Lords Sitting of 28 July 1873

MINUTES.
PUBLIC BILLS—First Reading—Langbaurgh Coroners* (248).
Committee—Salmon Fisheries* (215–249); Metropolitan Tramways Provisional Orders* (229).
Committee—Report—Extradition Act (1870) Amendment* (235).
Report—Revising Barristers* (244); Turnpike Acts Continuance, &c.* (245).
Third Reading—Militia (Service, &c.)* (237), and passed.
Royal Assent—Exchequer Bonds (£1,600,000) [36 & 37 Vict. c. 54]; Intestates Widows and Children [36 & 37 Vict.c. 52]; Prison Officers Superannuation (Ireland) [36 & 37 Vict. c. 51]; Highland Schools (Scotland) [36 & 37 Vict. c. 53]; Medical Act Amendment (University of London) [36 & 37 Vict. c. 55]; Treasury Chest Fund [36 & 37 Vict. c. 56]; Consolidated Fund, &c. (Permanent Charges Redemption) [36 & 37 Vict. c. 57]; Military Manœuvres [36 & 37 Vict. c. 58]; Tramways Provisional Orders Confirmation [36 & 37 Vict. c. cxcvii]; Drainage and Improvement of Lands (Ireland) Provisional Orders (No. 3) [36 & 37 Vict. c. cxcviii]; Local Government Board (Ireland) Provisional Order Confirmation (No. 2) [36 & 37 Vict. c. cxcix].

ENDOWED SCHOOLS COMMISSIONERS—DENBIGH FREE GRAMMAR SCHOOL.
  EXPLANATION.
  THE MARQUESS OF RIPONsaid, that in compliance with a request from the Rector of Denbigh, he wished to correct a statement he made on a former evening with reference to the schools with which the Endowed Schools Commissioners had proposed to deal. It appeared that a deduction of some £17 a-year had been made by the Education Department from the Government grant to the elementary school because of the endowment. He must, however, say that he did not think that fact in any way affected the argument he addressed to their Lordships on the occasion to which he had just referred.
OFFICERS OF HER MAJESTY'S ARMY—ABOLITION OF PURCHASE.

  THE QUEEN'S ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS.
  The Queen's Answer to the Address of Monday last reported by the Lord Steward, as follows, viz:
  "MY LORDS,
  "I have received your Address, praying that a Royal Commission may be issued to inquire into the allegations of the officers of my army as to the grievances which they state that they suffer consequent upon the abolition of Purchase:
  "The terms of the pecuniary indemnity provided by the Army Regulation Act for the officers of the Army upon the abolition of the system of Purchase were adopted by Parliament upon a very full and long continued deliberation. I am advised that to refer for consideration to Commissioners nominated by the Crown any allegations of grievance which involve the principle of the pecuniary settlement so deliberately incorporated in the Act would be a course not warranted by usage, and that it would be likely to be attended with serious inconvenience:
  "I have reason to believe that the provisions of the Act have been carried into effect in a liberal spirit by my government and by the Army Purchase Commissioners:
  "I have also directed that certain cases which have appeared to fall within the principle of the Statute, though they were not formally included in its words, should be submitted in the annual votes to the favourable consideration of Parliament, by whom the votes for this purpose have been approved; and I will now direct that the
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  allegations contained in the memorials which have formed the subject of your Address shall be carefully examined by a Royal Commission in order to ascertain whether any of them fall within the principle of and may properly be dealt with by the same form of proceeding."

MARRIAGE OF H.R.H THE DUKE OF EDINBURGH.

  MESSAGE FROM THE QUEEN.
  Message from The Queen—Delivered by the Earl Granville, and read by the Lord Chancellor, as follows:
  "VICTORIA R.
  "Her Majesty having agreed to a marriage proposed between His Royal Highness Alfred Ernest Albert Duke of Edinburgh, Earl of Kent, Earl of Ulster. Duke of Saxony, Prince of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, and Her Imperial Highness the Grand Duchess Marie Alexandrovna, only daughter of His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, has thought fit to communicate it to the House of Lords:
  "The numerous proofs which the Queen has received from the House of Lords of their loyalty to the Throne, and of their attachment to Her person and family, leave Her Majesty no doubt of their readiness to concur in enabling Her Majesty to make a further provision for His Royal Highness: V.R."
  Ordered, That the said Message be taken into consideration To-morrow.

