Lords Sitting of 4 May 1865

MINUTES.
PUBLIC BILLS—First Reading—Lancaster Court of Chancery* (78); Oxford University (Vinerian Foundation)* (79); Sewage Utilization* (80); Marriages (Lambourne)* (83).
Second Reading—Record of Title (Ireland) (63); Sheep and Cattle (58); Married Women's Property (Ireland) (53); Land Drainage Supplemental* (74); Local Government Supplemental* (72); Local Government Supplemental (No. 2)* (73).
Select Committee—On Public Schools (32), nominated.
Report—County Courts Equitable Jurisdiction* (81)[H.L.]
Committee—Common Law Courts (Fees) * (25); Inclosure*(64); Herring Fisheries (Scotland)* (48).
Report—County Courts Equitable Jurisdiction* (82)[H.L.]; Common Law Courts (Fees)* (25); Inclosure*(64); Herring Fisheries (Scot land* (48).
Third Reading—Metropolitan Main Drainage Extension* (40), and passed.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.—ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

  HER MAJESTY'S ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS.
  The QUEEN'S Answer to the Address of Monday last reported by the Lord Chamberlain as follows:—
  "I entirely participate in the sentiments which you have expressed in your address to me on the subject of the assassination of the President of the United States, and I have given directions to my Minister at Washington to make known to the Government of that country the feelings which you entertain in common with myself and my whole people with regard to that deplorable event."

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.—ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

  DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS. EXPLANATION.
  LORD RAVENSWORTHsaid, he de-sired to ask the noble Earl (the Earl of Derby) a question relative to the expression which fell from the noble Earl on Monday night, when the House had under its consideration the Address to Her Majesty with reference to the assassination of President Lincoln—a most melancholy event which had thrown the whole world into consternation. The noble Earl was reported to have said—and, in fact, did say—that if the Confederates were in any way connected with or appeared to have justified directly or indirectly the commission of that dreadful act, they would have committed that which was worse than a crime—they would have committed a blunder. As that sentence had been misinterpreted, he wished to state his impression of its true meaning, and to ask the noble Earl whether or not he attributed to it its right meaning. The expression was first made use of, he believed, by M. de Talleyrand on the occasion of the fearful murder of the Due d' Enghien by the First Consul of France—thereby meaning that, not that a blunder was worse, in a moral sense, than a crime, but that a person occupying
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  the position of the First Consul in committing a grave political blunder had done that which was fraught with graver eon-sequences than a crime. He attributed to the expression used by the noble Earl precisely the same interpretation he had put on the phrase used by Talleyrand. He understood his noble Friend to intend to convey that the sanctioning of such an Act by persons standing in the position of the Confederate Government, or the Confederate States, would be a grave political blunder, fraught with more serious consequences than even the commission of that crime by other hands. That was the construction he put upon the expression, and which he believed to be the true one; and therefore he took that opportunity of asking the noble Earl whether or not that was the correct one. The reason why he ventured to ask the question was that in his experience he had seen instances in which expressions had been attributed to political persons which they never used in the sense ascribed to them. It was imputed to the Duke of Wellington that he said county meetings were a farce, a phrase which he never used, although it had been frequently asserted against him. In the same way it was imputed to Lord Lyndhurst that he said the Irish people were "aliens in blood, aliens in religion, and aliens in race" to this country, but Lord Lyndhurst never said it in the sense in which it was imputed to him. He therefore thought it better that any expression exposed to misinterpretation should be made clear at once, rather than left to interpretation at a future day.
  THE EARL OF DERBY: My Lords, I cannot think that any Member of your Lordships' House could have entertained the slightest doubt as to the sense in which I used the words referred to, and upon which the noble Lord has put the right construction. What I did say was that if the Confederate authorities—which I do not believe from their former conduct and character possible—had given their sanction or approval to the act, they would have been guilty not only of a crime, but using the well-known political aphorism of Talleyrand, they would have committed worse than a crime—a blunder. They would not only have sanctioned that which is highly immoral in itself, but it would also be sanctioning that which could do nothing but add most serious injury to their political position. It was only in that sense that I used the words referred

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  to, and I cannot understand how any one could have put a different construction upon it.

RECORD OF TITLE (IRELAND) BILL.

