THE MARQUESS OF LOTHIANMy Lords—In rising to move, "That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty in answer to Her Majesty's gracious Speech from the Throne," I have to ask for that indulgence which your Lordships have always hitherto afforded to these who address you for the first time. My Lords, I feel that I have undertaken a grave responsibility in venturing to address your Lordships at all upon this occasion. Since your Lordships last met for the transaction of Public Business, a great political change has taken place. An appeal has been made by the late Government to the country, and the answer to that appeal has been such that the administration of the affairs of the nation has been intrusted to these with whom, on political subjects, I generally agree. I do not, however, think that this is an occasion for me to enter upon that change, or the circumstances which have led to it, or to discuss the principles which may animate Her Majesty's pro-sent Government. Her Majesty's Speech from the Throne is addressed to every section of your Lordships' House, and I venture to ask your unanimous approval of my Motion for an humble Address in answer to that Speech.
My Lords, I am sure that it is with great satisfaction that you will notice the prominent position which is given to the announcement that Her Majesty's relations with all Foreign Powers continue to be most friendly:—for nothing can stand so much in the way of satisfactory domestic legislation as a feeling of uneasiness with regard to our foreign relations; and I attribute, on the other hand, to the present happy condition of our relations with other Powers the high place of respect and esteem which this country holds in the family of nations. My Lords, scarcely anything could be more lamentable than that any misunderstanding should arise between this country and a Foreign Power with which we ought to be in friendly alliance; and, therefore, the first assurance of Her Majesty's Speech will, I am sure, be received by your Lordships with very 27 great pleasure. In the second paragraph, Her Majesty seems to me to announce a definite foreign policy which must commend itself to the judgment of all your Lordships. It appears to me that while Her Majesty is determined to fulfil in their integrity all the duties and responsibilities which belong to a great European Power, she will adopt a policy of non-interference, and without entering into any entangling engagements, she will faithfully act up to any international obligations into which she may already have entered, and that, while respecting the right of others, Her Majesty will take care that the rights of this country are also respected.
My Lords, Her Majesty next graciously announces to us the marriage of His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh to the Grand Duchess Marie Alexandrowna, a daughter of the Emperor of Russia. This announcement will be a matter of personal congratulation to many of your Lordships; for His Royal Highness is a Member of this House, and no matter affecting the interests of the Royal Family can over be a matter of indifference to your Lordships or to the country. The most cordial welcome which was given to the Members of our Royal Family who went to St. Peters-burgh to be present at the nuptials of His Royal Highness with the Grand Duchess, and the enthusiastic reception afforded to Her Majesty and the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh when they entered London on Thursday last, is a proof of the attachment of the people of this country to the monarchical principle, and shows the affectionate esteem in which Her Majesty and Her Family are regarded both in this country and abroad; and your Lordships, knowing the loyal affection of the people of this country, must feel gratified that the Emperor of Russia has confided the interests of his only daughter to an English Prince, and her future domestic happiness to the security of an English home. Her Majesty refers in Her Speech to the political aspect of this alliance. The days, my Lords, have gone by when the destinies of two great nations can be directly affected by the union of their Royal Houses, but the indirect effects of such alliances may, perhaps, be greater at the present day than they have been at any former period. It is with nations as with individuals. 28 Former disputes between nations, as between individuals, frequently arose from ignorance and misunderstanding of the wants, wishes, and aspirations of each other, and these, as opportunity arose, were developed into animosity and hostility. This alliance cannot but create a greater interest between England and Russia, and from that interest will follow that mutual knowledge and appreciation which is the best guarantee of true and lasting peace.
My Lords, although the late period at which the present Session commences is attended with some obvious disadvantages, yet there is one advantage that may be cited in its favour—namely, that in the Speech from the Throne Her Majesty is able to announce the conclusion of the war with the King of Ashantee. I will not attempt to discuss the causes of that war, but I cannot refrain from calling it an unhappy war—unhappy in the first place as regards the losses which Her Majesty's forces have sustained, and the lives of young and valuable men it has cost; and unhappy in the next place in the legacy of embarrassment and difficulty which has been left to the present Government. I think, however, I ought to congratulate your Lordships upon the comparatively little loss with which the campaign has been brought to a successful conclusion. I need not refer to the perils arising from the nature of the country and the climate, but I will remind our Lordships of the anxiety which prevailed in this country during the few days before we received intelligence of the fall of Coomassie. This was "a little war"—little in its results—small when we consider the number of troops engaged; but there never has been a war in which the high qualities of the British troops have been more fully tried or more signally displayed. But the triumphant conclusion of this "little war" is a great relief, and all branches of the two services which have been engaged in it are sure of a warm welcome on their arrival home again. The noble Earl the Foreign Secretary (the Earl of Derby), when speaking some time ago on the subject of the Ashantee War, said it would be chiefly "a war of engineers and doctors." No doubt there was much truth in that statement; but it had also proved to be a war of marching, for 29 much of its success depended upon the celerity of the movements of our troops. All our officers and all our men, both of land forces and seamen and marines engaged in the war, deserve our thanks, and without doubt on their return they will receive the thanks they have so nobly earned. I will not enter into the policy which should guide us in our future relations with the West Coast of Africa. I have already observed that it must be a question of difficulty and embarrassment to Her Majesty's Government, and one which will require their most anxious consideration. It will, at any rate, be one satisfactory result, if the heavy blow which has been inflicted on the Ashantee kingdom by Sir Garnet Wolseley, in the taking of Coomassie, should lead to the destruction of the ghastly foundations of blood and superstition on which this rule was founded, and be the means of inducing in their stead a more humane and civilized system of government.