EAST AFRICA—THE SLAVE TRADE.

  OBSERVATIONS. RESOLUTION.
  LORD CAMPBELL: My Lords—In rising to make a few remarks upon the Notice I have given, I am in want—although not for a long time—of much indulgence from your Lordships. When I first brought the subject forward, more than 10 years ago, I could depend on the support of Lord Brougham, who, in the ordinary lapse of time, has passed away, and of a right rev. Friend, whose recent fate has suddenly withdrawn him from our body. To be deprived of such pre-eminent allies would be sufficient to weigh down the mind of any man, if it was not weighed down already. As regards the right rev. Prelate, I will not attempt to heighten the tributes which in this House have lately been devoted to him; still less to enter into rivalry with all the pulpits of the town, in which, a few hours ago, his qualities were handled. On a theme of this kind,

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  which comes home to me from many special circumstances, except in those who may be leading an Opposition or a Government, it is scarcely prudent to betray our thoughts to a political Assembly. But it is my duty to inform the House with the accuracy of a witness, of the degree to which the lamented Prelate was a party to the Resolution I shall offer to them. Some weeks ago when he was invited to correct it, he approved of every phrase and every particle which it contains. He engaged to be here at 5 o'clock to-day in order to support it. He expressed a sanguine hope that it would be adopted by the Government, and determined to exert his influence upon the noble Earl the Secretary of State for that result. It will hardly be denied therefore that, if sufficient argument is found to recommend it, to adopt the Resolution would be a homage to the memory which all desire to exalt. I know no shorter method of engaging the House to such a course than a reference to the case by which, in 1860, your Lordships were induced to address the Crown, in order to restore our Consular authority in the Portuguese possessions of East Africa, since, unfortunately, the same arguments which then prevailed continue to be relevant. I will not state them fully, as they were mixed up with international transactions and party struggles which ought not to be revived. It was contended by Lord Brougham, the right rev. Prelate, and myself, that Portugal had entered into treaties with Great Britain for the prevention of the slave trade on the Eastern Coast of Africa, that for years remonstrances, despatches, and anathemas had gone to Lisbon as regards their non-observance; that at last it was resolved to appoint a British agent on the spot who would be able to watch the colonial officers of Portugal, and keep them on the path Great Britain pertinaciously insisted on. We pointed out that during his residence the Viceregal power at Mozambique was strenuously exerted against the slave trade, and that in one of its most insidious branches. When temporary difficulties occasioned his withdrawal it was essential, we maintained, that the function should not cease, its necessity having been placed beyond the reach of doubt, and its advantage having been triumphantly established. We touched on the commer-
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  cial argument, and the lamented Prelate in particular insisted that unless your Consular authority enlightened them, darkness would always hang over those waters, under which no traffic could grow up, except the traffic he was in the habit of denouncing. We were not so rash as to deny that the French Government, who at that time were engaged in transporting negroes to Rèunion, viewed the British agency as something of an adverse force; but we denied that such a fact was a sufficient ground for its extinction, or that the French alliance, if it tended to retard our policy against the slave trade, would any longer be esteemed among the people of this country. Your Lordships were not determined by what fell from us alone. The noble Earl the Secretary of State, the noble Duke who at that time presided at the Admiralty, the noble Earl who now directs the Colonies, came forward to oppose us, and said whatever could be said against the Motion. The majority in our favour included several adherents of the Government, and the opinion of the public out-of-doors decidedly supported it. I shall, therefore, ask the House what new considerations have been evolved by time in support of our former case, which time has not substantially affected? The first is, that Sir Bartle Frere, in a despatch of the blue book, confirms all we had advanced, and urges the re-appointment we demanded. The next is, that during 10 years Great Britain has been accountable for the lamentable traffic she was on the verge of utterly annihilating; and which would not now exist if the voice of this House, instead of being neglected, had been listened to. Popular attention is more directed to the subject than it used to be; a considerable body in connection with the Anti-Slavery Society have instructed me to urge it on the Government, and there is not the slightest pretext for inaction. Events have taken place by which the Sovereignty of Portugal has been a good deal undermined upon that coast. Events are not improbable in which the want of British agency from Cape Delgado to Delagoa Bay would be remarkably disastrous to our objects. It is useless to arrest the slave trade from Zanzibar, as we hope to do, while it is flourishing—and on this point Captain Sullivan and Captain Colomb, two naval officers, have given