  (No. 63.) SECOND READING.
  Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
  THE LORD CHANCELLOR, in moving the second reading of this Bill, said, that no measure had conferred greater benefit on the proprietors of land in Ireland than the Act of 1848, commonly called the Incumbered Estates Court Act. Under it immense sales of incumbered land had taken place—to the amount, it was computed, of £23,000,000. But the Act had this defect, that after the incumbered land was sold and a Parliamentary title given, the function of the Act ceased, and there was no provision for preventing the title to land becoming again involved in complications and embarrassments, similar to those from which it had just been cleared, arising out of subsequent transactions. This defect was pointed out by the Commission of 1857, in whose Report it was stated—
  "Great as are the benefits which the Incumbered Estates Court has conferred upon titles in Ireland, it is a remarkable circumstance that there is no provision for perpetuating and continuing as to future transactions the Parliamentary title obtained upon a purchase from that Court. The title is unimpeachable as to all transactions prior to the time of purchase, but immediately after the purchase the transfer of the land becomes subject to the general law; and as to all transactions taking place after the purchase, the title is liable to become again involved in complications and embarrassments similar to those from which it was relieved by the sale under the Incumbered Estates Act. Permanent simplification of title and simplicity of transfer are not attained by the Act, and retrospective investigation of the title becomes again necessary… The system, therefore, which we have recommended is required not less for Ireland than for this portion of the United Kingdom, while at the same time the facilities for its introduction there are much greater than in this country.
  Unfortunately, in 1858, when the present Landed Estates Court was established, though many improvements were introduced, yet the particular improvement referred to was not allowed to find place, and there was no machinery by which the title and subsequent transactions might be recorded and kept in a simple state. The difficulty in this respect was removed in respect to England by the Act he (the Lord Chancellor) introduced in 1862, and the object of the present Bill was to adapt
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  to Ireland the machinery and regulations of that Act so far as they related to the record of title. Before he proceeded to explain the manner in which this was to be done, it would not be unreasonable for him to refer to the operation of the Act of 1862, which, although it met with serious opposition at its introduction, was now-working in an advantageous manner, and there was every reason to expect that those who availed themselves of it would become more numerous every year. From the 15th of October, 1862, to the 1st of March, 1864, the date of the last Return to the House of Lords, there were 65 applications. These applications comprised about 5,000 acres of land, consisting largely of very valuable building land, of an estimated value exceeding £1,500,000. From the 1st of March, 1864, to the 30th of April, 1865, the applications had been 216, making together 281. The number of acres comprised in the 216 applications exceeded 25,000, and he had no hesitation in saying that the value very considerably exceeded the value of the 65 cases, making the total value exceed £3,000,000. There was no difficulty in working the measure—one complaint only had been made; but, on inquiry, it was found that the delay was occasioned by the agent and not by the office. Their Lordships were aware that there was an Association in Dublin, presided over by a noble Duke, and entitled the Registration of Title Association. In an address presented to the late Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, that Association stated—
  "We feel that the insecurity, delay, and expense incident to the present system of conveyancing are a hindrance in the transaction of our private affairs, seriously reducing the value of landed property in Ireland, and obstructing the free investment of capital in land and landed securities. We are of opinion that the Landed Estates Court, though affording some alleviation in the case of large estates, fails to provide an effectual remedy for many of the evils complained of. Titles which, at considerable expense and delay, have been cleared of complexities by being passed through that court, are left to be dealt with subsequently under the same system of conveyancing which induced those complexities, and consequently in a short period of time become embarrassed and deteriorated by similar accumulations. We, therefore, think that the Landed Estates Court Act requires to be supplemented by some measure which will enable future dealings with land to be conducted with security, expedition, and economy."
  The Court had been conducted with so much wisdom, care, and prudence, that there had been hardly a single mistake in its proceedings. This Bill was simple as