My Lords, in regard to the Famine in India it is to be regretted, that Her Majesty has been compelled to announce to us that it has been so severe and so wide-spread—and I fear that it is extending rather than diminishing—and that Her Majesty is unable to hold out to us any prospect of its immediate alleviation. The announcement made by Her Majesty must, however, cause some satisfaction—that Her Majesty has instructed the Governor General to spare no cost in endeavouring to mitigate this terrible calamity. Your Lordships are aware that in the task of relieving the people of India we are obstructed by two great difficulties—from the difficulty of obtaining means of transport into the interior of the country; and, secondly, the difficulty arising from the apathy of the Natives. Notwithstanding, it is our duty to alleviate their sufferings—indeed there is all the more reason for doing so because of that apathy. This famine, like most other calamities, carries with it two lessons. The one is that we should facilitate more than we have yet done the means of transport with these districts in the interior of India which are liable from time to time to be threatened by drought and famine; and the other lesson is the means of artificial irrigation throughout these districts should be increased.
My Lords, Her Majesty, in her Speech 30 from the Throne, has laid before you for your Lordships' consideration proposals for several measures. I shall not attempt to go into the details of the measures promised by Government, because of these details I am necessarily ignorant. I think Her Majesty's Government have exercised a wise discretion in proposing no more measures than they can reasonably expect to deal with within the short limits: of the time at their disposal—but the measures they intend to introduce are such as I feel sure your Lordships will consider useful and necessary. With reference to Scotland, I have to express gratification that Her Majesty's Government propose legislation in behalf of that country. There are other measures affecting Scotland besides those enumerated in the Speech, which I hope they will bring forward if the time at their disposal should permit of their introduction. There is one loss which your Lordships' House has sustained to which I feel it incumbent upon me to make some reference. I refer to the death of a noble and learned Lord—Lord Colon-say—who devoted a most assiduous attention to matters relating to the interests of Scotland especially, and whose ability and experience in reference to Scotch law was of the greatest assistance to the Law Lords in transacting the judicial business and legislation of your Lordships' House.
My Lords, Her Majesty has congratulated you on the happy event of the marriage of her son, and the successful conclusion of the Ashantee War. She has asked your sympathy in the calamity which has overtaken an important portion of the Empire, and she has laid before you several measures on which she asks your counsel and advice. My Lords, the history of your Lordships' House has been one continuous record of loyal devotion to the Throne, and it is therefore with the utmost confidence that I venture to ask your Lordships' unanimous assent to the Motion I have the honour to submit to you. I feel sure your Lordships will allow me to add that, notwithstanding the great political changes which have taken place, and the press of business which, owing to the lateness of the Session, will come upon your Lordships' House, it will be in no party or hurried spirit that your Lordships will enter upon your deliberations, but, with the sole and single object 31 of enabling Her Majesty to carry out that which she most earnestly desires—namely, the governing of her great Empire to the welfare and contentment of all her people. The noble Marquess concluded by moving the following humble Address to Her Majesty, thanking Her Majesty for Her Most Gracious Speech from the Throne.
§ "MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN,
§ "WE, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the gracious Speech which Your Majesty has commanded to be made to both Houses of Parliament.
§ "We humbly thank Your Majesty for informing us that Your relations with all Foreign Powers continue to be most friendly, and that Your Majesty's influence arising from these cordial relations will be exercised for the maintenance of European peace, and the faithful observance of international obligations.
§ "We rejoice to learn that the marriage of His Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh with the Grand Duchess Maric Alexandrowna of Russia is a source of happiness to Your Majesty and we join with your Majesty in welcoming it as a pledge of friendship between the two Empires.
§ "We humbly thank your Majesty for informing us that the war with the King of Ashantee has terminated in the capture and destruction of his capital, and in negotiations which, we trust, may lead to a more satisfactory condition of affairs than has hitherto prevailed on the West Coast of Africa.
§ "We rejoice to learn that the courage, discipline, and endurance displayed by Your Majesty's forces, together with the energy and skill evinced in the conduct of the expedition, have maintained the traditionary reputation of the British arras.
§ "We humbly join in Your Majesty's regret that the drought of last summer has produced scarcity, in some parts amounting to actual famine, in the most populous provinces of Your Majesty's Indian Empire, and we learn with satisfaction that Your Majesty has directed the Governor-General of India to spare no cost in striving to mitigate this terrible calamity.
§ "We humbly thank your Majesty for informing us that Your Majesty has issued a Royal Commission to inquire into the state and working of the recent Act of Parliament affecting the 32 relationship of Master and Servant, of the Act of 1871, which deals with offences connected with trade, and of the law of conspiracy as connected with these offences, with a view to the early amendment of the present law on these subjects, if it should be found necessary.
§ "We humbly assure Your Majesty that we will give our earnest consideration to the measures of public usefulness which may be presented to us, and we fervently join in Your Majesty's prayer that the Almighty may guide our deliberations for the welfare of Your Majesty's realm."
