VISCOUNT STRATFORD DE REDCLIPPEobserved, that a few weeks ago he had addressed an inquiry to the noble Lord the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs which he was not at that time prepared to answer, having had reference to what were the intentions of the Government relative to the events that had taken place in Syria. His noble Friend was kind enough to say that his only objection to placing papers upon the table arose from the continuance of negotiations at Paris on the subject. He (Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe) had since, in common with their Lordships, heard that the Conference had met, had terminated its deliberations, and that after a reference to the courts from which it received its powers, a decision had been taken on a point of paramount importance—namely, the period of the continued occupation of Syria by the French troops. Not only was it believed that that decision had taken place, but in addition to that circumstance it was understood by the public that the decision was not favourable to the wishes of this country, not favourable to the wishes of Her Majesty's Government, and one which could not be agreeable to the Turkish Go- 203 vernment, inasmuch as—however much they might have reconciled themselves to the French view—it implied that the state of Syria was still such as to justify and require a continued occupation by foreign troops. But at the same time their Lordships could hardly fail to perceive that, while Parliament was sitting it was desirable that on a subject of such importance, an opportunity should be afforded for both branches of the Legislature to know what course the Government was pursuing, and delivering, if necessary, their opinion upon a matter involving such great and important considerations. It was evident that if the French troops had been allowed, under the particular circumstances, to continue the occupation, there must be very strong reasons for consenting to such means of restoring the tranquillity of the country, and it would be doing injustice to Her Majesty's Government to suppose that such reasons did not exist. He confessed that he, for one, should take great interest in ascertaining, on the authority of Her Majesty's Government, that they had a certain prospect, even though a distant one, that the continuance of the occupation would not be again prolonged, and that meantime effective measures would be taken for preventing the recurrence of such atrocities as those of last year. He, therefore, took the liberty of asking his noble Friend, "Whether it was the intention of Her Majesty's Government to lay any papers connected with that Conference on the table of the House before Easter, or if that could not be done, at least he hoped that an assurance might be given that during the Easter recess they would be presented to Parliament? He thought it would be very desirable to afford Parliament that amount of information which would enable them to take the case into consideration on an early day after Easter. Though he had every confidence in the Government, he felt bound to say that the subject demanded serious and immediate attention.
LORD WODEHOUSEsaid, it was quite true, as stated by the noble Lord, that the Conference at Paris had terminated its labours, and that it had been agreed that the occupation of Syria by the French troops should be continued until June 5, when the whole of the foreign troops were to evacuate that country. On the first day when the House met after the Easter recess papers on the subject would be laid upon their Lordships' table.