Lords Sitting of 8 June 1858

MINUTES.
PUBLIC BILLS.—1a Hainault Forest (Allotment of Commons).
3a Portumna Bridge (Ireland); Stamp Duty on Passports.

CHANCERY AMENDMENT BILL.

  REPORT.
  Amendments reported (according to Order).
  LORD BROUGHAMsaid, the Bill was the converse of a somewhat material amendment of the Courts of Chancery and Common Law, passed by the Common Law Procedure Act. That Act gave to the Courts of Common Law certain portions of equitable jurisdiction, and this Bill, on the other hand was to give to the Courts of Equity certain portions of what had been hitherto common law jurisdiction. There was one part of the measure to which he objected—namely, the giving to the Court the power, without the consent of the parties, and without the intervention of a jury, to send questions of the assessment of damages before the Masters or Chief Clerks in Chancery. He had prepared an Amendment to carry out his views in that respect, but he would forbear moving it until the third reading of the Bill, in the hope that its promoters would themselves consent to make the requisite alteration.
  After a few words from Lord CAMPBELL,
  LORD ST. LEONARDSsaid, if this Bill passed in its present form, in all cases for the specific performance of a contract there would be another issue as to the amount of the damages sustained. He objected to a Judge sitting alone assessing damages, and should have divided the Committee on the point if anybody would have supported him. He trusted that his noble Friend on the woolsack would reflect seriously on the effect of this Bill, so that some alteration might be made in it before the third reading.
  THE LORD CHANCELLORsaid, he believed Lord St. Leonards stood alone in his objection. The Bill was founded on the recommendation of the Chancery Commission of 1856; it had passed the Commons, and there the matter was fully considered by the lawyers who were Members of that House, and they were unanimously of opinion that the Bill ought to pass.

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  The only difference from the recommendation of the Commissioners was in the special machinery by which the Judges would be able to perform the functions which were given them in assessing damages or ascertaining facts, namely, by enabling them to summon a jury. The noble and learned Lord near him (Lord Brougham) objected that the Judges, to whom was given the power by this Bill of assessing damages, might be disposed to transfer to the Chief Clerks that particular duty, and he objected to that being done without the consent of parties. He understood the Lord Chief Justice to suggest that there was no necessity whatever for this particular Amendment, because he considered the Judges would never shift from themselves the responsibility of assessing the damages except in eases of trifling amount, where it was infinitely better that they should be settled by the Chief Clerk than by the Judge in open court. He thought he might suggest to his noble Friend that it was not necessary to press his Amendment.
  LORD CRANWORTHthought they were discussing a very unneccessary Amendment. There was nothing in the Bill to enable the Judge to transfer the assessing of damages to the Chief Clerk.
  LORD BROUGHAMread the clause, which stated that "it shall be lawful for the Court to award damages, and such damages may be assessed in such manner as the Court may direct." This wording, he considered, justified the opinion he had expressed.
  Report considered. Bill to be read 3a on Monday next.

COMPETITIVE EXAMINATIONS FOR THE CIVIL SERVICE—QUESTION.
LORD LYTTELTONrose to put a question to the Government upon a subject to which he attached great importance—namely, the system of competitive examinations for the civil service. He believed the recent change in our system had been productive of much good to all parties, for it had tended to remedy the evils of patronage and improve the general standard of education. The results of the system, as appeared by the Report of the Civil Service Commissioners, had been good; and the examinations on the whole had been well and judiciously conducted. He was not, however, about to enter into the general merits of the system, which he conceived
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to have been placed beyond argument. The point to which he wished to refer was that of open, general, unrestricted, competition—he did not, of course, mean unrestricted in every sense—unrestricted as to the appropriate qualifications of the persons examined; but in the sense that the examinations should be open to every person properly qualified. The original Order in Council, which was dated May 21, 1855, expressly reserved the system of nomination. He did not mean to say that Order had not been acted upon, or that it had not been productive of good. At a very early period after the Order in Council to which he had referred was issued, a Motion was made in the House of Commons to the effect that an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, praying that Her Majesty would be graciously pleased to direct the establishment of a system of open competition in the case of candidates for the Civil Service. That Motion was met by the previous question, which was carried by a majority of 140 to 125. An address upon the same subject was again, however, within a year moved, which was also met by the Previous Question, which upon a division was carried by a majority of 21—the numbers being 108 and 87. The question was, he might add, once more submitted to the notice of the House of Commons on the 2nd of July, 1857, when a Resolution was passed to the effect that it was the opinion of the House that the principle of unrestricted competition ought to be extended in conformity with the decision at which the House had previously arrived. To that Resolution an unanimous assent was given. Now, he must say that he had heard with some little surprise that hardly any result had followed that Vote of the House of Commons. The Commissioners themselves had, for instance, in their last Report stated most distinctly that competition for situations in the Civil Service had not been open to all those who were desirous of coming forward and who had fulfilled the requisite conditions; the competition being limited to persons who had been nominated by the authorities to whom was intrusted the duty of making public appointments, in direct contravention of the Vote of the other House of Parliament. In the case of India he believed there now existed a really effective system of open competition for the Civil Service, and he was sorry to find that some doubt prevailed as to whether such was the

