QUESTION. (Hansard, 8 March 1864)

§ THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY
My Lords, I rise to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Whether he can give to the House any Information respecting the Movements of the Austrian Fleet towards the Baltic? My reason in putting this Question will be obvious. Never have I known the people of this country more profoundly stirred than at present, never have I known greater anxiety displayed than in the contemplation of the struggle between the little and gallant kingdom of Denmark and the two great overgrown German Powers—50,000,000 against 3,000,000. It is very strange that this country should find itself now in opposition to Austria and Prussia, the two great Conservative monarchies from whom we looked for nothing but peace and order, and from whom we now expect nothing but conflagration. But, my Lords, so it is. We cannot look without dismay—and I am sure the whole country feels what I say—at these two great Powers resuming their old career of insult and spoliation. Now, I must say the feelings of the country have been very much touched by the conduct of the King of Denmark. The concessions the King of Denmark has promised to make must be considered as a sufficient reparation for any wrongs which may have been committed. It is not necessary to argue here whether the Danes were in the right or not with regard to the Patent of Holstein and the Constitution of Schleswig. They have agreed to recall those Constitutions and to make the utmost concessions which were originally asked. This little kingdom comes before its mighty oppressors, saying, "Have patience with me, and I 1628 will pay you all;" but the oppressors seize her by the throat, invade her territory, have inflicted on her unutterable calamities, and have instituted a, war which for wantonness and needlessness is one of the most disgraceful to be found in any page of ancient or modern history. It is an ominous feature of that war that the Austrian fleet is said to be making its way towards the Baltic. Perhaps it is singular that one should hear at all of an Austrian fleet; certainly it is singular to hear of it with any misgivings; and I therefore ask my noble Friend, whether he can furnish us with any information on the subject. Upon this point I will make but one remark. We may receive a reply to the effect that the Austrian fleet is making its way in great force to the Baltic. If that be so, we can have no doubt as to its destination or its purpose. Or, we may be told that there are only one or two vessels. That will be most unsatisfactory, for we shall regard them as precursors of a larger force. I do not hesitate to say—and I am sure I do not stand alone in the country of England in saying it—that whether the force of Austria be great or small, I trust it will be met at the entrance of the Baltic by a British fleet, and that this British fleet will have the instructions of Her Majesty to watch its movements, to restrict its operations, and, if necessary, to defend by force of arms the integrity, and, I will say, the sanctity of the Kingdom of Denmark?

§ EARL RUSSELL
I will only answer my noble Friend as to the facts which have come to my knowledge with respect to the intention of the Austrian Government. When we first heard that ships of war were to be sent from the Adriatic, I wrote to our Minister at Vienna, and I inquired of the Austrian Minister in London as to the intentions of the Austrian Government. We were told that there were many Austrian ships in danger in the Mediterranean and the Adriatic from Danish ships, and that it was necessary to protect them; and we were told also that there were about 140 ships bearing the Austrian flag coming from America about this time, and bound to English ports, and that it was the intention of the Austrian Government to send two or three vessels of war to the mouth of the Channel in order to save those ships from any Danish cruisers that might be on the look-out for them. But within the last few days another rumour has been circulated, and I have received further information. It is said, in the first 1629 place, that there is no intention whatever of sending any Austrian ships into the Baltic; that neither to the Cattegat nor further through the Baltic is it intended to send any Austrian ships. That is the statement of the Austrian Government. But they say that if the blockade of the Elbe is instituted there is danger that a great deal of German commerce may fall into the hands of the Danes, and that they think it necessary to contribute an Austrian squadron in order to protect that commerce. Now, my Lords, without stating at all what course should be pursued, or what may hereafter be found to be the actual course which the Austrian Government will pursue, I must say that, considering what the Austrian fleet is, and considering what the Danes are, it seems to me that Austria sending a fleet into the North Sea to protect nationalities oppressed by a foreign race, is a course which every true friend of Austria must deplore.

