THIRD READING. (Hansard, 16 June 1864)

VISCOUNT STRATFORD DE REDCLTFFE
said, he desired to make a few remarks on the subject. It so happened that he had some personal experience of one of the great schools included in the list of his noble Friend below (the Earl of Clarendon). He believed that all the others, with the exception of those in the City of London, were more or less founded on the same system, and therefore in making a few remarks on the system established and practised in the school in which he received his education—he meant Eton—he was not likely to deviate from what would apply more or less to the other schools. From the experience he had had—and he entered Eton at a very early age, between seven and eight—he wished to bear his testimony to what he believed most firmly to be the truth—namely, that the system in respect to its fundamental principles was substantially sound and good. What were the paints of that system? If he was not greatly mistaken they were, instruction in the first instance, then health, and formation of character. He had been brought up in the persuasion that, of all human languages, whether ancient or modern, Latin was the most logical in its construction; and with respect to Greek he believed that there was no language, unless it was modern German, which could compete with it in the power of expansion or in comprehensiveness. He could, therefore, conceive no better foundation for the study of language than on the one hand the most logical, and on the other the most comprehensive of languages. The system at Eton consisted of short school hours, with intervals between them; and 1830 thus the boys had opportunities for engaging in games of a manly description, which brought them into frequent intercourse with each other, and served to strengthen and develop their physical constitutions. Another most essential point in regard to such institutions was their influence in the formation of character. In this respect the system at Eton was that of leaving the boys as much to themselves as the course of instruction and necessary discipline of the school would allow, and certainly much more than was the case in private schools; and he thought this system tended to promote self-respect and the avoidance of many faults and vices, and qualified the boys for the position they were to fill in after life. Our public schools, however, like all other human institutions, were liable to abuse; and it might well be that, having been in existence for centuries, they were susceptible of improvement. He had, therefore, heard of the appointment of the Commission on the subject with satisfaction, and as far us he had read the voluminous reports on the table, he had derived a general impression very favourable to those who conducted the inquiry. But it should be borne in mind that the system pursued at Eton was designed for instruction in studies which were not of a nature to be practised at home. The boys would generally acquire a knowledge of their vernacular tongue at home, and the same remark applied to a great extent to an acquaintance with English literature. As to the introduction of new subjects of study, it was most undesirable that anything should be done which might have the effect of lowering the character of great national institutions like these, and there were many things which could hardly be introduced into the course of study without having that effect. He very much doubted whether any legislation in detail on this subject would be desirable. He did not object to an inquiry by Commission, in order to ascertain the requirements which the progress of time made necessary in those schools; but he should lament to see Parliament assuming the performance of a duty which could best be discharged by the masters.

§ THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY
said, it seemed to him that very little improvement was likely to be effected in this matter, unless some addition were made to the number and quality of the tutors. Everybody saw how difficult it was for 1831 tutors at public schools to discharge the duties of parents and relatives, and act as if they were the parents of the children they had to teach. His noble Friend (Earl Stanhope) said, the other day he wished to accommodate the system to meet the case of all boys, some of whom were idle, and some dull. Now he did not think they would be successful in reaching those peculiar cases by the plan they proposed of the alteration of the statutes, unless they-succeeded in obtaining men who took an interest in their business, and who would employ their minds and energies in rebuking the idle, and taking care to help forward the diligent as much as possible. They had heard a great deal the system of Dr. Arnold and the system of other men, but he believed that system of a man to be the man himself—and from his long experience in matters of: this nature he felt certain that no kind of, Arrangement they could make in the way of rules and regulations could compensate for the want of the living energies of a man.