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  recent evidence—for 900 miles to the south of that dominion. My Lords, society is under a delusion if it imagines that to check the slave trade from Zanzibar is to deliver Eastern Africa from its oppression. If it is to leave that coast, it is more desirable that its guilt should fall upon an Arabian than on an European Power—that it should proceed at a considerable distance from, than in close proximity to our colony of Natal. Last of all the Treaty with Zanzibar, which has been just negotiated, cannot be expected to have much practical effect if the Sultan is aware that from the conterminous dependency of Portugal slave trade is going on unwatched and unresisted. This view is strengthened by referring to the mission of Sir Bartle Frere, of which as yet I have said nothing. You Lordships well know that since the return of Sir Bartle Frere, a Treaty has been obtained which the Sultan would not grant while he was present. How far it may be traced to the exertions of Sir Bartle, and how far to those of Dr. Kirk the resident, is a secret in the inner conscience of the Sultan. At first sight the conduct of the Sultan seems to be inexplicable. According to an acute and eminent historian, referring to a potentate of Africa, Regiœ voluntates, quum vehementes, tum mobiles, sœpe etiam ipsis advanœ. "The will of Sovereigns is vehement as variable, and often clashes with itself." It is possible, however, that the Sultan may have been guided by a deeper train of thought than it is usual to ascribe to him. He may have seen that in the end the Treaty was inevitable and yet have resolved to inflict a deep humiliation on the Government which asked for it. As it was generally thought that France inspired his resistance, for many weeks he held up this country as having been deceived by an ally who wanted its support, and baffled by a State whom it had lately called into existence. At last he flung before the Consul what he had denied to the Ambassador and thus proclaimed the inutility of the mission which had taken place while he disarmed the hostile preparations likely to succeed it. In dealing with a mind so resolute, so guarded and vindictive, we should not venture on a weak or an assailable position. But our position towards him will be of this character, so long as the Portuguese possessions in his neighbourhood are
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  left without a British representative. It will be open always for the Sultan to remark, when he is taxed with an imperfect execution of the Treaty—is there to be one law for the Mahometan and another for the Christian? Is slave trade only to be persecuted when joined to a faith which either sanctions or extenuates it? To the north of Cape Delgado shall it be rooted out, while to the south of that point it is allowed to flourish with impunity? Is it to be denied to Zanzibar, while Portugal, whom Britain guards upon the map of Europe, is tacitly invited to engage in it? My Lords, unless these questions had been easy to suggest and difficult to answer the Treaty would have been more rapidly negotiated; and until their foundation disappears we have not any moral right to count on its observance. Well, my Lords, if the former case was accepted by the House as irresistible, if nothing has occurred to shake it, if late events have given it a basis of which it did not stand in need, there would be no excuse for a protracted statement upon my part. It will scarcely be contended that the Resolution is unnecessary after the long delay which has occurred and the mysterious reluctance which has seemingly occasioned it. The only class of minds to which the Resolution ought to be obnoxious, is the class of minds who question our policy in Africa, and who deny that European wealth ought to be made a stepping-stone to a contingent, a remote, as yet, at least, an unattained civilization. No doubt that class of minds deserves to be respected. The idea which first sent our ships to either coast of Africa may be seen in many lights. Its origin is generally traced to 1815. At that time emerging from a struggle which aspired to the deliverance of Europe, the country was disposed to effort in another sphere, which to a colder or less excited age may wear the aspect of extravagance. To blockade the best part of a Continent, to fertilize inhospitable deserts, to regenerate the lowest race of bondsmen and barbarians, to stop a traffic which had darkened the ocean for 1,000 years, and which many States were interested in preserving, appeared to be a feasible exertion to those who had contended against the genius of Napoleon, not only for the balance of power but the safety of their homes. The

