HL Deb 25 March 1867 vol 186 cc458-65
VISCOUNT LIFFORD

, in moving for Returns relating to the conduct of the Constabulary during the recent disturbances in Ireland, said, that his object was not only to obtain information which ought to be in the hands of every Irishman, but also to have some record of the curious circumstances of the late attempt at insurrection in Ireland. These circumstances possessed a significance beyond the mere facts. Any one who had observed this Fenian movement for the last five years, who had watched the bragging boasts which had been uttered, the absurdity of the objects aimed at, the dishonesty which had accompanied the handling of money, the peculation which had almost universally existed—as was proved not only by the statements of persons in America, but also by the miserable arms provided for the dupes of the late attempt—and, above all, how hundreds ran away like sheep before a few policemen, must be ashamed almost of the very name of Irishman, were it not for two circumstances connected with the affair. In the first place, there was an extraordinary absence of personal outrage—a thing unparalleled in any popular rising—and he trusted that circumstance would be taken into account by-and-by, except where murder or an attempt at murder had taken place; and he feared there would be quite enough of instances of parties being accomplices in these crimes to make the punishment that would be inflicted sufficiently exemplary. The other most remarkable circumstance was the conduct of the police. The Irish police might be taken as a type of the Irish people. They were not sprung from the middle class; but were chiefly the sons of the small farmers—by far the most numerous class in Ireland—and had been brought up with all the feelings and prepossessions of that class. During the late insurrection, however, they had behaved with a gallant loyalty which had covered them with honour, and which, in his opinion, could not be surpassed. Now, looking at these people as a fair type of their fellow-countrymen, what was the inference? It was this, that though there might be disloyalty in Ireland, it could not be very deep when a few years of discipline and generous treatment had effectually eradicated it; and, at the same time, that the grievances could not be very sore which could be so easily borne. He was one of those who maintained that Ireland had no real grievances; but she has many sores—sores kept open for the basest and most selfish objects. He was one of those who approved the policy of Mr. Pitt, and would put the churches in Ireland on an equality. He would also allow to the tenant farmer in Ireland security in the enjoyment of all that he had invested in improvements undertaken with the landlord's consent. But although Ireland had sores which were continually kept open by persons whose interest it was to do so, she had no deep grievances, and the late events for the most part proved it. They were accustomed to hear statements from the Continent and from America magnifying the grievances and the wrongs of Ireland, and the usual strain of a popular orator in addressing Irishmen was— Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not Who would be free themselves must strike the blow. Well, but how had the "hereditary bondsmen" struck the blow this time? Why, with the exception of a few of the worst characters—and setting aside a few miserable shopboys—the whole rural population remained quiet in their houses. Even the boys employed in farm service, who were, he firmly believed, members of the conspiracy, slept out in the hedges, lest they should be taken out by their Fenian commanders; and one unfortunate youth, who naturally preferred his breakfast to a campaign in the field, was actually shot through the leg by one of those commanders, he supposed pour encourager les autres. That was the way the Irish people had behaved. But how about the Irish police—the six-feet high men—the sons of the Irish small farmers—of whom he remembered the late Duke of Norfolk, who had seen all the best troops of Europe, saying that they were the finest troops he had seen in Europe? Well, as for these men, stationed at outposts, scattered here and there, few in number, often apart from their officers, how did they behave? Why, the blow they struck, which was for the United Kingdom as well as for Ireland itself, they struck in such a way as to cover themselves with glory, and to do honour to the country which they protected. In one case, the wives of the policemen supplied them with ammunition, and cheered at every volley they fired at the hundreds who attacked them. There was a great lesson to be elicited from this affair, and it was this. He quite agreed with the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Kimberley) in the remarks which he had made on this subject. He believed that the entire population sympathized with the Fenians, and that the small farmers, who had always been taught for political purposes that they had a right to the fee simple of their land, would not object to take possession of it if offered to them by a successful Fenian commander, if that commander should be so unwise as to give it to them instead of his own followers. But when the time for action came, and they saw what little chance of success there was, they then de- clined to strike a blow on account of the grievance of a Church which they did not maintain, and a Government which extended equal protection to them and to other classes of the community. Was it the case that Ireland was in a state of misery and oppression unparalleled in the world, except in the case of Poland, as was continually represented by American and foreign papers? Not at all. He had lately seen in a paper published abroad that every Fenian was shot as soon as taken, and the other stories of Irish grievances were about as well founded.