LORD CAMPBELL
thought it would be useful to refer to the points suggested by the Bill, on which there seemed to be a general concurrence of opinion. On all sides it was admitted that the ancient languages ought not to lose the supremacy in public schools; which had hitherto belonged to them; that mathematics ought to be; more encouraged than they had been; that the elements of science ought to be made use of in instruction; that military drill which had been recently established in public schools Ought to be perpetuated; and that French should be made to form an essential part of education. He referred to the manly and enlightened views of Mr. William Johnson, an assistant master at Eton, on the latter point, and to the support which the Under Secretary of State—Lord Wodehouse—had lately given them. In spite of the general concurrence as to what ought to be done, there was no definite opinion as to how the necessary changes should be brought about. Direct legislation would not answer such a purpose. Parliament could never make itself in detail the taskmaster of public schools. It would not be easy for the authorities of Eton to act on the Report of the Commissioners, however much they wished to do so. They would be held back by no less than three impediments; fear of the parents who might not all approve of the reforms; fear of the school which had a strong spirit of conservative resistance; 1832 and fear of innovation which presented to their mind a mass of possible disorders. But the hope and view of the Commissioners was that their reforms would be brought about by the new governing bodies of public schools proposed to be created. He (Lord Campbell) was anxious for a moment to warn the House against that expectation. The new governing body of Eton, as sketched by the Commissioners, was so complex in its structure that no one could now divine the materials of which it might consist in the first instance. Beyond that there was the greatest possible uncertainty as to when it would come into existence. An Act of Parliament would be necessary for each governing body. Six or seven Bills would, therefore, come under discussion. They would open questions as to corporate prescription, vested rights, and the authority of founders. They might lead to party conflict, and no one could foresee in what manner they would, issue. But it was yet more important to consider the elements of discord, and the obstacles to action which the governing body proposed for Eton would contain. According to the plan of the Commissioners it was to be formed of the Proyost and fourteen Fellows. The Fellows were to be stipendiary and honorary; five of the first class; nine of the second. The nine honorary Fellows had a threefold subdivision. One would be the Provost; of King's; three would be appointed by the Crown, and five elected by the whole governing body. The stipendiary Fellows were to be divided into three clergymen and two laymen. The first element of conflict which occurred to any one who glanced at such: a project was the; probable antagonism of the new body with the Headmaster, who had no power to control it. These differences appeared to be inevitable between the honorary and stipendiary Fellows. The nominees of the Crown would clash with the elected members in the farmer section. Again the chance discord was provided in the solitary action of the Provost of King's. And, as regarded the latter section, the five stipendiary Fellows, a standing difficulty might arise between the clerical and lay ingredients it endeavoured to assimilate. It was not enough to say that such a body wanted the conditions of a reforming one—namely, simplicity and unity., Simplicity and unity had been ingeoiously and after much design, eliminated from it. Such a body might be admirable to give steadiness and 1833 firmness to a system of instruction well matured and previously established. But it was clearly not adapted to invade prejudices, modify abuses, and inaugurate reforms. The power which apparently characterized it without any limit was the vis inertiae by which decisions were arrested and debates prolonged. If at the end of the last century the Abbé Sieyes had been engaged to frame an Eton constitution he could not have produced one more elaborate, more intricate, more full of balances and cheeks, more incapable of movement and of action. It was not the Abbé Sieyes however, but Ovid, who had given its conception, when he said— …. "Corpore in uno, Frigida pugnabant calidis, humentia siccis, Mollia cum duris, sine pondere habentia pondus. These lines nearly shadowed a facsimile — since in one body, corpore in uno, the Commissioners resolved to join elements of zeal and elements of coldness, minds notoriously dry with minds of vigour and exuberance; men prone to yield and others certain of resisting; characters of gravity and weight with persons utterly deficient in these qualities. He (Lord Campbell) had ventured thus to criticize the new body which had been designed to govern Eton, only to establish this important proposition, that they must look to some other agency to bring about the changes generally wished for. Neither immediate legislation as to studies, nor the authorities existing now, nor the proposed body, could be described as equal to that purpose. The proposed body might have every advantage as an agency for governing, but was not to be relied on as an agency to initiate reform. He would venture to suggest, therefore, to the noble Lord (Lord Clarendon) and to the Government, that they should seriously weigh the course adopted a few years ago towards the University of Cambridge, where an Executive Commission was empowered to make statutes. An Executive Commission, created by an Act of Parliament, might at once proceed to the public schools and give effect to the Report of the Commissioners. It might be formed of the very persons by whom the inquiry had been so long and so diligently prosecuted. At least, his noble Friend (Lord Clarendon) might be at the head of it. Would anybody doubt that his noble Friend, at the head of an Executive Commission, would be more apt and more effective to introduce his own reforms than a mysteriously Constituted body, to be called into existence at a time they could 1834 not calculate at present. As they were still six weeks from the ordinary termination of the Session, there was no difficulty as to passing the necessary Act of Parliament. A noble Earl on the other side (the Earl of Malmesbury) had regretted the exposure which the blue-books invoked. If there was such an exposure as to gratify unfavourable critics of our public schools, either abroad or in this country, it was too late to recall it. The only question they could influence was whether the exposure should be the ground for merited reproach, or the path to long desired improvement. The whole House joined in aspiring to the latter of these two results; and he had ventured to submit to the House and to the Government, what appeared to be the only means by which that result could be, with any ease or with any certainty, accomplished.