Lords Sitting of 12 July 1861

MINUTES.
PUBLIC BILLS.—1a Landlord and Tenant Law Amendment (Ireland) Act Proceedings.
2a London Coal and Wine Dues Continuance.
3a Inclosure (No. 2); Local Government Supplemental; Transfer of Stocks and Annuities.

UNITED STATES—THE MORRILL.

  TARIFF.—QUESTION.
  THE EARL OF CARNARVON THE EARL OF CARNARVON rose to ask the noble Duke the Secretary for the Colonies a question of which he had given him private notice. It would be in the recollection of their Lordships that three or four months ago a tariff called "the Morrill Tariff" came into operation in the Northern States of America. This tariff was thought, and not without reason, to be in antagonism to the interest of both the Southern and the great North Western States, and generally perhaps to the interests of the United States. That was a question on which, of course, he would not enter—but the tariff also acted most unfavourably upon British and Canadian interests. A large quantity of goods was annually sent from this country to Portland, in the State of Maine, to be conveyed thence by railway into Canada. These goods were sent by railway under bond, and until the introduction of the new tariff no inconvenience had been ex-

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  perienced. Under the provisions of the Morill Tariff, however, he understood that all packages were opened at the Custom House at Portland, the contents were examined, and the threads of cotton and linen goods were counted as carefully as though a duty had to be levied upon them. This necessarily caused great delay, and in many instances had led to great loss. It was true that the great bulk of the Spring goods which would be exported to Portland this season had left that port before the tariff came into operation; but he understood that there were now lying there several cargoes which had not been examined, and consequently upon which much loss had been incurred. It was, however, of importance that the attention of the Government should be called to this subject, because it was well known that during many months of the year the river St. Lawrence was closed and all the goods which were exported to Canada were sent by Portland and the railroad to British territory. He should be glad to know from the noble Duke, Whether the Government had received any information of the facts which he had stated, and whether, if the inconvenience which he had referred to had really been experienced, any representations would be made to the Government of the United States upon the subject?
  THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLEsaid, it was not in his power to afford any information to his noble Friend on the matter to which he had referred, nor did he think that, for some time, communications could be made with the Governor General of Canada upon the subject; but as his noble Friend had intimated to him that he intended to put this question to him he had endeavoured to ascertain whether any measures had been adopted relative to the Morrill Tariff and been made known to any Department of the Government, and with that view he had communicated with the Foreign Office and the Board of Trade, but all he had been able to learn was that no representations had been made to the Board of Trade by merchants or others interested in the American trade. He was unable to say whether the anticipations of his noble Friend opposite were correct; all he could say was, that if the inconveniences of which the noble Earl complained really existed, and were such as could be removed by representations to the United States' Government, Her Majesty's Government would not be backward in
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  making such representations; but, at the same time, he thought his noble Friend would perceive that these were evils which were certain to correct themselves; and he could not but hope that the Untied States' Government would become convinced of the objections to this tariff, and would themselves, and in their own interest, make all the alterations that were required.

  RAILWAY BILLS—STANDING ORDER CLXXXV.
  LORD REDESDALEproposed an alteration in the Standing Orders in regard to Private Bills, and said, that many of the railway schemes that were brought before their Lordships were often got up by a solicitor, and engineer, and a contractor, who were sure to make a profit out of it, whether it was sanctioned by Parliament or not. They were often very imperfectly prepared, did not accommodate the district which they traversed to the full extent, and were defective in the junctions which they made with main lines. The funds, also, were frequently proposed to be derived only in a small degree from the promoters, and chiefly from some large Company with whose line they formed a junction. It was of great importance that the persons who appeared as the promoters of branch lines should be obliged in the first instance to communicate with the Companies whose main lines they joined; and he believed that that could be done in no other way than that which he suggested. A noble Lord opposite (Lord Portman) had given notice of an Amendment, in which he sought to secure the same object in a different manner; but he (Lord Redesdale) maintained that it would be accomplished more effectually and more legitimately by the means he proposed. The noble Lord's scheme was, in fact, the present system with several additions, which rendered it more objectionable. The noble Lord then moved—
  "That the Standing Order No. clxxxv. (formerly 223) be considered, in order to its being Amended in the following Manner: after paragraph 2, to insert—
  "3. That no Provision authorizing any Company to raise money, or to subscribe towards, or to guarantee any Money in the Undertaking of another Company, shall be introduced into any Bill which is not brought in by the Company thereby authorized to raise Money, or to subscribe, or to guarantee, or of which such Company is not a Joint Promoter with the other Company, and shall have been named as such in all the

