Lords Sitting of 19 May 1871

MINUTES.
PUBLIC BILLS—First Reading—Police Courts (Metropolis)* (125); Burial Law Amendment* (126); Pier and Harbour Orders Confirmation (No. 1)* (127); Pensions Commutation* (128); (£7,000,000) Consolidated Fund*; Customs and Income Tax*; Betting* (129).
Second Reading — Leeward Islands (105); Juries (Ireland) (122).
Committee—Ewelme Rectory* (82).
Report—Judgments (Ireland)* (59).
Report—Third Reading—Bank Holidays* (120), and passed.
Third Reading—Sequestration* (121); Anatomy Act (1832) Amendment* (74); Trades Unions* (123); Criminal Law Amendment (Violence, Threats, &c.)* (115), and passed.

LEEWARD ISLANDS BILL—(No. 105.)
(The Earl of Kimberley.)
LEEWARD ISLANDS BILL—(No. 105.)

  SECOND READING.
  Order of the Day for the Second Reading, read.
  THE EARL OF KIMBERLEY, in moving that the Bill be now read the second time, said, that the measure related to the practical federation of an interesting group of West India Islands. The Government which now existed was established in this way—By letters patent issued in 1689 separate Legislatures were established in each island of the group, together with one General Legislature for the whole of the Islands: but the latter met only six times, the last being in 1798. In 1816 they were

  1023
  divided into two Governments; in 1836 they were again united, with the addition of Dominica; and in 1837 Sir William Colebrooke, who was then Governor of the Leeward Islands, tried to restore the General Legislature, but failed in the attempt, owing to the agitation then prevalent consequent on the abolition of slavery. The question was revived in 1866 by Sir Benjamin Pine, the Governor-in-Chief, in consequence of certain reforms which were proposed to be introduced in the administration of justice, and the then Colonial Secretary (the Duke of Buckingham) sanctioned a scheme for the general administration of the Islands, which, however, did not include a General Legislature. The change of Ministry prevented the success of this scheme; but the subject was taken up by his noble Friend (Earl Granville), who had succeeded as Colonial Secretary, and the present Bill, owing to Sir Benjamin Pine's energy and ability, was the result. Prior to 1866 each island had two Legislative Houses on the British pattern—one nominated and the other elected; but this arrangement was a very cumbrous one for small communities, and all the Islands had adopted a single Assembly each, which had led to great administrative improvements. The entire population of the Islands was 110,000. The several Legislative Bodies of the Islands had by Resolutions signified their desire for the union of the whole under one Government, in the manner that was proposed in this Bill. The Legislatures of Antigua, Montserrat, Dominica, and the Virgin Islands were unanimous in desiring the federation proposed; but in St. Kitts it had encountered considerable opposition, six out of eight elected Members of the Legislature opposing it: but at the election which had since occurred four of the six Members lost their seats—a proof that their vote had not been in accordance with public opinion. In Nevis there had also been much opposition, and an Address had been sent home deprecating the scheme. It was, however, a very small island, and the largest landed proprietor was a strong supporter of the project. In the whole group 44 ex-officio and nominated Members, and 16 elected Members, voted in favour of federation; while only 11 elected Members voted against it. The scheme of federation proposed by the Bill was this—The
  1024
  Islands were to form one colony under the title of the "Colony of the Leeward Islands." There would be an Executive Council, composed of persons nominated by the Queen. There would be a Legislative Body to be styled "The General Legislative Council," to consist of 10 elective and 10 non-elective Members—the elective Members were to be elected by the elective Members of the Island Councils from which they were sent; the non-elective would be appointed by the Queen, and were to consist of a President, three official Members, and six unofficial Members. Each island would have one nominated Member, while the 10 elected Members would be apportioned according to wealth and population. The Legislature would deal with the law of real and personal property, wills, &c., mercantile law, the law relating to husband and wife, parent and child, marriage and divorce, the criminal law, civil and criminal judicature, the police, post office currency, weights and measures—and other subjects. The last clause was one of considerable importance. It gave power to the Queen in Council, on Address from the Legislative Body of any of the West Indian Islands not included in this Bill, to bring such Island under the operation of this Act, under such terms and conditions as the Addresses may express and Her Majesty approve. The federation was expected to prove very advantageous in point of economy and administration, as also with regard to the police and defensive force; and it was likely to attract the services of a higher class of men, as higher salaries would be given than under the present system. Difficulty of communication—the only objection which once prevailed to the movement now going on all over the world for the concentration of small communities — no longer existed, and there was a clause in the Bill empowering the Crown to add the Windward Islands to the federation if they should desire to join it. It was satisfactory to find that the West India Islands were at length reviving from their long mercantile depression. Jamaica, under the able administration of Sir J. Peter Grant, and under a constitution adapted to its wants, was fast resuming the position to which its fertility and resources entitled it, and a deficit had during the last two years