§ EARL CADOGANMy Lords—In rising to second the Address which has been so ably moved by my noble Friend, I venture, like him, to plead for a share of that indulgent forbearance which your Lordships never deny to these who address you for the first time. I cannot but feel, my Lords, that I stand in especial need of such forbearance—inasmuch as I am called upon to intrude myself upon your attention on the first occasion of my having the honour of occupying a seat in your Lordships' House.
My Lords, my noble Friend, in moving the Address, has touched on the principal topics in the Speech from the Throne; but I can not allow my noble Friend to monopolize the opportunity of expressing the satisfaction with which your Lordships will have heard of the marriage of the Duke of Edinburgh with the Grand Duchess Marie Alexandrowna. I am well aware that matrimonial alliances between illustrious Houses of Europe no longer possess that political importance which formerly attached to them; but I venture to hope that your Lordships will join with me in the expression of a fervent hope that the auspicious alliance which has just been celebrated may not only be productive of happiness to the illustrious Personages immediately concerned, but will tend to cement and perpetuate our amicable relations with that friendly power which has confided so important a charge to our keeping.
My Lords, it will be a source of congratulation to your Lordships and the whole country, that recent events have enabled Her Majesty to announce to us the successful termination of the war on the Gold Coast. In the discharge of the special duty which has devolved upon me, it is my desire to avoid, as much as possible, all controversial topics. I will 33 not therefore enter upon the causes which may have led to that war, nor into the geography of these distant Straits which contemporary historians and poets have been discussing during the recent elections. Neither will I attempt to solve the mystery which appears to enshroud the authorship of those treaties, or drafts of treaties, of which we have heard so much lately. I shall even decline to enter into the question of whether Her Majesty's late Government have or have not laid themselves open to the charge of dilatoriness in their preparations at the outset of the campaign. Put, my Lords, I may venture to affirm one thing—namely, that from the moment that war appeared to be inevitable and it became evident that an expedition must be fitted out, Her Majesty's late advisers did display an energy and an activity which must have largely contributed to the brilliant success of our arms. My Lords, I think that credit is also due to the noble Viscount opposite (Viscount Cardwell), and to those with whom he acted, for the great wisdom and discrimination they exercised in the choice they made of Sir Garnet Wolseley, as the Commander-in-Chief of our Forces. It was with deep pain that we read that Sir Garnet Wolseley, on his arrival in Africa, was obliged to describe his position as a "humiliating" one, owing to a want of that support which might have enabled him to conclude his operations with a lesser sacrifice of time, and perhaps even of valuable lives; but this deplorable state of affairs has only exhibited in a still brighter light these noble qualities of which our small band of soldiers and sailors have given us so conspicuous an example. My Lords, upon the future results of this Ashantee War I should wish to say a few words. I believe that it will bring other results besides the addition of a brilliant page to that history of triumphs of which we English are so justly proud. I believe the war on the Gold Coast will act as a warning to the statesmen to whom in the future the affairs of this country may be committed to avoid a multiplication of engagements which may, and constantly do, lead us into complications which it is impossible to foresee, and into entanglements which it is next to impossible to avoid. I hope also that this war may bring home to the minds 34 of the people of this country the fact that the most peaceful nation in the world, under the guidance of a Ministry which certainly cannot be accused of any undue partiality for war, is at all times liable to be called upon to face sudden emergencies which render it vitally essential that our military forces, whether defensive or offensive, should be maintained in a state of thorough and permanent efficiency.
My Lords, if I allude to that terrible famine which has already caused so much misery in India, and which threatens to extend its ravages, it is because no one of your Lordships could, I am sure, find it in his heart to speak on this Address without endeavouring to express the deep sympathy which has been excited in the minds of the people of this country by so dire a calamity. Your Lordships will recall with pleasure the generous words of praise in which the Prime Minister alluded lately to the efforts of the Governor General to alleviate the threatened misery. I can only hope that we may accept these generous expressions as an earnest of that cordial mutual understanding and confidence between the authorities at Home and these in India, so indispensable at such a crisis.
My Lords, we have lately been told by a high authority that the attention of Parliament has been directed too much to domestic legislation, to the exclusion of matters affecting our relations with Foreign Powers. We may, therefore, suppose that to these questions the attention of the present Government, and of the Department over which the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) presides will be specially directed, and we may expect that the good relations which now exist with Foreign Powers Mill be maintained, while the faithful observance of international obligations will be firmly insisted on.
At the same time, your Lordships will observe with pleasure that Her Majesty's present advisers do not neglect domestic legislation. The appointment of a Commission is announced to inquire into the present law of the relation between master and servant, with a view to the early amendment of the Act of 1871, if necessary. I trust that great care will be exercised in the appointment of these who may have to serve on that Commission, with the object of securing the 35 confidence especially of these classes who are most deeply interested in the matter.
My Lords, with regard to the other measures of legislation mentioned in the Queen's Speech, I am well aware that they are not so wide and comprehensive as some of your Lordships might desire; I will even admit that there are some other subjects with which the Government may feel obliged to deal, although they are not included in the Royal Speech. But, my Lords, I for one should have looked with some suspicion upon any large and comprehensive measures framed by a Government which has been in office barely three weeks; and agreeing, as I do, with my noble Friend the Mover of the Address, that Administrations have of late hold out more promises than there was a reasonable hope of performing, I cannot help saying that her Majesty's Government has exercised a sound discretion in not leading us to expect during this Session measures which there is no reasonable hope of bringing to a satisfactory issue, and although much may no doubt be expected of a year which in its infancy has brought us to the end of the great Tichborne trial, I fear it is not reasonable to calculate upon any largo addition being made to the statute-book in a Session which began with a new Ministry on the 19th of March.