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  Notices required by the Standing Orders of the House prior to the Introduction of the Bill to Parliament."
  LORD PORTMANhad given notice to move as an Amendment,
  "That when in any Bill a Provision is inserted authorizing any Company to subscribe towards, or to guarantee, or to raise any Money in aid of the Undertaking of another Company which Bill is not brought in by the Company so authorized, Proof shall be required before the Examiner whether the Company so authorized has any Bill before Parliament in which such a Provision could be inserted; in the event of there being such a Bill before Parliament the Examiner shall report the Name or short Title of such Bill to the House; in the event of there being no such Bill before Parliament the Examiner shall report whether Proof has been given that the Company so authorized has consented to such Subscription Guarantee, or raising of Money at a Meeting of the proprietors of such Company, held specially for that Purpose, and that such Provision was approved by the Proprietors of the ordinary Shares of the Company, present in Person or by Proxy, holding at least Three-Fourths of the paid-up Capital of the Company represented at such meeting, such Proprietors being qualified to vote at the Meeting in right of such Capital only; in case no such Proof had been given no such Bill shall proceed without the special Order of the House."
  The noble Lord said, that he had the same object in view as the noble Lord the Chairman of Committees, but he thought his proposal would avoid the very large expense which would be entailed in the case of small lines, if the great Companies who were to assist were made joint promoters of the Bill, in the manner suggested by the original motion. He intended by the words in the last paragraph to provide that the Bill should not proceed in the absence of proof of the Order being complied with, precisely in the same way as when the Examiner reported that the Standing Orders of the House had not been complied with; and if those words did not give effect to that intention he had no objection to alter them. Any suggestion from the noble Lord the Chairman of Committees came with great weight, and any counter-proposal from another Peer came with greatly diminished weight; but he thought the safest course would be to be well-advised before either Resolution was adopted, and in a matter of such difficulty as this he hoped his noble Friend would consent to the appointment of a Select Committee, who, in a few hours, might consider the point and advise the House upon it.
  LORD EBURYsaid, he regarded the ordinary shareholders in a railway com-
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  pany as the mortgagors and the debenture holders as mortgagees; and he, therefore, thought the former should have a voice in any increase of debt which would diminish the value of their reversion. All lines of railway conferred great benefits, especially on the working classes, who were enabled to travel over them, and many lines could not be undertaken without the assistance of larger companies. He trusted, therefore, that their Lordships would pause before they threw difficulties in the way of the construction of these small lines, which were often of the greatest value to agricultural districts.
  EARL GREYsaid, that no one could dispute that railways were the source of immense advantage to the country, but it was greatly to be lamented that so many millions of capital had been uselessly wasted on those undertakings. It was quite clear that if there had been a proper system of railway legislation a greater amount of accommodation would have been afforded to the public at the same time that a higher amount of interest would have been secured to the shareholders. Both the noble Peers who had spoken concurred in stating that under the existing system there was great abuse, and it was the duty of Parliament to guard against that abuse as much as possible. Parliament ought not to be asked to pass Bills for branch railways on the faith that great companies would subscribe unless the question was fairly brought before the shareholders of those companies whether they would subscribe or not. The directors should not be permitted to engage in undertakings which could not pay, and which could only result in loss to their shareholders, without first having their sanction. It was not very material in what manner the difficulty was met, but on the whole he preferred the Amendment, with the omission of a few words towards the conclusion of it.
  THE MARQUESS OF CLANRICARDEsaid, he was not surprised that their Lordships should have digressed into a discussion of much more importance than the consideration of a Standing Order. There had been a great waste of money upon railways as compared with the accommodation which they afforded, and this was partly owing to the vicious tribunal which dealt with them, and partly to the assistance given by the great companies to new lines, not in consideration of the wants of the districts, but of the extent of territory which