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  project may have been too great for modern statesmanship to enter on. But the illustrious Duke who commands the Army of the Queen explained to us not long ago that public undertakings which ought not to be begun, are not on that account to be unfinished or abandoned; the more when a considerable outlay has already been devoted to them, from which you are entitled to some return, although it might have been more cautiously or more judiciously invested. Your Lordships might be disposed to add that honour will sometimes demand the end, when prudence has not wholly sanctioned the commencement. Since its cost is in significant to neglect this measure any longer would be rather a concession to fatigue than to economy. Fatigue, however subtle and imperious its action upon men, is not so easily permitted to communities. From their perpetually renewing elements they are less exposed to age and to exhaustion; to the corroding indolence and deadly lassitude by which individual efforts are too frequently restrained. For them it is more practicable to revive the warmth of an original design amidst the languor, scepticism, and disgust, by which its final execution is inevitably thwarted. For it should not be forgotten that when our Consular authority in the Portuguese possessions is revived, no further steps on this extensive subject will be called for. The naval power will adapt itself to the want the Consular authority discovers, and be directed by the knowledge it acquires. The Treaty with Zanzibar will have an outwork to protect it. The triumph we have gained upon the Western Coast will be unquestioned unless, the market of Brazil or Cuba should unhappily revive. Your steamers will plough the waves from Aden to the Cape, although not at so grand a cost as that designed by the Treasury. A long and what appeared a hopeless labour will be crowned at last. Great Britain will have gained a laurel which time can hardly strip away; and on Africa, so far as it is connected with the slave trade, the ear of Parliament will enjoy a long, a well-deserved, an often coveted repose—to which, that I may hasten to contribute, I move, without another observation, the Resolution of which I have given Notice.
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  Moved to resolve, That in the opinion of this House late proceedings and events in East Africa render it desirable that the consular authority of Great Britain in the Portuguese dominion from Cape Delgado to Delagoa Bay should now be re-established.—(The .Lord Campbell.)
  EARL GRANVILLEsaid, that when last he had occasion to make a statement to their Lordships' House on the subject of the Mission of Sir Bartle Frere, he stated that the Mission had been a complete success except on one important point. he had succeeded in renewing our Treaties with the principal Chiefs on the Persian Gulf, and had concluded one with the Imaum of Muscat, and another with other influential Princes; but he failed in completing a Treaty with the Sultan of Zanzibar. With that potentate Dr. Kirk has since concluded a Treaty. Sir Bartle Frere, in visiting numerous places, had collected a fund of most valuable information for Her Majesty's Government. By his investigations he had been able to confirm much that was already known here, and also to inform the Government of additional facts. He had communicated many things and made many suggestions in reference to creeks, to interpreters, and to Consular agents in the Portuguese settlements and elsewhere, and, generally, as to the best means of putting an end to the capture of slaves. To all this Her Majesty's Government were giving their most anxious consideration. But it was not a subject that could be dealt with by one Department only—the Foreign Office, the Indian Office, and the Treasury were all acting in the same spirit, and were all considering what ought to be done. At the beginning of the Session Lord Derby gave the Government a prudent advice—that they should not be led away by the philanthropic object in view so far as to incur unlimited difficulty and expense. The Government would keep that warning in mind, while at the same time they would do whatever might be necessary to deal efficiently with this horrible traffic on the East Coast of Africa. But clearly this was a matter which would require a little time, in order that the Government might come to a determination, after consideration, how to carry out their intentions in the most efficient and the best way. Under these circumstances, he hoped the noble Lord