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case in regard to the Civil Service at home. A vote of the House of Commons had but a few days before been given in favour of the system of open competition at examinations for the Artillery at Woolwich; and he could not, taking into account the frequent expressions of opinion in favour of the general establishment of such a system, help thinking that there was some little reason to complain of the position in which the question at the present moment stood. He was not, however, disposed to cast the slightest blame upon the present Government, which had been only a short time in office, in reference to the subject, and he should therefore content himself with simply asking whether it was the intention of the noble Lord at its head to carry any further the system of competitive examination for appointments in the Civil Service?
THE EARL OF DERBYsaid, it was not his intention, in replying to the question which had just been put to him, to enter into any general discussion of the merits of the system of competitive examination. He might, however, state that that system prevailed in the case of appointments to clerkships in the Treasury, in the Secretary of State's offices, in the Board of Trade, and in the Customs Department. The principle which it involved was nevertheless of quite a novel character, and one the development of which their Lordships and the country ought, in his opinion, to watch with great care. It was not at all improbable that many cases would, under its operation, occur—as many had occurred—in which candidates who had, beyond all question, proved themselves to be superior, so far as a mere examination was concerned, to their opponents, and who had in consequence obtained the public appointments which they sought—would be found to be in other respects completely inadequate to the discharge of the duties which they would be called upon to perform. In support of that view he might observe that he had heard of three young men who not long ago had passed an examination in a most creditable manner for admission to Woolwich, and yet it had turned out that one of them could not be taught to ride; while another objected to the system of drill to which he was subjected; the third declared he could not live at Woolwich. He might also mention the case of a young gentleman who had been appointed a clerk in the Foreign Office, after having
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passed an examination in which he had shown himself greatly superior to his opponents, but who laboured under a physical infirmity, which—although he might perform the duties of his office exceedingly well—rendered him in some important respects less qualified than others would be for the particular position which he happened to occupy. With respect to competitive examinations, he could only say that in his opinion the greatest care ought to be taken in determing their character. The same kind of examination was not adopted for all cases. The same form of examination ought not, for instance, he thought, to be invariably laid down in the case of candidates for situations the duties of which were entirely different. It must also be borne in mind, in dealing with the question, that in examination from papers or vivâ voce—and particularly vivâ voce—many men superior in real qualifications failed to obtain the places to which their attainments entitled them. Some men were of a nervous temperament, while some had not their powers of memory so completely at command as those with whom they were called upon to compete. Some men, moreover, might fail in those portions of the examination to which they might be subjected, which were utterly insignificant; and he could not, under these circumstances, help feeling that it was the duty of Parliament to be exceedingly cautious and circumspect in extending the principle for which his noble Friend contended. In giving expression to those sentiments, however, he must not be understood as being opposed to that principle. He, upon the contrary, was as anxious as any man could be to see the means of obtaining honourable employment in the public service placed within the reach of the middle classes in this country; but he at the same time felt quite sure that it was expedient that the system of a competitive examination should for some years to come be regarded in the light of an experiment which required to be carefully watched. Their Lordships should recollect that, although it was very easy to extend the system if it were found advantageous, yet there would be much greater difficulty in restricting and diminishing the amount of competition, if it were once extended too far, however great the inconvenience which might result from it. For his own part, he differed from his noble Friend if he thought that every clerkship