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  they could thereby secure against their rivals. He agreed that the shareholders in large companies should give their assent to any scheme on which it was proposed that their money should be lent, and he thought the Amendment of the noble Lord (Lord Portman) would give effect to that object in a more temperate manner than the original proposition of the Chairman of Committees. It was mostly on compulsion that the great companies had given their assistance to the small lines. Their Lordships ought to be very cautious how they imposed further checks on the construction of small lines, which were essential to the improvement of the country.
  THE EARL OF LUCANhoped their Lordships would pause before they adopted either noble Lord's Resolution. He had had considerable experience of railways in Ireland, and if this Resolution had been in force for the last eight or ten years the progress of the railway system in that country would have been very much impeded.
  EARL GRANVILLEsaid, there could be no doubt that the tendency of this Standing Order would be to check the promotion of branch lines, which, in many cases, were very advantageous to the country. The two noble Lords who had spoken first on this subject agreed as to the existence of the evil, but differed as to the remedy to be applied, and of the two he thought it would be much safer to appoint a Select Committee, composed chiefly of noble Lords who were in the habit of taking part in the private business of the House, than to rush into the adoption of the Resolution which the noble Lord opposite had moved.
  LORD REDESDALEsaid, he was perfectly prepared to acquiesce in any proposition which would tend to remove the evil of which he complained, and if noble Lords would give their time and attention to a Select Committee he should be very glad to have the matter referred to it. He must protest, however, against the doctrine that great Companies should be compelled to subscribe their money to make lines which were in no way profitable to them. It was not fair that because many of their directors happened to be mixed up a great deal with persons who were concerned in getting up these schemes that, therefore, the shareholders should be injured by having their money subscribed to lines which could be no benefit to them.
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  The small remuneration which railway property now earned was owing chiefly, he believed, to competition to get hold of districts which did not enter into their original schemes. Railway companies had shown too great eagerness to become great concerns, and with that view had undertaken matters which did not repay them the price they had to pay. What he desired was that railway companies should carefully consider all these points before they came forward to undertake new schemes. He would consult with the noble Lord opposite as to the appointment of a Select Committee.
  Motion (by Leave of the House) withdrawn.
  Select Committee appointed,
  "To inquire into the Manner in which Companies shall be authorized to subscribe or guarantee any Money to be employed in the Undertaking of any other Company." The Lords following were named of the Committee; the Committee to meet on Monday next, at Four o'Clock:—

  E. Lucan.

  L. Colchester.

  E. Lonsdale.

  L. Portman.

  L. Wycombe.

  L. Overstone.

  L. Redesdale.

  L. Churston.

  STATE OF TURKEY—ADDRESS FOR PAPERS.
  VISCOUNT STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE,moved that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty for
  "Copies or Extracts of any Correspondence which has passed between the Foreign Department and Her Majesty's Embassy at Constantinople in the last and present Years on the Subject of Financial or Administrative Reforms in Turkey, especially of such as were proclaimed in the late Sultan's Hatt-i-homayoon of the Year 1856, and more particularly since the Accession of the reigning Sultan,"
  The noble Lord said, it will be within your Lordship's recollection that about a fortnight ago I put a question to the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs relative to the late demise of the Sultan Abdul Medjid. I did not anticipate at that time that it would be necessary for me to go at any length into the question, because the answer which I received was sufficiently satisfactory; but it may also be within your recollection that my noble and gallant Friend opposite (the Earl of Hardwicke), stimulated by the interest which he takes in all public matters, and especially in this particular subject, made what I may be allowed to call an onslaught, not upon me