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  would not think it necessary to press his Motion.
  THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURYjoined in the suggestion that the noble Lord should not press his Motion to a division. All must admit that the Foreign Office had not departed from the position of English statesmen—that this slave trade ought to be put an end to. The conduct of the noble Earl at the head of the Foreign Office in conducting these negotiations had been marked by conciliation and kindness. Having been successful in reference to one of the outlets of the slave traffic on the Eastern Coast of Africa, they had every reason to believe that proper precautions would be taken for preventing a continuance of it through other outlets. He believed that they had better leave the matter in the hands of the Government; because if they came to any decision in that House upon the subject it would attract unnecessary attention in foreign countries, and would tend rather to defeat the object which the noble Lord sought to accomplish. The difficulty lay rather with foreign nations than with our own, and he thought that the best way would be to take the assurance which had been given, and resign themselves to the action of the Government.
  LORD CAMPBELL,in reply, said, that he was quite unable to concur in the proposition of the noble Earl the Secretary of State that this measure might be fairly left to the discretion of the Foreign Office. If that was so, why, for ten years and upwards, had it been neglected without a shadow of defence? If it could be so loft, why, when Sir Bartle Frere went out to Zanzibar, was the vacancy in the Portuguese Possessions suffered to remain, although demonstrably calculated to weaken his appeals, and even paralyze his Mission? In spite of a remonstrance from the House of Lords, in spite of new and pressing reasons for obeying that remonstrance, the measure had been year after year withheld, and they were now asked to confide in the despatch of the authority which had so pertinaciously withheld it. The case for interference from their Lordships could not he resisted; but if the noble Earl and the noble Marquess had united to prevent it he should divide the House in vain. He should also give the House the unworthy and undignified appearance of reversing
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  the decision at which they had arrived so long ago, when stronger grounds than ever fur maintaining it existed. He would therefore withdraw the Motion. But the public out-of-doors would see that the responsibility of its withdrawal did not rest with him, but with the noble Earl and the noble Marquess who prevented its adoption.
  Motion (by leave of the House) —withdrawn.

STANDARDS COMMISSION, 1870— WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

  OBSERVATIONS. QUESTION.
  LORD COLCHESTERrose to call attention to the Report of the Standards Commission, 1870, relative to inspection of weights and measures, and asked, Whether any legislation on the subject was contemplated? The Standards Commission, of which he had had the honour to be a Member, had inquired very carefully into the subject. They reported that in various parts of England the weights and measures differed very much, and the system was so defective that weights and measures were in many places false. In some parts of the country the inspection appeared to be satisfactorily carried out, in some it was indifferent, and in some it was altogether unsatisfactory. In small shops particularly, articles sold by weight were often found deficient. It was not to be supposed that the manufacturers of scales and weights were to blame for the frauds committed on the public; but he had heard of a ease where an order was given for scales and weights for Australia, which were expressly directed to be false. In this case the order was indignantly declined, but it was plainly the intention of the parties giving that order to cheat the purchasers. He thought it objectionable that the Inspectors of Weights and Measures in small towns should be appointed by the town councils; because many of the members of those town councils were small shopkeepers, with whom they would, in the transactions of their business, have intercourse. The Commission reported so long back as 1870, and the subject had not been touched since. There might be some practical difficulties in the way; but he thought their Lordships and the country should have some information as to whether the Government meant to intro-

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  duce any important changes, and that such changes, if contemplated, would not be much longer delayed. True, the question was not an exciting one; but it was an important one, nevertheless, because it had direct relation to the suppression of dishonest practices, and affected in no small degree the welfare of the poor.
  EARL COWPERadmitted that the question introduced by the noble Lord was an important one. The Government were alive to its importance and the suggestions of the Standards Commission were receiving their careful consideration; but, owing to the great pressure of legislative business, they had not yet been able to completely frame a measure on the subject. He agreed that the present system of inspection was most irregular and unsatisfactory, and that there was great need of some central control over the Inspectors, and he thought that that general supervision might be properly committed to the Board of Trade. He hoped that next Session a Bill on this subject now under the consideration of the Board of Trade and partly prepared would be introduced.

ACHIN.