My Lords, the great political crisis through which we have just passed, although it docs not affect the composition of your Lordships' House, must materially influence and modify the course of legislation for some time to come. I am aware that in endeavouring to interpret the political feeling of the country, as expressed on a recent occasion, I am treading on somewhat delicate ground; but, my Lords, as I have had an opportunity, within a very few months, of testing the opinion of one portion, at least, of the electoral community, I may venture, in the character of "a young man from the country" to express the result of my experience, and that in one sentence. I am not one of these who think that the people of England wish the Legislature to stand still and do nothing. I believe it is anxious and willing to support practical measures of administrative reform that are calculated to promote the welfare and prosperity of the community. It is 36 because I see this disposition reflected in the measures announced in the gracious Speech from the Throne, that I have willingly consented to assist in inviting your Lordships to agree to this Address. I feel I owe your Lordships an apology for trespassing, perhaps unduly, upon your time and attention. I have but one more duty to perform—and that the most difficult of all—namely, to tender to your Lordships my heartfelt thanks for the kindness and patience with which you have listened to me. I have deeply felt my unworthiness to perform this task; but I have undertaken it, relying solely on that generosity and forbearance which has been extended to me beyond all expectation, and for which I cannot adequately express my gratitude. The noble Earl concluded by seconding the Address. [See page 31.]
§ EARL GRANVILLEMy Lords, before I venture to make a few observations to your Lordships permit me to say that I should be very unwilling to interpose between the House and any other noble Lord who may wish to speak. The first duty I have to perform is the agreeable one of congratulating my two noble Friends on the manner in which they have performed one of the most difficult tasks I know of—that of moving and seconding the Address in reply to a Speech from the Throne. I speak not as a mere matter of form when I express my opinion that, as regards both substance and tone, it would not have been easy to perform these tasks better than they have been accomplished by my noble Friends. When I refer to tone, I refer to that tone which I have always found it to be the desire of your Lordships to observe on occasions of the discussion of an Address in answer to a Speech from the Throne, and I am sure your Lordships will feel it especially desirable that that tone should be observed in the discussion of an Address moved at the first meeting of a new Parliament, and immediately after the assumption of office by a new Government—a consequence of what I must admit to be the unmistakeable verdict of the country. And now, my Lords, in rising to address you from the Opposition benches, after five years of leadership in this House, I cannot do so without expressing my grateful sense of the kindness and forbearance extended to me by your Lordships throughout that 37 period. Had it not been for the good feeling manifested towards me by the majority in your Lordships' House, it would have been impossible for me to have conducted the business of the Government in this House, in which your Lordships are not bound by laws such as prevail in the other House of Parliament. A General Election has caused great changes in the composition of the other House. It is not so in the composition of your Lordships' House—we have sustained no loss here except loss occasioned by death. The noble Marquess who moved the Address made a graceful allusion to the loss sustained by your Lordships' House since last Session by the death of Lord Colonsay. I join in the regret expressed by the noble Marquess at the death of a noble and learned Lord whose high character as a Judge and a gentleman entitled him to every respect, and who was undoubtedly a most useful Member of your Lordships' House. With regard to the Speech from the Throne—I cannot omit to observe that the Members of the late Government owe their thanks to Her Majesty's Ministers for a handsome compliment paid them in the framing of that Speech—because it so happens that the first paragraph is word for word the same as the first paragraph in the Speech from the Throne six years ago when that Government had come into office. Though not so full of the future as some, the Speech goes on to treat of matters of great importance in reference to our foreign relations, and to the condition of our Indian and Colonial Empires. As to home topics, nearly all the measures mentioned are not of a party character, but are objects of great national importance, and most of them relate to questions of legal reform. My noble and learned Friend behind me (Lord Selborne) has given them all very considerable attention, and I am sure the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack is aware of the willingness of my noble and learned Friend to co-operate with him on all questions of law reform, and to facilitate all measures of that kind. Speaking for myself, and I may also say with confidence for my noble Friends, that our object will be not to obstruct but to facilitate. I believe that none of the measures indicated in the Speech are likely to give rise to so much controversy as the administration of licences 38 to persons who sell intoxicating liquors; but all I can say on this subject is, that I shall be very glad if Her Majesty's Government should find themselves able to give within reasonable limits to the members of that important and most powerful body relief from the inconvenience of which they complain. With reference to our relations with Foreign Powers, it is a matter of satisfaction to me, that the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) who is now charged with these affairs, has always carried out the same principles that were adopted by Her Majesty's late Government. With regard to the marriage of the Duke of Edinburgh, the House has already had an opportunity of expressing its congratulations to Her Majesty; and it is perhaps unnecessary for me to do more on this occasion than repeat what was so well said by a noble Marquess (the Marquess of Salisbury) last Session—that, though the Royal matrimonial alliances do not, as in past times, affect the policy of this country so that they could be the means of dragging us into war, it is by no means so clear that they may not be the means of conducing to the maintenance of peace. The question of the Ashantee War is a very large one, and it is impossible that Parliament can meet without discussing the course of that war, and the still more important question as to what led to it and as to what is to come out of it. I shall not enter on these