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  personally, but upon questions with which I had been intimately connected in Turkey. The rules of the House prevented me from at once going into those observations in the manner which the importance of the question and the authority of my noble and gallant Friend required, and I was, therefore, compelled to announce my intention of bringing the subject before you on another occasion. At this moment I should be glad to be permitted to put off the subject to another day, from personal causes of indisposition, but on looking at the notice paper I find no opportunity will be open to me for another fortnight, and the Session will be so far advanced then that the opportunity will be lost altogether. The noble Earl seemed to be under the impression that the policy pursued by us with respect to Turkey for some years back had been one of an entirely mistaken character, and had been productive of mischief instead of good. If I understood him aright, his impression was that there was not the slightest prospect of any effect being produced on the great interests of that empire, that the reforms which had been adopted were merely of a formal character, and would lead to no consequence, and that the only chance of succeeding was by the conversion of the whole Mussulman population to Christianity. I should be sorry if at a moment that may be called critical in the affairs of Turkeys—that of the transfer of the chief authority from one Sultan to another—any false impression should go abroad of the opinion of this House. It is on that account that I venture to trespass for a few moments on your Lordships' indulgence, not with a view of affording any information to your Lordships, but of calling attention to some points of the subject that ought not to be lost sight of at a time like this, when the supreme power has devolved from one member of the Imperial family to another. It is important to consider whether the system that has been pursued so long in Turkey is to be counteracted by a Sultan of a different character; or, whether, by taking up the late Sultan's policy, he will, by greater energy of character, give hopes that the dangers connected with the state of the empire may be averted. I have already paid what I think is but a fair tribute to the late Sultan, under whose reign of more than twenty years Turkey has undoubtedly made great progress in improvement. I think it would be sad if, now he has passed from life under the shadow of the
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  calamities that clouded the last year of his reign, all that he did for the empire should be subjected to censure and reproach. It is a matter of great interest whether the reforms introduced under his reign shall fall into disuse, or whether, by the proper support of Her Majesty's Government and its allies, we are to realize the expectations formed of them. This, my Lords, is a matter in which this country has a real interest. It is not necessary for me to point out the vast extent of the Turkish empire or the advantages of its extensive commerce with this country. We know that this commerce has been a matter of interest to England for two or three centuries, and that it has lately been considerably increased by trade with Persia and the provinces on the Danube; and this trade may be still further increased for the future. At this moment, when there is a prospect of our suffering severely by the unfortunate events now taking place in America, our commerce with the East is of especial importance. It is the opinion of those well qualified to judge, that much of the soil of Turkey is adapted to the cultivation of cotton. But, of course, no such cultivation can be promoted by British capital unless it is secured by an improved system of legislation in the Turkish Empire. On that ground alone, in addition to others, there is every reason to wish that the reforms that have so often occupied the attention of this country should be carried into effect. We know also that our political influence requires us to attend to our interests in Turkey. If that empire continues to decay, without assistance from Europe, it will be reduced to a state that will excite the attention and ambition of its powerful neighbours, and render necessary some steps to procure a new settlement of Europe. This cannot but be a source of danger—it is shown by the strong steps and the many efforts this country and the other Powers of Europe have made to stave off that peril. The policy of this country, form the earliest period of its connections with the East, proves the interest we have always taken in the affairs of Turkey. In the last century, and even earlier, we interfered between other Powers and the Porte. Of late years the course of events in Turkey has excited apprehensions that that empire is tending to dissolution, and it has been judged necessary to take stronger measures and interfere in a more marked manner to avert the danger apprehended.

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  In several cases during the present century England has interfered, not only by her counsel and mediation, but with fleets and armies. And it is natural to ask the question whether all these costly sacrifices are to be thrown to the winds, or whether we are further to seek to realize the results for which we have so strenuously endeavoured. The alternative presented to us is, whether we will see the whole of that part of Europe engaged for a lengthened period in a sanguinary struggle, and perhaps ourselves take a share in the spoliation, which must be the result of that struggle; or, whether we will take such measures as may prevent the contingency of such a struggle arising at all. I think we should expose ourselves to just reproach, and incur a deep responsibility, if, at a moment of so much importance, we left it at all in doubt whether the policy we have always pursued is to be continued. From the accounts recently received from Constantinople I am inclined to think the course of the present Sultan has been satisfactory. He seems to have acted in a manner that does credit to his wisdom and sense of justice. But, at the same time, we must not confide too entirely on these reports. I think some of these statements are founded on great exaggerations. Thus, we have heard that nearly 2,000 ladies have been dismissed from the late Sultan's seraglio. Now, there are only four of the wives of the Sultan who are recognized by law, but there is a minor rank of wives that extends to three others. But even if we double this number, which would be a fair allowance, we must suppose that each of these ladies had seventy or eighty attendants. I have no doubt that my noble Friend has more authentic information that I can possess, and I trust that he will be able to tell us whether present appearances are such as to justify the hopes which are entertained. Such being the case, it is most important that there should be no mistake as to the opinion of this House. The Sultan will be exposed to unpopularity amongst persons connected with his own immediate circle in prosecuting the reforms which have been promised; it would be most disastrous if that unpopularity were encouraged by any mistaken idea of the feelings of this House, and it would on the other hand, no doubt, cheer him to find that his policy meets with the cordial support and sympathy of Her Majesty's Government. I trust your Lordships will
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  allow that the view I have taken of this subject is consistent with historic truth and with the policy which has long been pursued by this country. I cannot exaggerate the importance of continuing in the same line of policy. But we are told that that policy is useless—that the Turkish Government is exposed to so many dangers that it is impossible to prevent them entirely, and that our utmost efforts cannot guard against that catastrophe which we all dread. There is no doubt as to the extent of the danger to which the Ottoman Empire is exposed, arising from a long continued system of mal-administration, which has reduced that country to its present unsafe, and, in some respects, degraded condition. Still, as I have said, there has been progress in recent times. Strangers who have visited the country have noticed improvements, and have published their observations upon them — especially improvements in the condition of that part of the population which is most entitled to our sympathies—the Greek population. I remember the time when the establishment of a Greek Kingdom was a most popular idea in this country. There were then persons who thought that we were dealing a violent blow to the existence of our old ally by the part we took in the contest which led to the formation of the kingdom of Greece. I took a different view of the matter, and thought I saw ground for expecting great improvement in the condition of the Turkish Empire from the establishment of an independent Greece. How could it have been possible to establish an independent kingdom of Greece without compelling the Turkish Government to improve the condition of the Greek subjects who still remained under its sway? And, again, how could the condition of their Greek subjects be ameliorated without involving an improvement in the condition of the Mussulman population? I believed that I saw a prospect of vast improvement throughout the East. If all the hopes I then entertained have not been entirely realized considerable progress has been made towards their fulfilment, and when we look around us and see what are the reforms attempted in other parts of Europe, and what great changes have taken place during the present century, we must admit that there have been great difficulties in the way of effecting reforms, and that time was required to carry them into complete opera-