  1025
  been turned into a surplus. Antigua was considerably improving, St. Kitts was prospering, Nevis was beginning to revive, and he hoped that the change would soon extend to Dominica.
  Moved, "That the Bill be now read 2a."—(The Earl of Kimberley.)
  THE EARL OF CARNARVONsaid, that this matter was one of very great importance to our West Indian Colonies. He agreed very much with what had been said as to the present position of the Islands:—owing to the dispersion of authority over the several islands good administration was almost impossible. He quite agreed that the opposition of St. Kitts and Nevis would not have justified the abandonment of the scheme; they were both small places, and there could be no doubt that the general opinion of the Islands was in favour of federation. He had no doubt that the change would lead to economy and to improved administration; but he attached much more importance to the principle of extension which the Bill contained. The great difficulty in many Colonies was in obtaining a supply of proper men for public duties—it was indeed one of the difficulties in the way of representative government—and this difficulty was felt more particularly in these small West India Islands, and therefore the consolidation of the government of those Islands would be a very great advantage to them. He therefore trusted that the present was the germ of a still larger federation, and that the principle would be extended as the circumstances of the time should render necessary. No doubt there had been a very great improvement in the condition of these Islands within the last two years, and particularly in those whose institutions were more directly under the influence of the Crown. Nowhere had that result been more manifest than in Jamaica, the political and commercial difficulties of which had long rendered this Colony a thorn in the side of Colonial Secretaries, but all those difficulties had been got rid of—a result which was mainly due to the efficient administration of Sir Peter Grant. During the four or five years that he had been there he had not only brought about a good system of law, order, and administration, but he had converted the deficit into a surplus equal to, if not exceeding, the deficit of former years. The
  1026
  establishment of an intercolonial steamer was essential to the present measure, and in the Correspondence between the Colonial Office and the Treasury, the publication of which he regretted, he had been sorry to observe that the latter at first gave an almost point blank refusal to the proposal that the saving accruing to the Imperial Government from federation should be applied to this object. The Colonial Office was obliged to threaten the abandonment of the scheme before the Treasury would give way. No doubt the Government was bound to watch over the expenditure of public money; but the principle might be carried to an extent prejudicial to the public interests. As to the propriety of the scheme of concentrating powers in the central Government, much must depend upon the proper distribution of local and central powers; and he observed that the list of subjects within the jurisdiction of the general Legislature did not include the regulation of trade and commerce, navigation, or banking, and he thought it might be wiser to follow the Canadian precedent and insert also a list of subjects left to the local assemblies. The central Legislature appeared also to have no taxing powers, though in the United States, Canada, and Switzerland certain departments of revenue were reserved to the central power, and he was at a loss to know whence the fund was to be derived for defraying the expenses of the federal Government. He thought the Bill would be very beneficial. The subject was often in his mind during his short tenure of the Seals of the Colonial Office, and he supported the measure as one of great immediate utility, and as the germ, he trusted, of a still larger federation.
  LORD LYVEDENsaid, he quite agreed in the desirability of getting rid of those petty jealousies which prevented anything being done in these small Colonies which would be for the advantage of the whole body, and he was glad to find that a colonial question of long standing was at length to be brought to a settlement. To his own knowledge this matter had been before the Colonial Office for 30 years, he himself being in that Department with the noble Earl at the Table (Earl Russell) when Sir William Colebrooke, one of the best Governors we ever had, endeavoured to unite these communities. The failure of that attempt