  ADDRESS FOR CORRESPONDENCE.
  LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEYcalled the attention of the House to the affairs of Achin, and to move an Address to Her Majesty for a Copy of the Correspondence relating to the abrogation of the Treaty of 1824. The noble Lord said that a Convention was signed at the Hague on the 2nd November, 1871, and ratified February, 1872, between Her Majesty and the King of the Netherlands for the settlement of their relations in the Island of Sumatra. That Convention was presented to Parliament in 1872; but it did not appear to have attracted any attention till this year, when its effects made themselves felt. The Convention abrogated that part of the Treaty of 1824 between Great Britain and the Netherlands which prevented the Dutch extending their dominion in Sumatra north of the Line. No cause had been shown for signing this Convention. Its effects had been most injurious to British interests; and the interests of this country in the Indian Ocean and Straits of Malacca, which should have been carefully watched over by the Go-
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  vernment, had been sacrificed to that department of the Colonial Office which looked after the West Coast of Africa, and which, in its anxiety to include the whole of that Coast within its jurisdiction, had saddled us with an Ashantee War, besides the other injurious effects to which he now wished to call the attention of their Lordships. The Treaty of 1824, which had subsisted for almost 50 years, had become part of the public law of the countries adjoining the Malacca Straits, as much so as the Treaty of Vienna was the public law of Europe; and Her Majesty's Government was not justified in abrogating it without regard to the interests and obligations which had grown up under it. Tinder this Treaty Her Majesty's subjects carried on trade with Bender Achin, and other parts of Sumatra, and the population of Sumatra had friendly relations with the British Straits Settlements, and trusted to the Treaty of 1824. This had been abrogated without any necessity even on the part of the Dutch, who had no grounds for quarrel with Achin, which had done them no injury. The Dutch had attacked Achin, and failed. There were grounds for hoping that they would not renew the attack, and that Her Majesty's Government might use their utmost endeavours to engage them not to renew it; for should it be renewed, and be successful, the fall of Achin would be ruinous to our prestige throughout Southern Asia, and the utmost dissatisfaction would be felt, not only by Her Majesty's European and Malay subjects in the Straits Settlements, but also by all the Malays in the Malay Peninsula, whose goodwill was very important to us. It was not only the prestige of this country, but also its commercial interests, that had been injured by this new Convention; for if the Dutch should carry out their designs of last spring the whole of the pepper trade of Penang would be lost. The Dutch system in Java, besides being one most opposed to freedom of trade, differed so little from slavery—for the Dutch called it unpaid labour—that it did not appear why Her Majesty's Government should have been desirous to promote its extension to the whole of the north of Sumatra, or why they did not make the necessary reservations on behalf of Achin, which State was entitled to expect that we should not forget its ancient independence, and a history

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  which at some periods had been brilliant;—for Achin was an independent State at the time when Holland was a Spanish province. After that time Achin exercised a great influence in the Malacca Straits, and sent out large fleets, which frequently engaged the Portuguese fleets victoriously. Rather more than 300 years ago Achin put itself under the protection of the Ottoman Porte, and the heavy guns which Sultan Selim sent as presents to the King of Achin were still to be seen at Pidir and Pasé. This fact was mentioned in a Dutch history of the East Indian Islands by Mr. Temminck. It was now for the fourth time that Achin had sought the protection of the Ottoman Porte. It might be asked why the Dutch had attacked the independence of a free State which had done them no harm, and this at a time when they had not yet recovered from the fears which they had good reason to entertain for their own independence after the into French war—for it was well known that a party in Germany aimed at absorbing Holland and acquiring the Dutch colonies, and a still larger portion of the Germans had been persuaded into the false belief that the Dutch would be not unwilling to be united or annexed to Germany. Under these circumstances, it was not a matter for surprise that a Dutch General should have been despatched to renew the attack upon Achin, under the auspices and with the encouragement of the German Minister at the Hague. But this policy was equally shortsighted on the part of Holland and Germany; on the part of Holland, because this aggressive policy must diminish the sympathies which would otherwise be felt for that country if its independence was menaced; and on the part of Germany, because if German hopes should ever be realized, and should Germany acquire Holland and a claim to the Dutch colonies—and Germany had as much and as little right to annex Holland as Holland had to attack and annex Achin—the recognition of that claim by England would be far more doubtful if Sumatra were included with Java. In such a contingency the conduct of Her Majesty's Government was already marked out by what took place when Holland fell into the hands of France at the beginning of the century; and whilst it might be possible that
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  Great Britain should acquiesce in the transfer of Java to other masters, it would be impossible for England to suffer Achin to pass into the hands of a strong military Power. For, as Admiral Sherard Osborn had recently pointed out, Achin was a station of extreme importance in maritime strategy; it commanded not only the Straits of Malacca and the China trade, but also the approaches to Rangoon and British Burmah. It was true that the new Convention gave to British subjects the right to trade with Indrapura, and with other Sumatran States that might become dependent on the Dutch Government; but it made a distinction between Her Majesty's European and Asiatic subjects, placing the latter under the exceptional and harsh Dutch legislation, and, as this trade was carried on by Her Majesty's Asiatic subjects, it would be much discouraged. But it was not only the policy of this Article which was bad—its legality also was doubtful; for after the words of Her Majesty's Proclamation on assuming the government of India, it was not open to Her Majesty's Government to contract to make distinctions between Her Majesty's British and Indian subjects, and the treatment to which they might be subjected and the amount of protection to be afforded them. The words of the Proclamation were—
  "We hold ourselves bound to the Natives of our Indian Territories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all our other subjects, and those obligations, by the blessing of Almighty God. We shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfil."
  And, again, Her Majesty declared her will and. pleasure—"That all shall alike enjoy the equal and impartial protection of the law." There was a case of a similar nature, that of the Free Blacks; the State of South Carolina had passed a law providing for the imprisonment of all negroes who might come to that State, and who were not slaves, for fear of their communicating ideas of freedom to the slaves. Under this law coloured sailors from the Bermudas and Bahama Islands on arriving in British ships at Charleston were clapped into prison. Lord Palmerston, however, never accepted that state of things, and protested against the validity of a law passed by one of the States in opposition to the rights of all British subjects under the general treaty with the United.