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  tion. On the whole, I think that the present aspect of affairs in Turkey is calculated to encourage our hopes, that by persevering in the policy which is disapproved by my noble and gallant Friend we may yet avoid the evils which are apprehended, and succeed in establishing peace and order in that empire. There is another circumstance which we must bear in mind. Notwithstanding the degree of weakness into which Turkey has fallen, there is no doubt about her vast resources; and if, by the due execution of these reforms which have been recorded in treaties, a better state of things could be brought about, those resources will be opened out more fully than they are at present. There is hope of that result being arrived at if we persevere in the same course of policy which we have hitherto adopted. A large portion of the Turkish population are very fanatical in their opinions; and, in order to obtain the complete carrying out of the reforms which have been promised, and which alone can lead to the full development of the resources of Turkey, there must be a steady, friendly, but sufficient pressure upon the Turkish Government But I admit that all these motives for perseverance would be inadequate to prevent hesitation as to our policy if there was not another reason. Beyond the reasons I have given, I must remark that we are positively bound by solemn obligations to support and assist the Turkish Empire to the last extremity. I maintain that the honour of England under our present engagements requires us to use our arms and expend our treasure to prevent the Turkish Empire from falling to pieces; just as we made sacrifices and incurred great risks to redeem our pledges to Portugal early in the present century. If the Turkish Empire is in danger, if it be true that we have a great interest in seeing that Empire placed in a more secure position it is, I say, only consistent in us to do all that lies in our power to redeem our pledges to that country in order to prevent the occurrence of the apprehended mischief. It seems, therefore, plain that we ought to persevere in the policy which we have so long adopted. The House will hardly be surprised that I, although one of the least worthy of its Members, should attempt, before it is too late, to elicit from them an expression of opinion in favour of the maintenance of the Ottoman Empire, in order that the statement of my noble and gallant Friend may not go forth without being accom-
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  panied by some declaration of this House that we should continue to follow that course of policy which has already been attended with great results, and which justifies sanguine hopes for the future. This is the more important, because, in preparing for an apprehended evil, we are not called upon to make any immediate sacrifice nor to embroil ourselves with any other Power; but in persevering in the course I have suggested, we shall obtain, if not the complete fulfilment of our hopes, yet great beneficial results, by giving additional security to our commercial relations, and giving greater stability to the empire which we have undertaken to support. My Lords, I have been unwilling to enter into details on a subject which, in its general bearings, is so well known to all of us; but which, at the same time, is not known to the country at large to the extent that could be desired—a subject, indeed, in respect to which so great a degree of ignorance prevails, that one of the most intelligent writers on such questions has lately made a remark which I take the liberty of reading to your Lordships. The work to which I refer is written in French, and this is its opening sentence—
  "Il est remarquable que, dans I'etat actuel dela politique en Europe, la Turquie, malgre I'importance de son role, malgre la navigation a vapeur, malgre les progres de la statistique moderne continue a etre aussi peu connue comme elle I' etait durant les deux derniers siecles."
  Although it would be great presumption on my part to suppose that I could convey any instruction in this matter to your Lordships, and still less to Her Majesty's Government, yet it is to be feared that a very large proportion of the people out of doors, who have the means of learning what passes in this House, are in want of information in regard to it. It is of great consequence that the country at large should understand the nature of our relations and interests connected with the Turkish Empire—what is the policy that we have pursued for many years, the obligations under which we have been placed, and the danger against which we have to provide; because how can we expect Her Majesty's Government to feel themselves at liberty to adopt a stronger policy, and, above all, to incur any immediate sacrifices, should that unfortunately be necessary, unless they have an intelligent and instructed public to back them? I humbly conceive, therefore, that I am discharging a duty in drawing attention, even beyond the precincts of this