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  compared with the measure of 1862. The proceedings which were contemplated by this Bill commenced as soon as the Landed Estates Court made a conveyance or mode a declaration of title. The Bill proceeded to direct that forthwith the title should be entered upon the record, and that every one of the subsequent transactions should be endorsed upon the minute. The Bill extended the powers of the Landed Estates Court so as to enable it to make a conveyance or declaration of title of every description of estate and interest, including partial estates and leaseholds; and their powers would be extended to leases and agreements for leases, but so that the declaration of title should not give any guarantee to the title of the lesser. The Court would gather in every instrument which created any description of interest, and there was machinery which would enable the officer of the Court to investigate, ascertain, and declare the result judicially, and thereby the title to every description of estate would be simplified, and it would be rendered capable of being transferred with the greatest ease and economy. The Bill further provided that all transfers should he brought into the Court, and completed in the Court, the transfer being made by the party himself either in the Court, or by conveyance in the country, and then reported to and recorded in the Court. Thus every interest in land when brought into the Landed Estates Court would be relieved from the necessity of registration in the Deeds Registration Office. The registration of deeds in Ireland had been productive of great inconvenience, and in this respect the introduction of this Bill would afford a great relief. The Bill further contained provisions respecting the registration of judgments, which would place the Irish registry in a superior position to that of England; and also respecting the transfer of charges and mortgages, which would be effected with much greater ease and facility than before. He anticipated that great advantage would result in Ireland from such a record of title as the Bill proposed, and to prove that the system was appreciated, he would only refer to the case of South Australia, where the number of voluntary applications for registering titles had increased from 184 in 1858 to 1,138 in 1864. When the mode of dealing with land, which he had described, became generally known, and the advantageous nature of the transactions within the Court was contrasted
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  with the transactions which took place outside it, he predicted with the utmost confidence that the increase of business would be probably in a greater ratio than that to which he had already referred. He trusted, then, there would be no objection to the second reading of the Bill, but that the measure would be received as the necessary complement of that useful institution—the Landed Estates Court. He begged to move that the Bill be now read a second time.
  Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.—(The Lord Chancellor.)
  LORD ST. LEONARDSsaid, the cases of Ireland and England with regard to the transfer of property were entirely different. In Ireland there was a Landed Estates Court, in which estates were sold by public auction, and an indefeasible title given to the purchaser. Besides that there was a General Registration Act, which had been long in operation, and which had been attended with very beneficial results. The Landed Estates Act in Ireland governed the whole country, so that either the Irish owner or his creditor might take the estate into the Court and there obtain an indefeasible title. In these respects England stood upon a very different footing. We had no general registration throughout this country. All that we had here as general measures was this—that all charges which were likely to be made, independently of the actual execution of deeds, were all, under different Acts of Parliament, brought into one office where, at an expense of only 1s., these charges could easily be ascertained, and it might be easily seen whether the title was clear. Lands passed by actual conveyance, and though there were means of acquiring an indefeasible title, it was not necessary for anybody to go into the Land Transfer Office unless he thought proper. Then there were means for receiving applications for registration of title in England; but the number of such applications was very small. Now, the nature of the Bill might be described in a very few words. It was a measure to destroy all conveyances and dealings with property and ownership in Ireland, as between the owner and his ordinary professional advisers; it was to put a stop to the whole transfer of property as it was now conducted in order to take it into a Court which had been constituted for other purposes, and had enough to occupy its time, and which would have this

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  additional burden thrown upon it, and thus would become the great Conveyancing Court of the country. He (Lord St. Leonards) conceived nothing more injurious to Ireland than this measure. In Ireland at present a man might get a declaration of an indefeasible title; but having got it, if he wished to deal with it out of Court, he must employ a solicitor, and pay him in the regular way. What would their Lordships say to a measure striking at the entire profession of solicitors and attorneys throughout Ireland? This Bill placed both devisees and heirs at law in a position which would expose them to delay, expense, and litigation, to which they were not now subject, and it contained several highly objectionable provisions. No one had been more anxious than himself to further measures for the simplification of the law regulating the transfer of property in Ireland, but he did not think this Bill either a wise or well-considered step in that direction.
  THE EARL OF DONOUGHMOREsaid, he wished to remind his noble and learned Friend that the Bill was not a compulsory measure. It had been carefully considered, and was regarded as highly beneficial by the landed interest of Ireland.
  THE MARQUESS OF CLANRICARDEsaid, that the Incumbered Estates Act had been of great use in regard to titles; but that in a few years, in consequence of the charges and incumbrances incident to landed estates, matters would fall into confusion without some such measure as the present. He should warmly support the Bill, as being calculated to render a great service to the proprietors of land.
  THE EARL OF BELMORE: My Lords, before the question is put I wish to say a few words, and to join with my noble Friend who has just down (the Marquess of Clan-ricarde) and my noble Friend near me (the Earl of Donoughmore) in supporting this Bill. Some time ago an association was formed in Ireland, as the noble and learned Lord on the Woolsack has stated, for the purpose of promoting this measure. That association was composed of noblemen and gentlemen of every shade of political opinion, and I believe the greatest attention has been paid to the Bill, with a view of making it as perfect as possible, I therefore give it my most hearty support.
  Motion agreed to: Bill read 2a accordingly, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House on Tuesday next

SHEEP AND CATTLE BILL—(No. 58.)