  1027
  was not owing, as stated by the noble Earl (the Earl of Kimberley), to the slavery question, but to the quarrels and jealousies of the Islands; and but for the energy and ability of Sir Benjamin Pine the same causes would have defeated the present scheme. He should like to see a still larger federation, and was glad that powers had been taken for that purpose. With regard to the intercolonial steamer, he agreed with the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Carnarvon) that the published Correspondence between the Colonial Office and the Treasury was not of a creditable character, and was likely to create ill-blood in the Colonies. He congratulated the Colonial Office on being able to bring the scheme to a successful issue.
  EARL GRANVILLEsaid, he did not rise to defend the Treasury, but he would point out that the two Departments had viewed the question from a different point of view. Sir Benjamin Pine had shown great ability, and had rendered an eminent public service in bringing this scheme to a conclusion.
  THE EARL OF KIMBERLEYexplained that the steamer would be provided for five years at the Imperial expense—that was to say, as far as the saving in the expenses of lieutenant governors would allow, and that was likely to cover the whole expense. As to the Treasury, it might sometimes appear to offer needless opposition; but the public interests would in the long run seriously suffer were not all schemes involving expenditure carefully considered. A common treasury was originally included in the scheme, but to this it was impossible to obtain the consent of the local Legislalatures. He agreed that it would be advantageous if the scheme could be extended further; but it would be wise for them now to accept what they could get, and thus lay the foundation for improvement hereafter. He might remark that the consent of the local Legislatures to the present Bill had not been obtained without the greatest difficulty; and he could not hold out the hope that there would be any material extension of it. He hoped that Parliament would take the measure upon trust, for were it materially altered its success would be defeated or jeoparded.
  Motion agreed to; Bill read 2a accordingly, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House on Monday next.

  THE NATURAL HISTORY COLLECTION AT SOUTH KENSINGTON.—QUESTION.
  LORD CAIRNSasked Her Majesty's Government when it is intended to erect the Building for the reception of the British Museum Natural History Collection on the piece of ground at South Kensington, made over to the Nation by the Commissioners of the Exhibition of 1851; and under what license or authority a portion of such ground has been occupied by refreshment booths in connexion with the Royal International Exhibition, and whether such occupation is intended to be permanent or temporary; and whether Her Majesty's Government are aware that carpenters and other workmen have been openly at work on such ground during the whole of the last and two preceding Sundays, and whether steps will be taken by the Government to prevent a continuance of the use of public property in this manner? Their Lordships were perhaps aware that the land, on which it was proposed to erect the Museum, was purchased with the surplus funds of the Exhibition of 1851, and was made over by the Commissioners to the Government for the sum of £150,000; the actual value of the land being about £250,000. There was, however, a condition that the ground should not be used for the mere purpose of building, but that it should be devoted to the purposes of science and art. Since then the ground had remained vacant, save that it had been subjected to such occupations as his Question inferred. Last year the question was brought before the House of Commons in the shape of a small Vote for the building, and on a division the propriety of keeping this ground for the Natural History Collection of the British Museum was affirmed by a considerable majority, and the money was granted. He was afraid that since that time nothing had been done by the Government, and that the grant of money lapsed at the termination of the financial year. The ground was now occupied by refreshment booths in connection with the International Exhibition, and the remaining space was used as a lumber yard, where the packing-cases, shavings, and rubbish of the Exhibitors were deposited. He did not think it could be shown that these booths were buildings devoted to science and art. Considerable