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  House, to a subject of so much importance, and which, in times like these of great and sudden changes, may perhaps be brought home to our own doors sooner than we expect. It is, my Lords, with much reluctance that, even without entering into details, I have trespassed on your notice, especially at this advanced period of the Session; and most happy should I be if, in retiring from your Lordships' presence, I should feel that I had so fully discharged my duty towards this question that, whatever may happen hereafter, I should never again have to open my mouth upon it. If I have the good fortune to have impressed your Lordship's minds with the truth of the facts and the correctness of the arguments which I have brought forward, I shall hope that, upon reflection and fair consideration of the great and leading points of the question, I shall have the satisfaction of eliciting from Her Majesty's Government a declaration sufficient to an answer the expressions which lately proceeded from a noble and gallant Earl opposite; and to show that the Turkish Government, in its new circumstances, will be adequately encouraged and sustained in the arduous task which it has undertaken, but which it has hitherto been so imperfectly executed. It is surely no exaggeration to say that, in the present state of the world, the Government and the Parliament of England have a great duty to perform in this matter, and that a heavy responsibility must attend any indifference or negligence in its performance. The mission which they have to fulfil is one of the most solemn and sacred nature. It is a mission of knowledge, of freedom, of humanity—a mission dictated by the purest motives, and, I may add, sanctioned by Christian principles. For its due fulfilment, the power and influence which we posses as a nation have been entrusted to us; and it should ever be remembered that any apathy or lukewarmness in respect to that great end may involve the forfeiture of the means. I thank your Lordships for the kindness with which you have listened to me, and beg to conclude by moving the Address of which I have given notice.
  LORD WODEHOUSEsaid, that his noble Friend spoke with so much authority on all subjects relating to Turkey that it was with some hesitation that any one must differ from him; yet he ventured to think that the present moment was not peculiarly opportune for raising a discussion on internal reforms in the Turkish
  786
  Empire. He quite agreed with the noble Lord in the general necessity for those reforms in that country; and probably there was not one Member of that House who had paid any attention to the subject who was not of that opinion. Having had occasion more than once to trouble the House with observations of his own on this matter, he was the more reluctant now to repeat what he had already stated; but while concurring in the general necessity of reforms in Turkey, he thought that at the present moment, when there had been a recent change in the reigning Sovereign of that country, and when the Government had had, as they conceived, distinct proofs that the new Sovereign was disposed to inaugurate his reign with salutary reforms, it was more becoming in foreign Powers to wait and see whether the Sultan persevered in the course he had commenced, than by advice which would now be unreasonable and premature, to deprive him, in the eyes both of his own subjects and of Europe, of the credit which he would naturally reap from having begun his rule as he had done. The new Sultan had proclaimed his intentions in the most authoritative manner, by what was called a hatti-scheriff, and from that document, as published, their Lordships would perhaps allow him to quote one or two sentences. The Sultan says—
  "I am firmly resolved on what all the world knows it is, with the help of God, my most earnest desire to increase—the prosperity of the State and the well-being of all my subjects without distinction; and I have confirmed in their entire fulness all the fundamental laws which have up to the present been promulgated and established with a view to promote this happy end, and to insure to all the inhabitants of my dominions life, honour, and the enjoyment of their property."
  And his Majesty concluded in these words—
  "I also firmly proclaim that my desire for the prosperity of my subjects will know no distinction, and that those of my people who are of different religions or races shall find in me the same justice, the same solicitude, and the same perseverance in assuring their prosperity. The Progressive development of the rich resources with which God has endowed our empire, the true progress of the welfare which is to result therefrom for all who live under the shadow of my imperial power, and the independence of my great empire, shall be the object of my constant thoughts."
  It was impossible that a more distinct assurance than this could be given that it was the intention of the present Sultan to maintain the laws established by his predecessor, and, what was more to the pur-