§ THE EARL OF ELLENBOROUGH
My Lords, I wish I could hear declarations made by the Austrian Government with the same feeling with which I should have heard them two or three months ago; but when I look at the conduct of Austria, in not only giving her sanction to the invasion of Jutland, but in sending troops there, and to assist in the siege of Fredericia, after we had heard that her efforts were to be confined to the occupation of Schleswig, for a special purpose, I confess I feel bound to look to inferences and probabilities rather than to her representations; and I must think that the Austrian fleet in its whole force is destined for the Baltic, there, in conjunction with Prussia, to establish a maritime superiority, in addition to the military superiority which Austria and Prussia have already established. If the statements made as to the respective strength of these fleets be correct, there can be no doubt that would be the result of the arrival of the Austrian fleet in the Baltic. Nothing could affect their maritime superiority there; and I cannot but believe that such a superiority is their object. We are told—and I suppose there is no doubt of it—that Duppel, the important position which protects the Island of Alsen, is now flanked right and left by Danish vessels of war. If Austrian and Prussian ships of war should occupy the place now filled by Danish ships, such a movement will make the protection of Alsen impracticable. Besides, Duppel is united to Alsen by two bridges, and if these were under the fire 1630 of an hostile fleet it would be impossible to hold the fortifications. No doubt shortly after the arrival of this fleet the fort and the Island of Alsen will fall; so also must Fredericia; and, practically, this will be the fall of Funen, the second important island. In point of fact, to allow the Austrians and Prussians to have the maritime as well as the military superiority is to sacrifice the independence—nay, the very existence—of the Danish monarchy. I therefore ask the noble Earl—though he is unwilling to say what he will do—whether he will stand by and see that atrocity perpetrated on a weak Power. It is only because she is weak that such a proceeding is attempted. This is a war against Denmark in the spirit of the Partition of Poland, in the spirit of the League of Cambrai. This is a union of great Powers to dismember and destroy a small one. And, my Lords, what is done to-day with respect to Denmark will be done to-morrow with respect to Holland—will you permit that also?—and the next day with respect to Belgium. I ask the noble Earl will it be permitted? Is there no point at which it is considered the honour and the interest of England to protect the weak against the strong? My Lords, I am informed that in the course of eight or ten days we are no longer to be sitting. We are to be adjourned for three weeks. During the whole of that time Government is to be deprived of the support of Parliament. They may require the support of Parliament at any moment. In war, time is of all things the most essential. The danger may arise when you will not have the power of meeting it. I confess I do not think it right that Parliament should separate without having assured the Crown that, having considered the correspondence laid before us by the command of the Queen, we will support Her Majesty in any measures which may become necessary for the maintenance of the independence of Denmark. Without that declaration the Government are powerless. Four weeks may elapse before they can lay any further despatches before us to enable us to pronounce an opinion on their conduct; and during the interval that may be done which never can be undone. We may witness the degradation and ruin of a brave people, who might have been saved by a strong and friendly hand, when weak and pusillanimous motives withheld it.

§ EARL GREY
My Lords, there is hardly a word that has fallen from the noble Earl 1631 in which I do not concur. I do think it a most objectionable thing that Parliament should separate for a considerable time without our knowing what is to take place in the interim. I make this remark because, never since I entered Parliament, have I read any correspondence with such deep-felt humiliation for this country as I hare read the papers now on the table. I will not enter into the subject at present; but I do feel, with the noble Earl who has just sat down, that this affair of Denmark has advanced step by step without our having the opportunity of expressing our opinion or of doing anything to check the danger, and that we are taking a course which involves the surrender of a weak Power to the unprincipled violence of stronger Powers. This is a state of things full of danger and disgrace. I venture to express the feeling I entertain on the subject of a separation of Parliament under such circumstances; and I trust some opportunity will be given for a full consideration of this grave question even now before Parliament separates for the Easter recess.

§ THE EARL OF HARROWBY
I cannot bat think it of the highest importance to Her Majesty's Government to have some expression of the opinion of Parliament on this question. It appears to me that, after the unsuccessful interference of last year, and after the passive attitude we have since assumed, Her Majesty's Government cannot go properly into negotiations at the present moment without being supported by an expression of the feeling of the people of England. It is most important to them that they should have ascertained that feeling before conferring with other Powers, in order that they may be able to say to those Powers, "This is a point beyond which the feelings of the people of England cannot be trifled with." I have no wish to express a doubt even of the virtue of Austria. I cannot but hope that her intentions are better than her actions; but I think it would be a great support to the failing virtue of Austria if the were able to point to an English fleet in the Baltic.

§ EARL RUSSELL
I will say but one word on this subject. I am sure there is no noble Lord who would imagine that, having received this information in the course of to-day, I could come down to this House, and on my own responsibility make a declaration that would bind this country, or would be likely to lead this 1632 country into war. Anything to be done must be maturely considered. What Her Majesty's Government have done is to negotiate, but also to maintain themselves at liberty to act, with other Powers, or if it should be thought necessary, to act alone, in case the honour and paramount interests of England should require it. My noble Friend who sits near me on the cross benches (Earl Grey) said he had read these papers with "humiliation." I believe these papers agree, in spirit, with the general opinion of the country. If my noble Friend thinks that the Government ought to have acted in a different manner, he can at once move a vote of censure. If he thinks that we should act differently, and, without negotiation, and, without examining what those Powers propose, resort to extremities, he has only to move a Resolution to that effect. All I can say is, that the Government will best consult, according to their own opinion, the honour and the interests of this country; they will not make war when the safety and the interests, the integrity and the independence, of Denmark can be secured otherwise; and they will not neglect any means by which that safety and independence can be secured. With regard to the fleet, some ten days or a fortnight ago, with a view to have that fleet at command, it was directed to rendezvous at one of the home ports, so that orders might be at once conveyed to it. If it were thought necessary to give any orders to that fleet, it would be at once within our reach; and, certainly, I could not expect that any fleet of Austria or of Prussia would venture to encounter the squadron of Her Majesty.