topics to-night, but shall follow the example of the two noble Lords who moved and seconded the Address in declaring that it is a matter, not of party feeling, but rather of national pride, that an expedition which was so reluctantly entered into has been so successfully carried out. It is impossible that Her Majesty could have used too strong words in recognizing the services of the officers and men, both of the military and naval forces who were engaged in this expedition, it was about the middle of August when it was first thought necessary to combine the political functions of the Governor of the Cape with the military duties of a Commander-in-Chief, and to consider whether it would be necessary to enter into extended military operations. Sir Garnet Wolseley, although at that time holding high office in this country, at once signified his willingness to accept the double responsibity, and he has discharged 39 his duties in a most remarkable manner. Time was a most important element. Sir Garnet Wolseley had, before leaving this country, to consult the military authorities and also the Medical and Supply Departments. He had to make arrangements as speedily as possible for counteracting the deadly climate in the interior, to make himself perfectly acquainted with the whole case, to make the necessary preparations, and to report home in time for the despatch of troops. The whole affair had to be carried out between December and March, and the operations of Sir Garnet Wolseley were facilitated by the arrangements at home, which enabled the troops to be despatched a month earlier than it was anticipated would be possible Although we have lost many distinguished officers, I am happy to say that every comfort was provided for the troops and that every care was taken of the sick and wounded, owing to which the number of actual deaths was very small. I now come to a very melancholy subject—that of the impending famine in India. It is one of the misfortunes of a large empire that calamities of this kind will occur in some parts of it from time to time, and it may be some sort of consolation to us to know that whore one man dies in the course of such a visitation under our Government, thousands would have died under the former bad Government of India. This fact, how-ever, in no way relieves the Government from the responsibility of taking every possible care to diminish the evil effects of the calamity, if it cannot altogether prevent its occurrence. I regret that my noble Friend the Duke of Argyll is prevented by indisposition from being in his place this evening, for I know that he was anxious to take the earliest opportunity of paying a just tribute to Lord Northbrook for the foresight, the kindliness, and the completeness of the measures he has taken for the relief of the sufferers. I said at the commencement of my remarks that I had only a few observations to make, and I now beg to thank your Lordships for your kindness in listening to what I have said.
§ THE DUKE OF SOMERSETMy Lords, I do not wish for a moment to interfere with the harmony and unanimity with which it appears to be the feeling of the House that this Address 40 should be received; but I rise to make a few observations upon the recent political events and changes that have taken place. I find myself now placed on the Opposition side of the House instead of on the benches behind the Government. We have heard it said that the Members of this House were so far removed from their countrymen that they were in total ignorance of public opinion—that they were so far removed from all sensible men in the country, that they were in a manner "up in a balloon." Since that statement was made, the opinion of the country has been taken, and I should like to ask who it was that was "up in a balloon?" The high official who told us that we were "up in a balloon," was himself, with his companions, "up in a balloon," and what a tumble they have had Many of them, however, by the gracious favour of the Sovereign, have fallen upon the soft cushions of this aristocratic assembly. My Lords, it must be remembered also that the same high authority said that he should consider three times whether or not he should abolish this House altogether. I am glad to see that, instead of abolishing this House or thinking of doing so, he has desired to strengthen and invigorate it. In the discussions in this House many of these who have been recently created Peers will be of great advantage in assisting our deliberations—they will not only be of great use to these who sit on this side of the House, but they will also be of great use to these who sit opposite us, because, should any noble Lord on the opposite side of the House be tempted in a moment of weakness to mis-apply any public money, or to disregard the vote of Parliament in making some departmental improvement, he will look across the House and will see sitting among us the late Postmaster General, and take warning. Again, if under the impulse of popular clamour any noble Lord should be tempted to interfere with the vested interests of a largo and powerful body in this country, let him look across at the late Home Secretary sitting among us, and he will be very careful hew he ventures to meddle with the interests of the licensed victuallers. Again, if any noble Lord thinks that by making large concessions, and by taking the property from one class of the community to give it to another he can conciliate the Irish 41 people, let him look across the House, and he will see an example of hew the warm hearts of the Irish boiled over with gratitude towards a Minister who made every effort to satisfy the unreasonable demands of the Irish priesthood and the insatiable rapacity of the Irish tenantry. These are the lessons we shall derive from the recent accessions to this House. The Liberal party in the other House owe to the House of Lords the "minority clause" which has saved many of them their seats, and I should expect that many Liberal Members of that House, if they are capable of feeling gratitude, will come to the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack, who moved the insertion of that clause, with a testimonial of their regard and affection. I do not complain of being on this instead of on the other side of the House; but I do complain of the manner in which the late Government brought about this change I consider that the conduct of the late Prime Minister in issuing a proclamation, and, even before the proposal had been formally sanctioned by the Sovereign, sending down to his constituents the information that an appeal was to be made to the country immediately, was most objectionable. I also consider that the Prime Minister adopted a most unusual course in submitting a Budget to the country before it had been discussed in Parliament. Such a course would have been objectionable under any circumstances, but it was doubly mischievous as a precedent, when