  1029
  scandal had been caused during the last three Sundays by carpenters and other workmen pursuing in this open piece of ground their ordinary occupation, with its usual accompaniments of noise and confusion. He took it for granted that the Government were not aware of this annoyance to a peaceful and quiet neighbourhood, and he trusted they would take steps to prevent its recurrence. The noble Earl (Earl Granville), both from his position in the Government and as one of the Exhibition Commissioners, would no doubt be possessed of information which would enable him to answer the Question.
  THE DUKE OF ST. ALBANSsaid, he rose to reply on behalf of the Board of Works. When at the close of last Session Parliament sanctioned the erection of the proposed Natural History Museum Mr. Waterhouse, the architect, was directed to prepare sketch-plans of a building suitable for the reception of the Collection. As soon as these preliminary plans had been prepared they were forwarded for consideration to the Trustees of the British Museum. Some time was required to settle questions which arose; but, as soon as the sketches had been approved by the Trustees and the Treasury, instructions were given to Mr. Waterhouse to prepare the complete plans and drawings for the construction of the building. He was accordingly now engaged in completing the final plans and drawings for the new building, and as soon as they were ready—which would be within two or three months—tenders would be invited for the construction of the building. An estimate had been laid on the Table of the House of Commons for £40,000 to be expended on the building this year. With regard to the second part of the noble and learned Lord's Question, he might state that the Commissioners of 1851 sold this piece of ground some time since to the Government for less than market value, stipulating that it should be applied to purposes connected with science and art. This being the case, the First Commissioner of Works considered it right and fair to give the temporary use of a small strip of this land to the Commissioners to assist them in their endeavours to promote science and art. This would not interfere with the erection of the proposed public building. Her Majesty's Government had not been
  1030
  aware that workmen had been employed the last three Sundays. There was, however, no doubt that if the private persons who held these refreshment departments were communicated with they would be careful not to wound the susceptibilities of the neighbourhood. He himself was living exactly opposite, and must confess that he had never noticed any unusual activity on the Sunday.
  LORD CAIRNSsaid, his complaint was that there had been the usual amount of business as on week days. Having given notice of his Question, he expected that the noble Earl would have been able to ascertain whether that work had been carried on.
  EARL GRANVILLEexplained that until lately his connection with the Commission had been merely of an honorary character, and he was not acquainted with details of the work which had been done. There appeared to be some difference in the evidence of the noble and learned Lord and the noble Duke as to the working on Sundays.
  LORD CAIRNSremarked that they agreed on the point.
  EARL GRANVILLEsaid, his noble Friend meant that no work had been carried on to his knowledge. The application of the Royal Commissioners seemed to have been a legitimate one, considering that they had given the Government this land for so much below its value; and he thought its use for refreshment places necessary for visitors to the Exhibition was not incongruous. He was sure the Commissioners would take care that no desecration of the Sabbath took place in the future.
  THE DUKE OF RICHMONDsaid, that his noble and learned Friend's Question was, whether the Government would take steps to prevent any desecration of the Sabbath such as he had witnessed?
  EARL GRANVILLEsaid, his right hon. Friend the First Commissioner of Works would make inquiries into the matter, and adopt proper measures. He would, doubtless, be seconded by the Commissioners, and, he hoped, meet with a ready acquiescence on the part of the contractors.
  EARL STANHOPEwas of opinion that there ought to be no further delay in the erection of the building for the Natural History Collection, and inquired when the Government contemplated commencing that great national work?
  THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNEsaid, that the Vote of £6,000 last year was inserted in the Estimates for the purpose of raising a discussion, and of deciding whether the building should be erected. Although he was unable to state the precise date at which the buildings would be begun, the plans were definitely settled, with the exception of some comparatively unimportant alterations lately suggested; and he believed that no unreasonable delay was to be anticipated.
  EARL CADOGANsaid, there had been no lack of energy on the part of the Trustees of the British Museum; but he thought there had been unaccountable delay on the part of the Treasury.
  LORD HEADLEYsaid, there was one significant symptom which no one had noticed. The numbers of the houses opposite to this piece of ground had recently been altered to 1, 3, 5, 7, and 9; and that looked very much as if 2, 4, 6, 8, and 10 on the opposite side were to follow.

JURIES (IRELAND) BILL—(No. 122.)
(The Lord O'Hagan.)
JURIES (IRELAND) BILL—(No. 122.)