Moved, That there be laid before this House, Return of the Names of the Police Stations in Ireland attacked during the late attempt at Insurrection, and successfully defended: Also, The Numbers of Police Constables engaged in each such Defence; the Name of the Inspector, Sub-Inspector, Head Constable, or other commanding in each such Defence; and the supposed Number of Insurgents attacking in each case: Also, The Names of the Police Stations to which the different Parties of Police belonged who met and successfully engaged the Insurgents in Places other than Police Stations; the Numbers of Police Constables so engaged in each such Place; the Name of the Inspector, Sub-Inspector, Head Constable, or other commanding in each such Case; and the supposed Number of Insurgents so met in each Place: And also, The Names of any Officers or Police Constables killed or wounded during the late Attempt at Insurrection.—(The Viscount Lifford.)

THE EARL OF DERBY

My Lords, I think that the noble Lord has only done an act of justice in calling your Lordships' attention to the subject of these Returns. I shall be happy to consent to their production, for I entirely concur with the noble Lord that it is very desirable that there should be a permanent record of the services—the most valuable services—rendered during the insurrection by that admirable body of men, the Irish police, and more especially those who so signally distinguished themselves in suppressing the late rising. My noble Friend has referred to the circumstance—and I quite concur with him—that this body of police are sprung from a class among whom, if among any, we might have expected to find seeds of disaffection; and yet in no case have there been the slightest manifestations of discontent on the part of any portion of the constabulary; but, on the contrary, their efforts for the maintenance of the public peace and the suppression of the insurrection have hardly fallen short of being actually heroic. Sprung, as I may say they were, from the people, and being habitually placed in circumstances under which, I venture to say, no regiment in Her Majesty's service could have been placed, even for a very short time, without becoming absolutely and entirely demoralized—scattered about in all parts of the country, without support, without the control of any superior officer, exposed to every possible temptation to disloyalty offered by persons, many of whose feelings and prejudices they must largely share—I must say it is in the highest degree creditable to the constabulary that they should not have shown the slightest manifestation of swerving from their duty; but that they should, on the contrary, have performed it in a way which surpasses all my powers of language to express. I have thought it due to them to say these few words in reference to their conduct; and I think it quite right that the individuals who have discharged their duty so meritoriously and with such fidelity and honour, should be placed before the country. I am sure, also, that your Lordships will concur in the propriety of the course the Government propose to adopt, in asking the House of Commons to vote a sum of money to be distributed among those who have chiefly distinguished themselves, and also to distribute among them badges of honour which will be permanent memorials of their courage and devotion.

THE EARL OF ELLENBOROUGH

I must observe that all the facts brought to our knowledge in connection with the insurrection are totally inconsistent with the supposition, suggested by the noble Lord (Viscount Lifford), that the insurgents had the general sympathy of the people.

THE EARL OF CORK

said, he desired to bear his testimony to the great courage shown by the Irish constabulary whenever they had been brought into contact with the misguided men who had vainly endeavoured to destroy the British Government. Where all had behaved so well it was difficult to make any particular distinction; but he could not help referring to the gallant stand made at a place not far from his property by fourteen policemen, who had bravely resisted some 300 insurgents for more than three hours. He had heard with great pleasure that it was the intention of the Government to reward those who had behaved so well; and he ventured to call attention to a recommendation made by a Royal Commission that, as an encouragement to the force, a certain degree of promotion should take place within it; so that the more deserving men might have the prospect of rising to the more lucrative position of sub-inspectors. The Government could not have a better opportunity than the present of carrying out this recommendation.

THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE

My Lords, I am glad of this occasion to bear my testimony to the admirable conduct of the Irish constabulary. I have had the opportunity of seeing the reports from the various detachments of troops employed in the disturbed districts, and on every occasion they report that the conduct of the police was marked with the greatest possible loyalty and bravery, and that not in one single instance had they failed to do their duty. The position in which those men were placed was a most trying one. They were scattered in very small bodies all over the country, many of them were of the same class as the misguided people who have violated the law; these people had every facility for tempting the constabulary to swerve from their loyalty, and yet in not one single instance was that loyalty shaken. I rejoice to hear that the Government intend publicly to mark their sense of the conduct of the constabulary; and I am satisfied that the remarks made in this House, and the rewards they will now receive, will have the best possible effect and will induce them to continue the loyalty and bravery which they have recently displayed, and which, during my own residence in Ireland, always distinguished them.

THE EARL OF KIMBERLEY

My Lords, I should be sorry to let this opportunity pass without bearing my testimony to the admirable manner in which the Irish constabulary behaved during the late outbreak. Having had full opportunity of observing the conduct of the constabulary during the time when I was Lord Lieutenant, I can say most positively that there was scarcely an instance in which the smallest sympathy with disaffection was observed among them. The same testimony, I believe, will be borne by the present Government of the entire absence of disaffection among the force. The behaviour of the constabulary upon recent occasions is such that, as the noble Earl opposite has said, it is entirely beyond any words of mine to express the honour due to them. It must be remembered—and I must repeat what has been said already—that these men are scattered throughout the country in singularly small detachments; that the nature of their duties requires them to be in the closest contact with all classes of the population; and that they are consequently exposed to much greater temptation than can be brought to bear upon a military force. It is therefore not entirely just to ascribe their freedom from disaffection to force of discipline; because, although the force of discipline has great effect upon them, yet, from their scattered position, it is impossible that discipline can be so stringent and so effectual for this purpose as in the case of a military force. This fact enhances the merit of the constabulary, and enhances also what is exceedingly important—the confidence we may place in the force for the future. I may also remark that the force represents fairly the population of the country, being drawn from Roman Catholics and Protestants in much the same proportion which these bear to the general population. There is no special selection of the constabulary from any class of the population who may be supposed to be more loyal than the other; they are fair samples of the population of Ireland—except, of course, that great care is taken only to engage men of good character. I am exceedingly glad that I was, to some extent, the cause of the consideration by Her Majesty's late Government of a plan for raising the pay of the force. That rate of pay was fixed many years ago and was very insufficient; and the loss of men was so large, and the difficulty of recruiting so great, that we had considerable apprehension as to the efficiency of the force. The plan was prepared and assented to by the late Treasury, and was carried into effect by the present Government. I think the First Lord of the Treasury will confirm my statement that that plan has been found effectual to a very considerable extent; that the same difficulty has not been experienced in recruiting during the last few months; and that a very good class of men has been joining the constabulary. I should be the last person to advocate extravagance in any branch of Her Majesty's service; but I emphatically say that I do not believe there is any force at the disposal of Her Majesty, as this may be said to be, which deserves more liberal treatment than the constabulary of Ireland. I hope that every reasonable request of theirs will be fairly and generously considered, and that no opportunity will be lost of strengthening their loyalty and showing that their courage and trustworthiness are thoroughly appreciated by this country. This is a matter of great importance to all classes in the country; and I rejoice that the Government intend to bestow some special marks of honour on all the members of the force who have distinguished themselves.

THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE

Perhaps I may be allowed to add a word on a subject of importance—the conduct of the troops during the outbreak. I am most desirous to state that their conduct, under most trying circumstances, has been most exemplary. The elements were much against them; they suffered much exposure to the worst weather; yet they marched long distances—I may say, not only without the slightest murmur, but with the greatest anxiety to perform their duty. I am persuaded that, whatever may be said to the contrary, if it came to the test, you would find among the troops no feeling except of the right sort, and that they would discharge their duty with the greatest gallantry.

Motion agreed to.