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in every office should be open to the unlimited competition of any number of persons who chose to come forward. He (the Earl of Derby) thought it was due to the heads of the different departments that they should have the opportunity of selecting from their lists persons whom they thought most likely to suit the requisitions of the different offices which became vacant. Subject these to the greatest amount of competition possible; let the best men win without reference to influence; and, above all, of those who were subjected to the competition, let none be selected who did not come up to a certain minimum standard of qualification. He did not agree either that only one out of a large number of persons who entered into competition should be selected. If eighteen or twenty presented themselves for examination, and only one were selected out of those, the number of disappointments would be unduly large, and young men would be discouraged from coming up when the chances of success were so greatly against them. His opinion was—and he believed arrangements to that effect were in contemplation at some of the public offices—that a greater number of persons should be introduced for examination, and that they should compete for more than one office at the same time. Thus, instead of having three men to contend for one appointment, the result of which might be that two men of superior qualifications might fail to get anything, three or four clerkships should be put up at the same moment among three times the number of candidates. In that case, out of twelve or fifteen competitors, the three best men would obtain employment; whereas according to the present system there might be three very inferior men contending for one clerkship and three very superior men for another, so that it did not follow that the two appointments would be filled by the two best men. Some alteration of this kind might be necessary, and meanwhile the attention of the Government and of the different departments should be steadily directed to this principle of competitive examination, not with a view to abandon it or to hastily extend it, but with a view carefully to watch its effects and introduce such changes as experience might seem to render desirable. He believed that in all the different offices there was every disposition to give the fullest and fairest trial to this experiment; and he did hope
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their Lordships and the other House would consider it as an experiment, the progress of which should be watched with the greatest possible caution.
EARL GRANVILLEsaid, he did not think that the noble Lord (Lord Lyttelton) had any good grounds for accusing the late Government of having broken faith with the House of Commons on this subject; because, if he remembered right, in the last debate which took place in the other House, when a Resolution passed in favour of competitive examination, both the then Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Prime Minister clearly laid down that, in agreeing to it they agreed merely to the limited amount of competition which was now in force; and the Resolution was agreed to on that understanding. He concurred with the noble Earl at the head of the Government that it was much easier to extend than to contract the system of competitive examination, and that, at all events, there was no harm in going slowly to work. He must say, however, as far as his experience went—and it would probably be confirmed by the noble Marquis who succeeded him—that in the Council Office the success of the system had been very marked as to the clerks selected under it. He believed, too, that the general experience of all the public offices was in favour of the system. No doubt, in some instances the result, as mentioned by the noble Earl, might be rather ridiculous. There was a difficulty, for example, in competitive examinations for military appointments which did not exist in civil offices, because in the former case certain qualities were necessary which it was very difficult to test by examination. With regard, however, to the gentleman in the Foreign Office who had obtained a clerkship by a competitive examination and was then found to be suffering from physical infirmity, if he was not greatly mistaken, one of the most useful clerks in the Foreign Office appointed under the old system was certainly suffering under at least an equal physical disability. On the whole, he believed that if you took any large number of cases into account the men who had given proofs of study in a competitive examination were more likely to have those habits of industry, attention, and accuracy which were, after all, of the most importance in those who aspired to fill public appointments. Then, also, it should be remembered that probation formed a very important part of the new system. Besides