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  pose, that he would endeavour to carry out those laws. It was manifestly too early yet to judge of what the result of those promises might be, because it was only a few days since His Majesty had ascended the throne; but it was only due to the new Sultan to say that the actual measures which he had already taken gave an earnest that he did not mean to confine himself to mere words. The Government necessarily had not much information as to events that were so recent; but it appeared certain that the Sultan had taken measures for putting an end to the extravagant expense of the establishment of the late Sultan, thereby destroying one of those abuses which undoubtedly brought most discredit on the late reign. And although the Government were not at all prepared to lay on the table, as his noble Friend rather seemed to expect, the statistics of the late Sultan's seraglio, as his noble Friend had alluded to that subject he might say that the present Sultan shared with his Christian subjects the advantage of having only one wife, and also shared with his Mahommedan subjects that peculiar temperance in wine which was one distinguishing characteristic of their religion. Nothing reflected greater credit on the deceased Sovereign than the way in which he treated the brother who had succeeded him; because him; because it was owing to that treatment that the present Sultan enjoyed that freedom of intercourse with the world, and those opportunities of improving himself which were formerly denied to members of the Imperial family. The present Sultan was believed to be a man of considerable energy of character, and was said to have declared to his Ministers, in the most distinct and earnest manner, his determination to apply his mind and all the power he possessed to the reform of the abuses which prevailed in his empire. It was most desirable that he should have the sympathy and support of the Christian Powers, and in no way could that support be better given than by allowing him time to show to his subjects that it was because he himself saw the necessity of reforms, and not because they had been forced upon him by foreign Powers, that he had adopted them. In that way he would be able to establish his throne far more firmly than he could by carrying out any measures which were dictated to him by foreign Powers. After all, the stability of every Government must depend upon the principles which itself
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  professed, and not upon those which were imposed upon it from without; and if the present Sultan was convinced, as he trusted he was, that the reforms which he had promised were necessary to the safety and welfare of his empire, and showed that he entertained that conviction, he would produce an effect upon his Mussulman subjects and obtain an influence over them such as could not be obtained by any Sovereign the adoption of reforms by whom was suspected by his subjects to have been forced upon him by foreign Powers. He agreed with his noble Friend that this was a most important crisis in the history of the Turkish empire and of its relations with foreign Powers. He was anxious that the Turkish Government should have full leisure to carry out the measures of reform which had been promised: but, at the same time, he admitted that, considering the interest which we must take in the preservation of the independence and integrity of the Turkish Empire, in the maintenance of our treaties, and in the promotion of everything that could conduce to the prosperity of that empire, it would ill become Her Majesty's Government—and he was sure that it was far from their intention—to lose sight of those reforms, to the adoption of which we attached the greatest importance, and which he trusted that the present Sultan would soon carry into effect. If his noble Friend would consent to alter the terms of his Motion, so that it might not include Correspondence during the reign of the present Sultan which was of such extremely recent date, he should have no objection to the production of the papers moved for.
  THE EARL OF HARDWICKEsaid, that he was very much tempted to reply to many of the arguments of his noble Friend opposite: but the noble Lord the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs had made so clear and distinct a statement that the Sultan was to be allowed to conduct his affairs as an independent Sovereign that he did not think it necessary to prolong this discussion. He was anxious that, in carrying out any reforms which he might be disposed to adopt, the Sultan should receive all the support which Her Majesty's Government could give; and he hoped that in giving this Correspondence the noble Lord would also produce that which took place during the visit of his noble Friend opposite to the Sultan.
  LORD WODEHOUSEcould not, with-

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  out consultation with his noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Office promise to give this Correspondence.
  VISCOUNT STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFEhad no objection to alter his Motion as suggested by the noble Lord the Under Secretary of State. He had no desire to rush into the councils of the Sultan; his only object had been to show that he ought to be encouraged to the utmost extent by Her Majesty's Government in making the reforms which he had promised.
  Motion, as amended, agreed to.

LABOURERS' COTTAGES BILL.