  SECOND READING.
  Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
  LORD RAVENSWORTH moved the second reading of this Bill, which had already passed the Commons without opposition, and said, its importance might be gathered from the fact that in divers parishes in the county of Durham no less than 962 sheep were worried by dogs in the course of a single year. In not one of these cases was any compensation received. The object, therefore, of the Bill was to assimilate the law in this respect to that of Ireland and Scotland.
  Motion agreed to Bill read 2a, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House on Tuesday next.

PUBLIC SCHOOLS BILL—(No. 32.)

  SELECT COMMITTEE NOMINATED.
  On the Motion of The Earl of CLARENDON the Lords following were named of the Committee:—

  His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.

  E. Carnarvon.

  E. Powis.

  Ld. President.

  E. Harrowby.

  D. Marlborough.

  V. Stratfordde Redcliffe.

  E. Derby.

  V. Eversley.

  E. Devon.

  L. Bp. London.

  E. Stanhope.

  L. Lyttelton.

  E. Clarendon,

  L. Houghton.

  THE EARL OF ELLENBOROUGH THE EARL OF ELLENBOROUGH moved that the several petitions of persons alleging that their interests will be injuriously affected by the Public Schools Bill be referred to the Select Committee, and that such petitioners be allowed to appear by their counsel and witnesses before the Committee.
  LORD LYVEDENsaid, he feared they would establish a mischievous precedent if they allowed counsel to be heard against this Bill. In the other House no counsel had been allowed to appear before the Committee which considered the expediency of that most important change of power the transfer of the East India Company's possessions to the Crown. If counsel were heard before the Select Committee, it was probable that the Bill would not come down to their Lordships much before the Whitsuntide recess. It would then have to go down to the House of Commons. Under such circumstances no one could entertain a hope that it would pass into

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  law this Session. He had not known any Bill which received so little support as this one. Even the noble Lords who were members of the Public School Commission were not prepared to accept it in its present shape. Meanwhile, he should like to know out of what funds would the fees be procured which would retain counsel for appearing before this Committee? The trustees of the Schools would ask to appear, and he supposed that they were to pay counsel out of the funds of the foundation or the charity of which they held the trusts. But if there was no chance of the Bill passing this Session it was not fair to call upon the trustees to spend part of the funds of the charity to assist in defeating it. It would be better that the Bill should be withdrawn, and that time should be given the trustees to consider such measures as were recommended in the Report. Many of them might be adopted by the Public Schools of their own accord. Out of the thirty-two recommendations in the Report only two were proposed in this Bill; and one the least valuable of all was that which sought to change the governing body. It would be better to leave the present Governors the opportunity of exercising their discretion. But it was objectionable that counsel should appear before the Committee when there was almost a certainty that the Bill could not pass this Session.
  THE EARL OF ELLENBOROUGHsaid, he understood that the expenses attendant on the retaining of counsel would be borne by subscription, and that very considerable sums had already been raised for the purpose. There would, therefore, be no necessity for the trustees to use trust funds to retain counsel. The parties who wished to appear asked to be heard against such parts of the Bill as affected themselves. They represented valuable property which would be affected by the provisions of this Bill, and they came forward asking the same rights which were accorded to private persons who appeared before a Committee of their Lordships' House against such part of a Bill as affected their interests. If this were a general measure affecting the public at large they could not he heard by counsel, for the delay consequent thereon would make legislation impossible. He trusted that the noble Lord would not interpose any difficulty with respect to the adoption of the Motion. But if the measure were to be postponed, he (the Earl of Ellenborough)
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  agreed with the noble Lord that it would be better to withdraw it for the Session.
  LORD WROTTESLEY: My Lords, I understand there is some objection on the ground of form to the Motion of which I gave notice on Tuesday, that the petitioners, whose petition I presented, should be heard by counsel. I will, therefore, with the permission of your Lordships, withdraw it. I am the last person to wish to establish an inconvenient precedent; but then, in fairness, I trust your Lordships will allow me to state the views of the petitioners, both on the details of the Bill, so far as they affect science, and on the general question of the introduction of scientific instruction into schools, and that before this Bill goes into Committee. The petitioners, as your Lordships might anticipate, highly approve of the recommendation of the Public School Commissioners, that the study of physical science shall be introduced into these great schools; and they are grateful to the Government for their good intentions, but they cannot approve of the mode adopted by them for carrying out that recommendation of the Commissioners by the provisions of this Bill. Some there are who contend that there should be a specific enactment, making it imperative that physical science should form an integral part of the instruction given in these schools, but to that I own there may be some objections; but all believe that the cause of science might possibly be rather injured than promoted by the introduction into the governing bodies of these schools a small minority distinguished for their scientific attainments. These gentlemen would be placed in a very invidious position. They might be viewed by their Colleagues as imposed upon them by the Legislature for the express purpose of effecting a change, to which some of them might be on principle opposed, and those who were in favour of the change would still wish to have the sole credit of bringing about the reform. Again, they are afraid that the numerous restrictions imposed by way of qualification for these governorships will so narrow the field of selection, that many, who are the best qualified for the office, will be thereby excluded.
  But, my Lords, on the general question of the introduction of scientific teaching into schools, I can with confidence state what are the opinions of our most distinguished men of science. I have had many opportunities, during several years,