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the certificates of character required—which, he admitted, were often not much to be depended on, any more than the recommendations under the old system—no appointment was finally filled up until the candidate had undergone a considerable probation in the office, by which his moral qualities were tested in the same manner as his intellectual qualities had been proved by examination. On the whole, he believed the system worked well.
THE EARL OF ELLENBOROUGHsaid, their Lordships were aware that the civil service of India had been thrown open to competition by Act of Parliament. He had been induced to make some inquiry as to the manner in which that principle worked, and he could not say that the result of his inquiry had been by any means of a favourable nature. In the first place, he found, what he certainly expected, but was extremely sorry to find, that the social position of the gentlemen appointed under the competitive system was very inferior to that of the gentlemen appointed under the old system; and this, he thought, was a subject of very grave regret. From private inquiries he had instituted he found, too, that after they had arrived in India, whatever their success might have been previously, their progress was not proportionately rapid. They stood still; they thought they had obtained their end, and that they had nothing further to do except to enjoy themselves in the lucrative offices conferred upon them by Act of Parliament. He had written to Lord Canning on the subject, and had requested him to send home a full report as to the comparative efficiency and competency of the persons appointed from Haileybury and those appointed under the system of competitive examination. While we were endeavouring to frame as good a theoretical government as we could for India, he trusted their Lordships would recollect that if the persons sent out from hence to govern that empire were of an inferior character no improvement we could by possibility effect in the form of government would counterbalance the mischiefs which would be thus produced.
EARL GREYsaid, he had heard with great satisfaction the answer given by the noble Earl at the head of the Government, and was glad that he recognized the importance of proceeding cautiously in this matter. His own opinion, from all he could hear was, that very great caution indeed was necessary. No man could doubt that a few years ago some great reform as
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to the mode of admitting persons into the civil service was called for; that an examination was required which would fairly test the qualities of the candidates and exclude the incompetent; and that this examination should be conducted by an independent authority different from that by which these persons were appointed. He, for one, had long been convinced of this, and to such an extent he was very glad of the adoption of the principle of competition. When, however, you came to competitive examination, and, above all, to what his noble Friend (Lord Lyttelton) desired—open competitive examination—the case was very different. He believed that no care which could be taken, no caution which could be exercised on the part of those who were to administer this system, could prevent appointments in the civil service under open competition from becoming the reward of successful "cramming." He believed it was impossible to devise an examination which should not be open to that objection. In the early stage of the system this was not felt. People were not prepared for the examination; they did not quite understand it. The system of cramming grew by degrees. We were not, therefore, to judge from the results at present obtained as to what would be the effects of the system of cramming hereafter. Now, he was convinced that with regard to the efficiency in after life of those who were employed in the public service there was no system so fatal as that of cramming. The memory was forced with knowledge which in itself was useless, at the expense of all the higher qualities of mind. Judgment and the powers of reflection were sacrificed, without developing those talents which were really wanted; the brain was over-stimulated at an early age, and the memory overloaded. He believed this to be the tendency of the system; and what had been stated by the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Ellenborough) as to the results which had already made themselves felt in India afforded some confirmation of that belief. Looking at the effect which might be produced not merely upon the civil service, but upon the general education of the country—looking at the prospects of this rising generation, whether intended for the civil service or not—he was persuaded that if the system of cramming were introduced into all our places of public education, owing to the competition which would arise who should get most of these prizes, the

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utmost mischief would be done. He earnestly pressed the noble Earl opposite—while he acted with the caution which he had said would be observed by Her Majesty's Government—to lose no time in making some inquiry as to the effect of the system of competition in other countries, where it had already been established to some extent. He was informed that in France, according to the opinions of men who were best able to form a judgment on the subject, the effect of throwing open many appointments to free competition had been very prejudicial to the young men of that country; and he hoped the noble Earl would take measures for ascertaining accurately what had been the result of such a system in France and in other continental countries in which it had been adopted. He wished to make only one other observation—that he feared if the House of Commons pursued the practice of coming to decisions upon very important questions affecting the administration of public affairs, not by Bills, but by simple Resolutions adopted very hastily, after very little consideration, and frequently against the opinions of Members on both sides who were most competent to give advice on such subjects, they must be prepared to find that the votes so given would often remain a dead letter, and that too with the approbation of the country.
LORD WODEHOUSEfelt as much as any man that cramming could never be productive of sound results; but the question to be considered with regard to the proposal to establish competitive examinations was, whether the system now in force gave better men than could be obtained by competitive examinations. He entirely agreed with the noble Earl at the head of the Government that they ought to rest for a while, and see the effects of what had already been done; but he saw nothing to prevent the possibility of further extending the system. Cramming had some merits. It tested, at any rate, whether a man was able within a given time to get together a large amount of information on any one subject. It might not qualify him for the public service, but, on the whole, it was a considerable advance on the former system; and in considering what they had done, they should endeavour to ascertain whether better men were not got under the new system than when selections were made by a Minister. During his own brief experience he had never found that too much knowledge was a fault, and in selecting men he
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thought competition gave a great spring to an honourable ambition, and a great motive for industry and attention. He believed they could not do better than cautiously to pursue the same system they had entered upon, under which he thought they would find a greater amount of energy, activity, and zeal, for the public service than had hitherto existed.
LORD REDESDALEsaid, that in the army as much depended upon the body as upon the head; and as riding had been alluded to by the noble Earl at the head of the Government, he must say he did not see why candidates for commissions should not be subjected to a competitive examination in riding. He believed that if, on admission into a cavalry corps, there was a competitive examination "across country," with marks for those who got on well, many efficient men would be admitted who would be excluded if it were left entirely to head work. It was no doubt desirable to take care that we did not admit to the public service men who were entirely ignorant; but if we restricted the examination for the army to head work, we should get a set of men who would not be so efficient in the field as could be desired.