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  States. There was one Article in this Convention which would have been perfect had it only been reciprocal, instead of being only in favour of the Dutch. The 4th Article provided that the Convention should remain without effect until it had received the approval of the States General:—and it was to be regretted that there was not a similar reservation in respect of the sanction of the British Parliament. In moving for the Correspondence relative to this Convention, he did not ask for any Correspondence with regard to the benefits to be obtained by bringing all the Gold Coast under British dominion and our troops into conflict with the Ashantees; but he asked for any Papers which would show on what grounds or by whose advice the Government sanctioned the abrogation of the Treaty of 1824, and the sacrifice of its valuable provisions without any necessity, advantage, or equivalent.
  Moved, "That an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty for Copy of the Correspondence relating to the abrogation of the Treaty of 1824."—(The Lord Stanley of Alderley.)
  EARL GRANVILLEwas understood to say that he had followed the policy commenced by the Earl of Clarendon, and pursued by the Earl of Derby, in regard to this question. He had been unable to follow his noble Friend's speech with perfect clearness, but he would answer it in the best way he could, The Treaty of 1824 failed to prevent the gradual annexation of the island by the Dutch. Under it England ceded to Holland all her possessions in Sumatra, and engaged to form no British settlement and conclude no treaty with any native Power there. This concession was made, in part requital for the cession of Malacca to England, and the withdrawal of Dutch objections to the British occupation of Singapore. Security against Dutch encroachments injurious to British trade was thought to be given by the Article which bound either party not to conclude treaties with native Powers detrimental to the other. But the Dutch annexed the territories of those Powers, and thus put their ports outside the Treaty by making them Dutch territory. The British Government protested in vain; and the Dutch continued their encroachments till in 1858 the whole of the East Coast which
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  faces our Straits Settlements was in their hands except the kingdom of Achin. The latest annexation was that of Siak, in taking which the Dutch took certain districts the sovereignty over which was disputed between Siak and Achin. But the Dutch were galled by our protests; though they neglected them; and when it became obvious that the Treaty of 1824 afforded no protection to our trade with Sumatra, we resolved to change our policy and endeavour to obtain that protection in exchange for our power of protesting. This is the principle of our conduct in the negotiations which have been pursued for the last 10 years and have now been brought to a successful issue. The Dutch have agreed to place British trade on an equality with Dutch trade in all the ports of Sink, and in any districts of Sumatra that may hereafter be annexed by them; and we in return have simply abandoned our right of protest against encroachments, past and future. In other words, we allow the Dutch to civilize Sumatra if they can, we ourselves being absolutely precluded from doing so; and we have gained substantial concessions in favour of British trade, which we could not have gained but for the growing liberal feeling in Holland. The supposition that we made a sacrifice in Sumatra in order to gain territory on the Gold Coast is exactly the reverse of the fact; for by taking over the possessions of the Dutch in the Gold Coast we conferred a benefit on them; and by concluding the Sumatra Treaty they have conferred a substantial benefit on us, since we have gained solid advantages whilst losing nothing. Nor is there any ground for the idea that we have treated Achin badly. In 1819, we formed, by Treaty, a defensive alliance with Achin, accompanied by an engagement that she should exclude the subjects of all Powers except England from a fixed residence in her dominions, and should not conclude a Treaty with any foreign Power without our consent. When, in 1824, we undertook to withdraw altogether from Sumatra, this Treaty became impossible; and it was consequently agreed that it should be modified into a simple arrangement for the hospitable reception of British subjects and vessels in the port of Achin. The modification was made, not by a formal deed, but by practice which, for half-a-century, has been fully under-