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  of ascertaining their views on that subject; I cordially concur in them, and wish to be allowed to explain them fully to your Lordships, the rather that I may have no other opportunity of so doing, and I think it very important that there should be no misunderstanding as to the extent to which we wish that this scientific teaching should be carried. It is very true, my Lords, that those of your Lordships who have read with attention the admirable evidence of Dr. Carpenter and Dr. Hooker, will be at no loss to form an adequate notion on this point, but these may be a small minority, and I am very sure that the readers of blue-books are a small minority of the nation. We wish then, we desire earnestly, that the study of physical science should be introduced into all schools, but if it is to be taught it must be taught really and effectively, not by second or third-rate lecturers, delivering lectures at long intervals unaccompanied by examinations or other tests of proficiency and attention in the hearers, but on a systematic plan, as recommended by the resolutions of the President and Council of the Royal Society of January, 1857. But, on the other hand, we do not wish that these boys should be harassed by abstruse mathematical formula for which their young minds may not be sufficiently developed, and for which they may not have the necessary time at their command; they should go through an elementary course of scientific teaching; the laws of nature should be expounded to them and illustrated by experiments, and the inspection of collections duly arranged, and there should be a tutor at hand to explain difficulties as they arise, and answer questions. I hope your Lordships will allow me to read a short extract from a letter which I have lately received from Professor Phillips, the Professor of Geology at Oxford in reference to this subject. I am sure that all to whom that learned Professor is known will agree with me that there is no one more competent to give an opinion, and no one on whose opinion more reliance may be placed. Professor Phillips, after lamenting that young men should come up to Oxford ignorant of the most ordinary facts of science, goes on to state that there are three things required to bring about the reform we are contemplating—
  "1. A head master willing to take some trouble to produce a favourable change: 2. Opportunities of seeing arranged collections of objects of Natural History, and witnessing and sharing in experi-
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  ments in chemistry, and experimental philosophy; 3. Teaching, not in a deductive form, or even very didactic form, but explanations p. r. n. founded on the facts immediately observed, the flowers as they are gathered, the fossils as they are handled, the decompositions as they are witnessed, the levers, microscopes, or barometers as they are worked and used …Again, the main difficulty is, perhaps, in the teaching. For I am much afraid that, to save trouble, and 'get rid' of the subject, some second or third-rate cultivator of science will be engaged to give formal instruction at stated hours, with no pleasant and frequent talk with the students, no help just when it is wanted …Good masters in science (one or two) to each school, resident, in good position, of adequate classical and mathematical attainments, as well as possessed of special scientific knowledge—a museum of small bulk, a laboratory or workroom—this is the sum of my recommendations for making effective in public schools the not inconsiderable inducements now held out by Oxford and Cambridge for the cultivation of physical science."
  But, my Lords, I greatly fear that whatever pains may be taken by learned Professors, or the noble Earl below me (The Earl of Clarendon) who has ably advocated scientific teaching, or by any one else to dispel alarm, and to alter preconceived opinions on this subject, some time will elapse before science will be, so to speak, naturalized in our schools, the rather that we have lost a powerful friend, that illustrious Prince, whose loss we all deplore and shall never cease to deplore, I am sure he would have given us his influential aid, for none regretted more than he the lamentable shortcomings of our English educational system in this matter of science. But then I shall be met by the argument that it is a positive benefit that each man shall have his specialty; that one shall be famous for science; another for classics; another for mathematics; that the intellectual capital of the nation is increased by this division of labour: but this argument is founded on the fallacy of assuming that what is good for the mature man is good for the child and boy, that what is good at the commencement of education is good throughout its whole course. It may be quite true that, if any one wishes to excel, he must select some study or pursuit for which he has a strong natural bias and taste, and devote to it a very considerable amount of concentrated, undivided attention. I am not now alluding to success in professions; I believe that may be attained without ambition or taste when a strong sense of duty co-exists with an empty purse; but where taste and inclination are required, how are they to be developed? Is it not quite