THE SLAVE TRADE.

  NOTICE OF MOTION.
  THE BISHOP OF OXFORD: My Lords, I give notice that on Thursday next I will present a petition from Jamaica touching the Spanish Slave Trade, and that I will call your Lordships' attention to the prayer of that petition.
  LORD BROUGHAMrejoiced to hear that such was the intention of the right rev. Prelate. The petition was of the greatest importance, and deserved the fullest attention and consideration at their Lordships' hands. He solemnly adjured his noble Friend (the Earl of Malmesbury) that no time should be lost in urging upon the Spanish Government to effect what they were bound by treaty to do, as well as by every principle of honour and humanity—to take measures for the extirpation of the slave trade from its colonies—by prohibiting effectually the corruption of its governors and others under whose connivance the slave trade had flourished in those colonies. Brazil was under the same stigma at one time; but the firmness of the Portuguese Government finally put a stop to it, and the Portuguese slave trade was absolutely gone. If anything could increase his grief it was by Spain abandon-

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  ing those efforts which she had made for the suppression of the slave trade, leaving the coast of Cuba open in a great measure to that infamous traffic, for it would be impossible to make a blockade there effectually without very great risk of coming into conflict with another power which, unfortunately for the cause, and most disgracefully for itself, had not the same feeling on the subject of the slave trade as we had.

RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES.

  QUESTION.
  THE EARL OF CLARENDONwished to put a question to his noble Friend opposite, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, with reference to the subject to which the noble and learned Lord (Lord Brougham) had just alluded. He wished to know whether his noble Friend could afford the House any information that might tend to allay the great uneasiness which had prevailed in the public mind during the last few days with reference to certain alleged proceedings on the part of British cruisers, and the preparations it was said the United States Government were making to prevent acts which they regarded as equivalent to that right of search which had never been conceded by the United States, and' which were looked upon in that country as national insults. He (the Earl of Clarendon) believed that no information on the subject had yet been received in this country beyond certain ex parte statements which had been published in the United States, and the abstract of some correspondence which had been laid before the Congress by the President. There was, therefore, no means of judging how far the cruisers of Her Majesty had exceeded their instructions by stopping some American vessels which were engaged in the coasting trade, and by firing into others. He not only hoped, but expected, that it would be found there had been a great deal of exaggeration in the statements which had appeared on this subject, and he had no doubt that if his noble Friend had received any information, he would not hesitate to, lay it before their Lordships. At all events, his noble Friend would probably inform their Lordships whether he had had any communication from the United States Government on the subject, and in what state matters were. If, as he (the Earl of Clarendon) had no doubt was the case, no other or mere stringent instructions had been sent out than those under which cruisers had been in the habit of acting,
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  he felt assured that not only were there no grounds of quarrel between the two Governments, but that the irritation—which would be justified if the statements that had been put forth were true—would be but momentary. There were no instructions, of which he had any knowledge, under which the commanders of British cruisers would be authorized to do what it was said had been done; and if they had exceeded their instructions, Her Majesty's Government could have no hesitation in stating that that was the case. This was a question upon which, in his opinion, it was requisite that great forbearance should be exercised by both Governments, to prevent a state of things which neither of them would desire—an extension of the slave trade, or a rupture of political relations. The United States Government were the first to declare the slave trade piracy, and he was therefore convinced that the President of the United States and his Government were no more desirous than were the Government of this country that that trade should be extended. But it could not be concealed that vessels belonging to the United States had carried on the slave trade on the coast of Africa, and that the flag of the United States had been used as a cover for that trade; and he did not see how, unless some right of search was given, the real nationality of the flag of suspected vessels could be ascertained. Such a right had been admitted by all maritime nations for their common protection, for without it the most atrocious deeds might be perpetrated and yet remain unpunished. But the possession of such a right was a very different thing from the manner of exercising it. He was certain that no officer commanding a British cruiser, whatever his suspicions might be, would exercise the right of searching an American vessel if he was really convinced that it was bonâ fide American. We were as proud as the Americans were of the honour and independence of our flag, and just as determined to protect it whenever protection was lawfully claimed and could be legitimately given; but we should consider our flag tarnished if it were made a cover for nefarious transactions such as he had referred to; and, so far from finding fault with any foreign Powers which should interpose to prevent the perpetration of such offences, we should rather be obliged to them for their interference. He did not think the American Government would differ from us on that point, and he there-