  SECOND READING.
  Order of the Day for the Second Reading, read.
  LORD O'HAGAN, in moving that the Bill be now read the second time, said, that eight or ten Bills had been brought in by successive Attorney Generals of successive Governments to deal with this subject, but he feared that the evil they were intended to diminish had increased. In giving evidence before the Westmeath Committee the other day one of the oldest and most experienced officials in Ireland stated that the petty jury panels were in a dreadful state, and it was absurd to expect that justice could be effectually administered until they were amended. It had therefore evidently become absolutely necessary that some effort should be made to rectify the prevailing evil, and this Bill aimed at both amendment and consolidation. The consolidation was intended to arrange all the statutes bearing on the Irish jury system in a clear and intelligible form; and the Amendments would refer to four matters—namely, qualification of jurors, revision of the jury lists, rotation of jurors, and abridgment of the unlimited and uncontrolled
  1032
  power of the sub-sheriffs in selecting jurors. Hitherto the jury lists had been made up of freeholders and leaseholders in counties, and of certain freemen and householders in towns; but of late years numerous social and economic changes had revolutionized the different classes of Ireland, and the old qualification of freeholders and leaseholders had become so obsolete that there were none who could now constitute a jury in Ireland; while in some counties 45 and even 55 and 66 per cent of persons as well qualified in regard to property to serve as those who actually did serve, were excluded from the lists by their not possessing the legal qualification. The result had been that in some instances the administration of justice had been brought to a dead-lock, and wherever the power of challenge had been rigorously exercised persons had been able to prevent any trial taking place. He proposed to put an end to existing qualifications and to substitute a simple and uniform qualification, founded upon the rating to the Poor Law, which had answered admirably in relation to the elective franchises. The rating would be £30 for petty jurors, and £100 for special jurors, which would provide a substantial qualification in the most satisfactory manner. It might be a question in Committee, however, whether these amounts should be exactly maintained. At present the jury lists were arranged by barony constables, who did the work so carelessly that in 1869 there were 2,921 persons, or one-tenth of the whole number, on the lists who possessed no legal qualification. These lists were revised by the magistrates. The revision took place in October, when the magisterial bench was expected to assemble, but there was a scandalous neglect of duty in that respect, and revision was a mockery. He proposed to transfer the preparation of the lists to the clerks of the Poor Law Unions, who were intelligent and responsible men, and who performed similar duties with reference to the elective franchise in the most satisfactory manner; and to commit the revision of the lists to the Revising Barristers, to be done at the same time that the Parliamentary lists were revised. As to rotation, he should state that hitherto frequently the same persons had been summoned time after time, so that certain classes of individuals had suffered great oppression. His suggestion, as embodied

  1033
  in the Bill, was that there should be a regular rotation, from year to year, and that the same persons should not be called upon to serve again until the whole list had been exhausted. This would effect an alteration which had been suggested many years ago by the Irish Parliament and recently by the Imperial Parliament. The only other point to which he wished to call attention had reference to the action of sub-sheriffs, in retaining or omitting the names of jurors, as their prejudice dictated, and this power they had exercised not always in the wisest or fairest way. Both the Crown and the people had reason to complain of this irresponsible power, which was sometimes very grievously exercised. In 1869, on one of those unfortunate party trials which occasionally occurred in Ireland, there was a challenge to the array, which succeeded on the ground that the first 70 names on the panel were Protestants, and that while the panel consisted of 250 names 202 were Protestants, and only 48 Roman Catholics. He might state a case which had occurred within his own experience. Some 10 years ago a conspiracy extended into two conterminous counties; in the one county the jury panel was found to be of so hostile a character that all the prisoners pleaded guilty; but when the Attorney General who prosecuted went to the next county the panel was so obviously favourable that he was obliged to leave re infecta, and not try the prisoners at all. Such a state of things was monstrous and inconsistent with decent administration of justice. He believed it might be safely put an end to if they had a substantial qualification and a fair revision. What the Bill proposed was, instead of allowing the sub-sheriff to take the panel and select from it as he chose, putting people where he pleased, and omitting those whom he did not wish to see on the panel, that the panel as settled by the Revision Court should be alphabetically drawn, and that there should be a general alphabetical jurors' book, from which the list should be formed by taking the names from the letter A, then from B, and so on to the end of the book, and afterwards going back again until the list was completed. That was the proposition made in 1854 by the present Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, and he believed it to be a reasonable and satisfactory mode of accomplishing the object,
  1034
  and which, if adopted, would go a long way to satisfy the Irish people that there was a disposition on the part of the Government to do them substantial justice. If the objects of the Bill were gained he was persuaded that the Government would thereby inspire the people of Ireland with a confidence in the administration of justice in that country.
  Moved, "That the Bill be now read 2a."—(The Lord O'Hagan.)
  THE DUKE OF RICHMONDsaid, he would not oppose the second reading of the Bill; but, in assenting to the second reading, he guarded himself against doing more than considering it expedient to amend and consolidate the laws relating to juries in Ireland. The Bill would be circulated in Ireland, and they would be enabled, after re-assembling, to ascertain from the feeling which existed in that country, how far the various provisions of the Bill would be likely to prove satisfactory.
  Motion agreed to; Bill read 2a accordingly.

THE WELLINGTON MONUMENT.