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  certain they will not be developed if, whenever they show themselves in the child or boy, they are nipped in the bud by the cold frost of neglect and perhaps ridicule, and the child or boy is left in respect to that pursuit which he loves the best in no better condition as to knowledge than those of whom the poet says—
  ——Knowledge, her ample page,
  Rich with the spoils of time, did ne'er unroll.
  My Lords, I believe the true theory of education to be, that every mental faculty, especially the faculties of observation, every taste, tendency, and inclination as they spring up like young shoots above the tender soil of infancy, should be fostered, cultivated, watered, even from the earliest dawn of reason; and perhaps it would be well for us, if all our nurses were like the nurses mentioned by Dr. Hooker in his evidence, who, having been taught botany in Professor Henslow's village school, did not drag the child under their charge along when it stopped to examine plant, herb, or flower, but stopped with it to explain such of their properties as could be made intelligible to the infant mind. Unless these tastes and inclinations are thus developed, we incur a perpetual risk of having the wrong man in the wrong place. One who might have been a Newton, a Laplace, or a Faraday, might strive in vain to take an ordinary degree in classics at Oxford; and one who was born to be a Porson or a Gainsford, and, I might add, a Derby or a Lyttelton, one, in short, who was born to be a scholar, might, after struggling painfully over the Pons Asino-rum, spend his life and fortune in fruitless attempts to rival a Canning or a Gladstone in the other House of Parliament. But what if one result of this neglect of science in youth should be that men occupying high positions in the State should have no true sense of the value of scientific research? I do not say that it is so, but what if it were so, or should be so hereafter. What chance is there, then, that, when new scientific expeditions are proposed, new scientific investigations propounded, that they will be promoted and encouraged? Will they not be met by some chilling response, such as that of cui bono, an answer which would never be given by one who was familiar with the history of the inductive sciences—which would never be given by one who knew what magnificent results have arisen from the most insignificant experiments—by one
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  who knew the history of the steam engine and the electric telegraph. I do not mean that no discretion is to be exercised, that any one making a proposal to the Government is to be allowed to spend the public money in the forlorn hope that some good may accrue thereby; I am speaking of propositions by the recognized heads of science, in which all, or almost all concur; if these are rejected—if their attempts to benefit the nation and mankind are foiled—they would have a right to say, as they do say, "A thousand examples prove, that no human foresight can foresee a tithe of the benefit, which may flow from the investigations of abstract science, the knowldege thus obtained is in itself a good—in itself a power—seek it therefore where it is to be had, and never faint or halt in its pursuit, and depend upon it that at some time or other you will reap a glorious harvest."
  Motion agreed, to.
  All Petitions, with the Exception of the Petition of Cultivators of Natural Science (presented on Tuesday last), referred to the Committee, with Leave to the Petitioners praying to be heard by Counsel against the Bill to be heard as desired.—(The Earl of Ellenborough.)

  MARRIAGES (LAMBOURNE) BILL [H.L.]
  A Bill to render valid certain Marriages solemnized in a Chapel of Ease in the Parish of Lambourne in the County of Berks—Was presented by The Lord Bishop of Oxford; read la (No. 88.)
  House adjourned at a quarter-past Seven o'Clock, till To-morrow, half-past Ten o'clock.