  SECOND READING.
  Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
  THE EARL OF DEVONmoved that this Bill be read a second time. Its object was to promote the building of improved cottages for labourers, by giving, in certain cases, greater facilities for borrowing money to be applied to that purpose. No fact was more firmly established than that inadequate and impure cottage accommodation was the source, not of physical, but of moral degradation to the inmates. The estate, also, suffered from the imperfections of the cottages upon it, and would be benefited by their improvement. There were many cases where proprietors with large estates, through having only a limited interest or legal disability, could not procure the funds to carry out improvements. The object of the Bill was to enable persons so situated, through the intervention of the Inclosure Commissioners, to apply a limited sum of money, under certain sanctions and conditions, to the erection of cottages, and to charge the expenditure on the inheritance. That principle had been repeatedly recognized, both in public and private Bills, and Parliament had also acknowledged that the improvement of the houses of the working classes was worthy of encouragement. As no novel or startling principle was involved in the measure, and as its object was one which their Lordships must approve, he hoped they would give it their sanction.
  Moved, That the Bill be now read 2a.
  LORD PORTMANthought that their Lordships would do well to pause before they committed themselves to such a public Bill founded on the principle that the tenant for life should be allowed to charge the inheritance of his estate with the out-
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  lay for improvements and repairs of cottages which he had made. The subject had been under the consideration of various Committees, but none of them had admitted that cottage property was of that permanently beneficial character which would entitle expenditure on that head to be charged against the heir, but had held that such wills were peculiarly the duty of the tenant for life. The Bill fixed the amount to be laid out on a cottage at not more than £120; but after deducting £20 or £50 for the expense of putting in motion the ill-considered machinery of this Bill, a sum would be left which might suffice for a Devonshire cob house, but scarcely for a substantial cottage. He believed that the machinery of the Bill as developed in the Clauses, was of so cumbrous a character as would render it practically inoperative, and many of the clauses cannot be amended in consistency with the privileges of the House of Commons. He, therefore, moved that it be read a second time that day three months.
  Amendment moved, to leave out ("now") and insert ("this Day three Months.")
  THE EARL OF GALLOWAYreminded their Lordships that the principle of the Bill had been already sanctioned by Parliament in an Act which was passed last Session in reference to Scotland. It was very desirable that the erection of good cottages should be facilitated; and he hoped the House would at least read the measure a second time. It might be modified in Committee, if necessary.
  LORD REDESDALEthought that what was proposed to be done by means of this Bill could already be done under several Acts of Parliament through the Inclosure Commissioners; and there were also some provisions in reference to persons possessing the fee-simple which seemed to him to be useless. Nobody was more desirous than himself that the cottages of labourers should be improved, but he thought it was hardly desirable to pass this Bill for the purpose of instituting a new way of raising money for the purpose.
  VISCOUNT DUNGANNONsaid, it was important in a moral point of view that cottages should be erected which would conduce to the comfort and health of the occupants, and as many persons in possession of estates could not afford, to make the necessary outlay, he thought it desirable that they should be assisted, if it could be done without detriment to the inheritance. He did not approve some of

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  the details of the Bill, but it seemed unfair not to allow it to be committed.
  On Question, That ("now") stand part of the Motion? their Lordships divided:— Contents 13; Not-Contents 16: Majority 3.
  Resolved in the negative, and Bill to be read 2a, this Day Six Months.

BOOK UNIONS BILL.

  SECOND READING.
  Order of the Day for the Second Reading read.
  LORD BROUGHAM,in moving the second reading of this Bill, said it simply extended to libraries and book societies the principle of the art unions act, which had been found very useful in cultivating the taste of the working classes. Every subscriber would receive a book of the value of his subscription and a chance at the end of the year of gaining by a raffle a choice of books of specified value from a catalogue. No money would be given, and every precaution would be taken that, in encouraging reading, they should not encourage gambling. The Bill came from the other House, where it was unopposed, and, was supported by the Secretary of State for the Home Department.
  Moved, that the Bill he now read 2a.
  EARL GREYsaid, he doubted whether in respect to art unions the principle legalized by Act of Parliament was a wise one. But there was this reason in their favour—that it was impossible for many persons fond of art to purchase pictures for considerable sums, and as purchasers were found for them by the system of combination art was encouraged. The same reason did not apply to books, because there was no difficulty in printing any book which was worth it. If the principle that they ought not to encourage lotteries or games of chance were a sound one, no reason could be assigned for departing from it in the case of books. It was highly inexpedient to depart from the recognized principle of our law without a proved necessity, and he should, therefore, move that the Bill be read a second time that day three months.
  Amendment moved, to leave out ("now") and insert ("this Day Three Months.")
  LORD DENMANsupported the Bill.
  EARL GRANVILLEwas sorry to oppose any Bill proposed by his noble and learned Friend, but if the noble Earl pressed his Amendment to a division he should feel compelled to support him.
  LORD BROUGHAMsaid, that when the Bill was in the other House, the Home Secretary not only voted for it but spoke in its favour. He did not bring the measure forward as one of necessity, but of expediency, and of great advantage, not to booksellers, printers, or authors, but to readers. It would tend very much to encourage reading among a class who, at present, were not much given to it. He wished it to be distinctly understood that it was not owing to any fault of his that the Bill was lost.
  On Question, That ("now") stand Part of the Motion?
  Resolved in the Negative; and Bill to be read 2a this Day Three Months.
  House adjourned at a quarter before Eight o'clock, to Monday next, Eleven o'clock.