordships by Her Majesty. My noble Friend took some exception to the paragraph which dealt with the Conference held at Brussels; but, as I think his objections were in a great measure directed rather to the language of the paragraph than to the resolution which Her Majesty's Government have come to, I need not enter very minutely into details. I venture to think, however, that when my noble Friend has had the opportunity of reading the Correspondence which Her Majesty has graciously told us will be presented to this House, he will find no fault with the course which Her Majesty's Government have taken; that he will admit that the manner in which the subject has been dealt with will add fresh lustre to the character of my noble Friend who holds the Seals of the Foreign Office (the Earl of Derby), and will ac-knowledge, I am sure, with his usual candour, that no exception can be taken to the course which the Government have thought fit to adopt. With regard to the next paragraph, which deals with the Government of Spain, I am at a loss to know how my noble Friend can object to it. In the first place he objects that your Lordships have not been informed that the Government of Marshal Serrano had been recognized by Her Majesty's Government. The answer to that objection is very clear—namely, that all interest in the matter ceased when the Government of Marshal Serrano was de facto put an end to. It was a point which might have had some interest during the existence of the Serrano Government; but when that Government came to an end, it appears to me that it was not then for the Government to advise Her Majesty to make any reference to the subject in the Speech from the Throne. Then my noble Friend takes exception to the part of the Speech which draws attention to the fact that Alfonso XII. has been called to the Throne of Spain, and says that the question of recognizing that fact ought to be dealt with on the responsibility of Her Majesty's Government, and that we ought not to have advised Her Majesty to address the House on the subject. My Lords, we do not ask advice on that matter—we shall act on our own responesibility: but we thought it a matter of such grave importance, that we should not be dealing properly with the House or the country if we did not advise Her Majesty to treat it in the manner in which She has done. Then my noble Friend takes exception to calling Spain "an unfortunate country." But, if my noble Friend will look at the paragraph, he will see that it is called "a great, but unfortunate country;" and I will venture to ask whether a country which has been distracted by civil war and internal dissensions in the manner in which Spain has been, may not justly be called a great, but unfortunate country? I still think that Spain is both great and unfortunate, but I hope that before long Her Majesty's Government will be able to recognize her present Government, and I am perfectly certain of this—that as soon as we can with propriety do so, it is our desire to make that formal recognition. Then my noble Friend objects in a good-humoured manner to the language of the paragraph with regard to China and Japan. I think my noble Friend is somewhat hypercritical. The Speech from the Throne says— I have learnt with pleasure that the good offices of my Minister at Pekin have been largely instrumental in bringing about this good result"— referring to the adjustment of the late differences between those two countries. My noble Friend says it ought to be "my good offices," and not "the good offices of the Minister." But there were good reasons for the language which has been used. At the distance of this country from China it was perfectly impossible to give the Minister there minute instructions. He had general instructions, therefore, to promote peace if he could; and I shall be corrected by my noble Friend near me (the Earl of Derby), if I am wrong when I say that it was mainly due to the personal influence of the Minister there, that the happy result alluded to was brought about, and we thought it right that it should be known here that results so desirable had been attained by the personal influence of the Minister, and that is the reason why the paragraph has been expressed as it is. My noble Friend spoke somewhat lightly of the various measures to be introduced in the course of the Session, and rallied us on their paucity. But Her Majesty's Government think the Bills they propose to introduce will be quite as many as could possibly go through this and the other House of Parliament. I can, however, add one which is not among those mentioned in the Royal Speech. I refer to a measure of the last importance to a country so commercial and manufacturing as this. On this subject—namely, the amendment of the Patent Laws—I think, if necessary, I should be able to show that Her Majesty's Government are endeavouring to legislate in a manner perhaps not sensational, but quite as useful. I do not think I need go into the questions with regard to the transfer of Land and the reconstruction of our Courts of Judicature. Last year Her Majesty's Government showed that they did desire to see the measures on this subject passed through this House. It is my earnest desire that they should pass through this House again, and no effort will be wanting on our part to that end. The objections which have been urged by my noble Friend should have been raised, I think, upon a former occasion. However, I will not be seduced into a debate upon this subject. When the time comes my noble and learned Friend the Lord Chancellor will, I have no doubt, be equal to the occasion, and will be able to explain and defend the measures with the same force and success which induced your Lordships to give them a third reading last year. My noble Friend alluded to one measure which he did not name. As it was an anonymous measure, I may, perhaps, fairly pass it over. I did not understand what the measure was which he said we last year gave a pledge to introduce.

EARL GRANVILLE

It related to Endowed Schools.

THE DUKE OF RICHMOND

I do not say now that such a measure will not be introduced, but as it is not mentioned in the Speech, I do not think I am called upon to go into the subject—though I do not say it will not be my duty to bring forward such a measure. Next, my noble Friend spoke of the proposed Bill relating to Agricultural Tenancies, and said he trusted it would be one which would satisfy all the parties concerned. I can only say that if so it will be one of the most singular measures ever laid before Parliament. I hope, however, that at no distant date, a Bill on this subject will be submitted to your Lordships, and until that time arrives, I forbear to enter into anything like details respecting it. I do not know that there are any other topics which I am called upon to notice. I am glad to find that my noble Friend does not think it necessary to move any Amendment upon the Address. I am quite aware that such a course is by no means inconsistent with full, fair, and possibly severe criticism upon all the measures which Her Majesty's Government may here-after introduce. The course pursued by my noble Friend in not opposing the Address by no means precludes him from opposing either in principle or in detail any or all of these measures, if he thinks fit to do so upon becoming acquainted with their provisions. But I quite concur with him in thinking that it is better on an occasion of this sort, when it is possible to do so, to approach the Crown in a unanimous spirit, and that there should be no division of opinion upon the Address which has been moved by my noble Friend behind me. I also gratefully acknowledge the statement that my noble Friend will offer no factious opposition to the measures which Her Majesty's Government may introduce. He is possibly right in his remark that pledges given are not always observed; and I am also aware that the word "factious" is differently understood from different points of view. For example, my noble Friend might oppose some measures, and I should, perhaps, call his opposition factious, while he would say he was bound to offer such opposition from an earnest conviction that the passing of such measures would be injurious to the country. But I accept with pleasure his assurance that he will not be "factious" in his opposition, and I trust that the unanimity which has prevailed this evening is an earnest that we shall approach these measures during the Session with the calm deliberation which has always characterized, and, I hope, will always characterize your Lordships' House.

Address agreed to, nemine dissentiete, and ordered to be presented to Her Majesty by the Lords with White Staves.