it was adopted by a man of the ability and financial reputation of the late Prime Minister. I trust, however, that the precedent will not be followed. We were not only told of the changes which were to be made—and which ought never to have been brought forward, except in Parliament whore they could have been discussed in connection with the whole financial scheme of the Government; but besides we were told that there was to be a re-adjustment of taxation. The effect of this was that people began to distrust the bribe offered to them. Some, no doubt, approved the abolition of the income tax; some may have approved the reduction of custom duties, or the "free breakfast table;" but all were curious to know what the re-adjustment of taxes meant—what, in fact, if I may use a well-known Parliamentary 42 phrase, was concealed under the other thimble. My noble Friends sitting below me, who must have seen the conjuring trick performed in Downing Street, can perhaps tell us, as a matter of history, what there was under the other thimble. The game is now over, and if my noble Friends will only favour us with that information, I am sure it will be of great interest, both to the House and the country. But, my Lords, I desire to call your attention to a letter which has been published—not the letter addressed to "Dear Lord Granville," but the letter addressed by Mr. Gladstone to "Dear Lord Fermoy "—the purport of that letter was at such a time most objectionable—Mr. Gladstone stated that he could not altogether make up his mind to oppose Home Rule, because he did not know what it meant. Now, other Ministers knew very well what it meant, and they spoke out clearly and distinctly about it; but Mr. Gladstone could not make up his mind. He would not support the movement, but he would not give it a denial. This was a most unfortunate and improper proceeding. Here is a Minister enjoying the command of the patronage of the Crown, to whom the interests and the integrity of the Empire are intrusted, and who on one of the most vital questions is unable to express a distinct opinion for fear that by so doing he may lose some votes. My Lords, is there any one of you who had any difficulty in finding out what this Home Rule meant? Is there any one who doubts that by means of this cry candidates have been able to gain the popularity of treason without incurring its dangers? And now, my Lords, Mr. Gladstone says he will only lead if he has an united party to back him. But who has prevented ours being an united party if it be not Mr. Gladstone himself? Has he not continually taken part with the extreme sections of the Liberal party, and driven the moderate Liberals from him? He has shown favour towards the advocates of the most extravagant changes and condescended to lick the very dust off the feet of democracy. It is owing to this that he has lost the support of so largo a portion of the Liberal party, and I feel confident that he will not regain it, for a very large section of the Liberal party will not unite in any way with these, either in 43 England or Ireland, who are seeking to effect the dismemberment of the Empire. Mr. Gladstone also writes to Lord Granville and tells him what he means to do. It seems that he moans to retire very much from political life, but every now and then to assist by what he calls his advice Now, my Lords, I delight as much as anyone does in Mr. Gladstone's great talent and eloquence, and in his vigorous energy and dexterity in debate; bat his advice and judgment I believe to be the least valuable product of his fruitful mind. The Liberal party see now whore his advice has brought them. The power is transferred to noble Lords opposite, and I hope they will take warning by the errors of this side, and, by avoiding our faults, find better success in conducting the affairs of the country.
§ LORD COLCHESTERbriefly addressed the House, but some confusion prevailing, was almost inaudible.
§ LORD SELBORNEI should have wished, my Lords, that the course indicated by the speeches of the two noble Lords who moved and seconded the Address would have been followed; and I fully agree that on an occasion like the present, unanimity should prevail, and that no topic of an irritating character should be introduced. I have heard with very great pain and regret the speech which has been delivered this evening by the noble Duke near me—a speech which, if delivered at all, ought to have been delivered at some other time, and in a place whore the person, attacked would have been able to make his own reply. Of that great man, with whom I have had the honour for some short time to be associated, I cannot trust myself to attempt to speak, as my sense of his uprightness, and of his intention to do justice to all interests and classes in the country, and of his high character would prompt me to do; but I am bound to say that if it were proved of the late Prime Minister, as the noble Duke suggested, that he had tampered or coquetted—or some such expression—with these who seek to dismember the Empire, or if it were proved that he had licked the very dust off the feet of democracy, it would be impossible for the grave disgrace to rest with him alone. Such disgrace would have to be shared by every Member of the late Government. I repudiate—I must 44 say with indignation—the suggestion that the late Government or its head tampered, or attempted to tamper, at any time, with the question of the dismemberment of the Empire, or did at any time anything that could be construed into licking the dust off the feet of democracy, and I am sure that there is no member of the late Administration to whose mind and character such acts are more wholly foreign than its illustrious head. The noble Duke has referred to a letter written to Lord Fermoy by Mr. Gladstone;—and it would, perhaps, be as well that notice should be given of such attacks as that made by the noble Duke, so that we might be prepared with copies to refer to. In that letter Mr. Gladstone appeared to have used the expression that he did not know what Home Rule meant, or something equivalent, and the noble Duke, in the very next sentence, confirmed the manifest meaning and intention of Mr. Gladstone in so expressing himself, for the noble Duke said that 50 different people took up the expression and meant 50 different things by it. Before, therefore, any person would be justified in interrogating Mr. Gladstone on this subject, he ought to explain what he means by Home Rule, and then Mr. Gladstone would be able to give his opinion upon a thing so understood. But your Lordships have probably not forgotten that Mr. Gladstone has in reality left no doubt about his opinion of Home Rule as generally understood—namely, as a cry, whether taken up in earnest or not, and by this man or by that man, which can have but one practical tendency, the dismemberment of the Empire. Upon that point Mr. Gladstone has left no doubt at all, for