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  stood both by England and by Achin. England has never claimed the exclusion of all Europeans except Englishmen from Achin. But, if our repudiation of the Treaty of 1819 has been negative, that of Achin has unquestionably been positive; for, in 1857, she ratified a Treaty of peace, friendship, and commerce with Holland. placing her in the position of the most favoured nation. If the Treaty of 1819 had been in force, this Treaty of 1857 would have been a direct breach of faith towards Great Britain; but we never made such an objection, knowing that the Sultan was perfectly justified in considering himself freed from his obligations. If, however, he is relieved, England is also relieved. The only engagement now in existence between the two countries is that which has, in practice, been always observed by Achin, that British vessels and subjects should be hospitably received in her ports. He really thought that the Government of this country had made a very good bargain in carrying out their now policy. The Treaty of 1824 had proved to be wholly impracticable, and he considered that his noble Friend had made out no case showing that British interests would be injured by the course which the Government had pursued.
  Motion agreed to.

  PUNJAUB, &c.—MOTION FOR A RETURN.
  THE MARQUESS OF CLANRICARDE moved for a
  Return of the services in the field of the army on the Punjaub frontier from 1849 to 1863 for which medals were granted; showing the strength of the force employed, the name of the officer who commanded, the number of casualties, upon each occasion separately: And for,
  Similar Return respecting the Bazotee Expedition of February 1869; and to ask the Secretary of State for India, why the provisions of the Warrant of 1863, granting medals for frontier services, were not extended to the forces of which the last-named expedition was composed?
  THE DUKE OF ARGYLLhad no objection whatever to lay the Papers asked for upon the Table, although his noble Friend had inadvertently misnamed one of the documents. There was no "Warrant" of 1863, but a mere "General Order," providing that medals should be given to the soldiers engaged in the various expeditions between 1849 and
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  1863. His noble Friend asked why similar medals were not granted to the forces employed in the Bazotee Expedition? That Question was capable of a very simple answer. Medals were only given upon the recommendation of the Government of India, who were the proper judges of the military merit displayed by the troops employed in that country, and as a rule, the recommendations of the Indian Government were never set aside by the Home Government. While, however, he had no objection to lay the Returns before the House, he must say that it was setting a bad precedent. Parliamentary agitation with respect to claims of this nature was a thing to be avoided. Public discussion of the merits of particular individuals and the services they had performed was calculated to weaken the discipline of the Army.
  THE MARQUESS OF CLANRICARDEsaid, that in taking the course he had done he was not without precedent. A similar request had on one occasion been preferred by the late Duke of Richmond.
  Motion agreed to.

LAW AGENTS SCOTLAND BILL.

  COMMONS REASONS CONSIDERED.
  Commons Reasons for disagreeing to certain of the Amendments made by the Lords (according to Order) considered.
  THE LORD CHANCELLORmoved, not to insist upon the Amendments made by their Lordships.
  LORD COLONSAYregretted that his Amendments respecting the Writers to the Signet were not assented to by the House of Commons. He was sorry that a society which had shown such a good example of how legal business should be conducted, and which was calculated to produce such a good effect upon other societies connected with the practice of the law, should have been treated in such a harsh manner. Yet he did not at this period of the Session, and under the existing circumstances, wish to insist upon dividing the House respecting the matter.
  Motion —agreed to; Lords' Amendments to which the Commons have disagreed not insisted on,

  BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
  Moved, That for the remainder of the Session the Bill or Bills which are entered for consideration on the Minutes of the day shall have the same precedence which Bills have on Tuesdays and Thursdays.—(The Lord Redesdale.)
  Motion agreed to.
  House adjourned at a quarter before Eight o'clock, till To-morrow, half past Ten o'clock.