  QUESTION.
  EARL CADOGANasked Her Majesty's Government to state the nature and terms of the arrangement that has been made for the completion of the Wellington Monument in St. Paul's Cathedral?
  THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNEsaid, as their Lordships were in possession of the Correspondence which carried the history of this subject down to the month of February in the present year, he would, in answering the noble Earl, limit himself strictly to what had since been done. Their Lordships would remember that at the close of the correspondence the position of things was this — Mr. Stevens' contract had been determined, Mr. Penrose's superintendence over the work had been discontinued, and Mr. Stevens had handed over that part of it which had been completed to the officers of the Board of Works. Her Majesty's Government found themselves at that moment in a somewhat embarrassing position, being responsible for the completion of a monument, the designer of which had been separated from it, of which some portions had been completed, while some

  1035
  were in process of completion, and others which had scarcely been commenced were lying at Mr. Stevens' studio. Under these circumstances, the Treasury were of opinion that, instead of at once inviting tenders from other artists, it would be preferable in the first instance to obtain the advice of some competent authority, whose professional position would give weight to his opinion as to the course to be adopted for turning to the best advantage the materials which so far had been supplied. To this course Mr. Ayrton, the First Commissioner, appeared to have an objection; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer had put himself into communication with Mr. Fergusson, who was so especially qualified to advise in a matter of this nature, and who, having formerly been professional adviser to the Office of Works, was already well acquainted with the details of the case. Under these circumstances, there were two courses which Her Majesty's Government might have adopted. One was to invite the services of some eminent sculptor, and intrust him with the completion of the work. The other was to invite tenders for the completion of the monument, just as the original designs had been open to competition. After careful consultation with Mr. Fergusson, and a careful consideration of the courses open to them, the conclusion the Government came to was this—that it would be impossible to secure the services of any sculptor of eminence to finish a work designed and so far executed by another sculptor; and that, even if such a person could be found, it could not be expected that he could carry on the work with the same harmony and perfection of execution as its original designer; and that in all probability considerable incongruity would be the result, and that the monument when completed would exhibit traces of the different workmanship, and prove incongruous as a whole. The course, therefore, which the Government finally decided to adopt—though the Correspondence of which their Lordships were in possession undoubtedly at first sight pointed to a different conclusion—was that Mr. Stevens himself should be allowed to complete the work. Mr. Stevens' workmanship, he believed, was of undisputed excellence. Whether his design was original or not, it was highly
  1036
  artistic. However, as Mr. Stevens had exhibited unpunctuality and carelessness in carrying out his business engagements, a contract was now entered into with Mr. Collmann, who had on previous occasions worked with Mr. Stevens, and who had been engaged in connection with a great number of works of art; and while Mr. Stevens was to be intrusted with the artistic portion of the monument, Mr. Collmann was charged with the general superintendence of the work, and the pecuniary responsibility would centre on him. Thus a security would be obtained against any unpunctuality on Mr. Stevens' part. It was calculated that the monument would be completed in two years and a-half, at an additional cost of £9,000—which would raise the whole cost of Mr. Stevens' work to £22,000. Mr. Stevens would be paid by Mr. Collmann, in instalments, on the joint certificate of Mr. Fergusson and Captain Galton, who would see that the progress of the work justified the payments. He thought that the additional cost, though seemingly large, was not greater than they had reason to believe was warranted by the nature and character of the work; and there seemed little reason to doubt that the work, when completed, would be neither extravagant as regards its cost nor unworthy of the object for which it is designed. The course proposed by Her Majesty's Government had this great argument in its favour—that by its means it would, in a short time, be possible to complete this great monument, which had been so long and so unfortunately delayed.
  EARL CADOGANthought that the only good reason the Government could allege for allowing Mr. Stevens to complete the work was because they had failed to find anybody else to do it. On any other grounds they would have been perfectly justified in taking the completion of the work out of his hands, as could be shown by reference to a letter from Mr. Russel, of the Office of Works, dated 22nd November, 1870, in answer to remonstrances on the part of Mr. Stevens as to the way in which he had been treated by the Office of Works. With regard to the originality of Mr. Stevens' design, he would appeal to those of their Lordships who had seen the Scaliger monuments in Verona to say whether there was, if not an identity, at any rate such similarity in

  1037
  Mr. Stevens' design with them, as to deprive Mr. Stevens of any merit on the score of originality with regard to his monument. He was, however, glad to hear that upon any terms the completion of the monument would be proceeded with.

  BETTING BILL [H.L.]
  A Bill to amend the Law relating to Betting—Was presented by The Earl of MORLEY; read 1a. (No. 129.)
  House adjourned at Seven o'clock, to Monday next, Eleven o'clock.