when—I think less than a year ago—he received the freedom of the city of Aberdeen he went even out of his way to state that that notion of the dismemberment of the Empire was one which no statesman of this country could ever possibly entertain. It was impossible for anybody with even the smallest grain of charity to doubt after this Mr. Gladstone's sentiments on the subject of Home Rule. Surely, in such a correspondence it was only natural he should wish to call attention to the fact that various people meant various things by the expression "Home Rule," and that it was used by many persons not insincerely 45 to signify things as far remote from treason and the dismemberment of the Empire as Mr. Gladstone's own mind would be. I hope that Mr. Gladstone did not do injustice to this particular nobleman by this correspondence, and that he thought him one of these who echoed the cry of Home Rule, not with a view to the dismemberment of the Empire, but in some narrow, shallow, and unpractical sense, doubtless totally different from that which constitutes its real importance and danger. I do not think I should act in a manner of which your Lordships would approve if I were to follow the noble Duke in any explanation of the course taken by the late Government in the dissolution of the last Parliament. It is quite a mistake to suppose that Mr. Gladstone issued an address to the Electors of Greenwich before Her Majesty's pleasure had been taken on the subject. Her Majesty had signified her will and pleasure that the dissolution should take place before that or any other step had been taken by Mr. Gladstone or any other person on that subject. "Whether it was right or not for Mr. Gladstone in his address to his constituents to state as openly, frankly, and candidly as he did state the views he entertained upon the great opportunity that presented itself of turning to account the largo and extraordinary surplus in the public Exchequer, may be a matter upon which the opinions of your Lordships may differ. But if, as a matter of fact, the existence of the opportunity did constitute the whole and sole ground for not waiting for the expiry of the Parliament, and for ascertaining at once in whom the country placed its confidence—if, as a matter of fact, that was the express ground for the Dissolution, I do not know hew anyone could abstain from explaining the grounds of that step. Nor do I believe, if the procedents were examined, it would appear so wholly unprecedented to refer to financial measures and changes affecting the incidence and the burden of taxation upon the people. I cannot but think that is a point upon which any Minister who appeals to the country as to whether it has confidence in him or not has a right to express himself, and since it was the will of the country that the Government should be conducted by others it was far better for the country that we should at once leave the conduct of affairs, 46 with that great financial opportunity, to these in whom the country had confidence. I trust that they will use that opportunity well. But of this I am sure—that if Mr. Gladstone's intended policy was a wise and sound policy he would not have been doing justice to it if he had attempted to bring it forward in the last Session of an expiring Parliament, in which parties were very much disorganized, and which had shown proofs of want of confidence in the late Government. Mr. Gladstone acted on that, as on all other occasions, with the sincere and honest intention to serve the Queen and country, and in every act of his Administration he was determined to maintain these great interests which he is supposed to be capable of undermining. That I am confident he will continue to do to the end; not tampering at any time with any principle or opinions which, in his judgment have any tendency to undermine the security of the Throne or the integrity of the Empire Of that I am assured. I do not, however, ask your Lordships to pass any testimony of approbation upon the late Administration. I deeply lament that anything has been said that has made it necessary for me to appear in the character of the apologist of Mr. Gladstone, and it is the last occasion that I should have chosen for that purpose. But after what has been said by the noble Duke it was impossible for all Mr. Gladstone's Colleagues on this side of the House to sit still and allow what has been said to go forth to the world in silence, without a single syllable to show that we shared the responsibility with him, and we wholly repel and repudiate the suggestion that we are prepared to encourage or countenance in the smallest degree these who would shake the stability of the Throne or dismember the integrity of the Empire.
EARL GREYMy Lords, it is all very well to say that Mr. Gladstone did not mean what the Home Rulers meant. No doubt it is very true that Home Rule signifies different things to different people; but no one can watch what has been going on in Ireland during the last few months without being aware that Home Rule is used in a sense most dangerous to the permanence and stability of the Empire. It conveys to the minds of ignorant men a measure which might sooner or later tend to the 47 destruction of the Empire. And that being the ease, when Mr. Gladstone was called upon to express an opinion on that subject, was it fit and proper that he should ride off upon an assumed ignorance as to what was meant by Home Rule, and abstain from speaking out in plain and distinct language, asserting in language equally plain and distinct his determination to resist to the utmost any step tending to such calamitous results? The noble and learned Lord (Lord Selborne) said that this was unnecessary, because the year before, at Aberdeen, Mr. Gladstone had expressed a very strong feeling on this subject, and had distinctly condemned the project of Home Rule. Reference to a speech, made more than a year ago, would have been more satisfactory if, unfortunately, Mr. Gladstone's opinions had not been for forty years in a state of constant and progressive change, and too often, in my opinion, in a direction highly dangerous. Further, that speech was made before the corporation of a distant town, and it might never have been heard of in Ireland. Such a speech was not sufficient to exempt the Prime Minister from the duty of stating clearly the real opinions of the Government. I will only say a single word as to the Dissolution of Parliament. That was a measure which gave me the most complete astonishment I ever felt throughout my public career. Remembering the time and manner in which it was adopted, it seemed not only unjustifiable, but likely to lead to the very results which occurred. It can only be described as an act of political suicide, and if it were the practice to hold coroners' inquests on deceased Administrations, I have no doubt the jury would have brought in the customary verdict of "temporary insanity."
§ THE EARL OF DERBYMy Lords, it certainly is not my wish to take any part in the controversy that has been carried on upon the benches opposite:—the only remark which I will make with reference to it is that, when the noble and learned Lord opposite (Lord Selborne) told us, in reply to the noble Duke, that he did not think it fitting that the leader of the Liberal party in the other House should be attacked in a place whore he was not present to defend himself, he lays down an argument which would carry him a little 48 further than he probably intended to go. It would be a doubtful precedent, because it would load to this—that no man who has a seat in this House is entitled to criticize the character and policy of a political leader who may happen to have a seat in the other House.
§ EARL GRANVILLEobserved that Mr. Gladstone's personal character had been attacked.
§ THE EARL OF DERBYHis political character is all that I understood to be questioned. However, I will not pursue that subject farther. Whatever has been done, whatever has been left undone, by these who preceded us in office, a judgment has been passed upon their policy which, whether it be right or wrong, is at all events final and indisputable. I, for one, do not wish, either at this or at any other time, to revive the controversy which has been carried on during the last few weeks in every part of the country, and which we may hope has been satisfactorily sot at rest by the result of the General Election. My Lords, I am bound to express the sense I entertain of the spirit of courtesy and fairness with which the Speech from the Throne and the present position of affairs have been commented on by the noble Earl (Earl Granville), lately leader of this House. My Lords, there was nothing in the observations that fell from the noble Earl from which I could dissent, and therefore it is not necessary that I should take up any portion of your Lordships' time in any comment on his remarks. I am sure your Lordships will concur in offering most sincerely your congratulations to Her Majesty upon that Royal marriage which has excited so much public attention, and drawn forth an expression of feeling so genuine and spontaneous. No event can be politically unimportant which tends to bring together in any degree two Empires having great interests in the same quarter of the globe; and no event can be socially unimportant which contributes to the domestic happiness of these who from their high station are objects of attention and sympathy on the part of thousands who never even saw their faces. With regard to my noble Friends, the Mover and Seconder of the Address, I think I shall express the unanimous feeling of your Lordships when I say that 49 both the noble Marquess and the noble Earl have discharged their duty—a duty not free from difficulty—in a manner which must have been satisfactory both to themselves and to your Lordships, and which should encourage them to take an active part in our future discussions. With reference to the measures indicated in the Speech from the Throne, your Lordships are aware that from the short interval which elapsed between the period at which the present Government acceded to office, and that at which the present Session has begun, the Government have had but little time for the preparation of any great legislative scheme. Nothing, perhaps, is more inconvenient—nothing could be more inconvenient than to bring forward such schemes without ample preparation—and we were equally anxious to avoid a fault which has not been uncommon of late years, that of bringing in and keeping before Parliament a larger number of measures than there could be any reasonable expectation of carrying. I hope with reference to measures connected with law reform that important progress may be made, and when we remember the manner in which the measures proposed by the noble and learned Lord opposite (Lord Selborne) were received by my noble and learned Friend on the Woolsack, I trust we, in our turn, may confidently rely on the valuable assistance which the experience and ability of the noble and learned Lord can give upon this subject. With refer once, my Lords, to Foreign Affairs—the Department with which I am specially connected—I certainly do not intend to utter anything in the nature of a prophecy. If I were inclined to do so I should certainly take warning from what happened three and a half years ago, when the noble Earl (Earl Granville), on the very eve of the breaking out of the Franco-German War, congratulated himself on the fact that the aspect of foreign affairs was so absolutely unruffled there was not a cloud in the horizon. [Earl GRANVILLE interposed a remark.] All I can say is that at the present moment the position of the country in regard to our foreign relations is most satisfactory. There is no State whatever with which our relations are not most cordial. I do not think it will be expected that I should make any declarations as to the principles on which the 50 foreign policy of the Government will be based. I do not think that such general declarations have much practical value, because in regard to foreign policy there is very little difference of opinion among us; the only real difficulty is as to the practical application of principles on which we are all agreed. I think it right to say that my noble Friend the noble Marquess who has charge of Indian Affairs (the Marquess of Salisbury) will take the very earliest opportunity of placing before your Lordships the actual position of matters, and the steps which it is proposed to take with reference to that lamentable event—the famine in India. I do not think it would be my duty in any way to anticipate my noble Friend's statement; but I may say this—that, as I believe, the real difficulty with which our Indian Administration has to deal is not the want of funds—because funds will be amply and liberally supplied—not the want of food—because food in large, and I. hope sufficient quantities, exists—but the real difficulty we have to deal with is one not so easily met—that of taking the food to the people. It is the means of transport that are deficient, and the machinery for that purpose cannot be extemporized in a day. With regard to the policy to be pursued on the Gold Coast, as a consequence of the Ashantee War—now happily terminated—I do not suppose your Lordships would wish to express any opinion until after full and deliberate consideration; and, above all, until you have had the advantage of perusing the official despatches of these gallant officers who took so distinguished a part in the operations on the Coast. We may not be—we probably are not—any of us very anxious to extend or to maintain our possessions in that part of the world; but we are bound, in dealing with that matter, to consider the treaties we may have entered into, and the duties which we may have incurred, in regard to the native tribes who have acted as our allies in the war. As to the way in which the war has been carried out, I can only repeat what has been already said as to the gallantry and endurance of our troops. As there is no question under discussion, and no difference of opinion on any matter actually before us, it would be unpardonable in me to trespass longer on your Lordships' time.
51 Address agreed to, nemine dissentiente, and ordered to be presented to Her Majesty by the Lords with White Staves.