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  fore hoped that both Governments would calmly consider the matter, and, continuing to entertain towards each other friendly feelings and sentiments of mutual respect, come to some good understanding on the subject. He wished to ask his noble Friend whether any late communications on this subject had passed between Her Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States, and whether anything had occurred to justify the apprehensions which had been entertained?
  THE EARL OF MALMESBURY: My Lords, I am extremely glad that my noble Friend has prefaced his question by the very judicious language which he has used. Great advantage must necessarily follow such a course, when in a moment of difficulty like this between two Governments, a leading member of the Opposition is seen rising in his place, and expressing such sentiments and such views as we have just heard expressed by my noble Friend. My Lords, I am not in a position at this time to give your Lordships any ascertained information upon this subject. The events which have been stated to me as having occurred up to this time are but ex parte statements on the side of the American Government. If, however, these events are correctly reported—if the events which have taken place are exactly such as have been described by the American Government, I have only to say that Her Majesty's Government will certainly not be prepared to defend or to justify them. But I trust that a great deal of exaggeration has been committed in the description I have received of them; though at the same time I must confess that some acts have been committed which cannot be justified by any provision of international law, nor by any treaty in existence between Her Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States. My Lords, I have been informed that on one occasion a body of men landed upon the coast of Cuba from one of Her Majesty's ships. That is, of course, peculiarly a Spanish question, and can only be incidentally mentioned in connection with the American complaints. There has been also a statement made that considerable annoyance has been experienced by American traders lying in the port of Havannah, from a system of watch boats, as they are called, being ordered to row round those ships and watching the cargoes that were taken in or out of those vessels; that this sort of surveillance or espionage was continuously kept up, and that
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  when the ships were quitting the port they were followed and chased at sea. It is also stated, my Lords, that every American ship, upon leaving was pursued by our cruisers in the Gulf, and was brought to and searched. Now, I have not the least idea whether these alleged facts are correct; but these are the statements that have been made, and your Lordships are aware that there is nothing in the international law nor in the treaty of 1842 to justify the adoption of those measures. My Lords, if these facts be literally true it is impossible that the Government can defend them. But I entirely agree with what my noble Friend has said, that the American flag is frequently prostituted to cover the slave trade and other illegal acts. It is most desirable, therefore, that some agreement should be come to by the Governments of the two countries by which it will be distinctly understood that certain proceedings may be taken by the officers of the respective States with the view to the discovery of the impositions to which I have alluded, whilst at the same time nothing shall be done that could be offensive to the honest trader. It is to that point I have directed the attention of the United States Government, in my conversation with the Minister of that country. I do not think there is any great difference between us as to the view in which we regard the matter. After the conversations I have held with the Minister on the subject; after the despatch which I have written to Lord Napier; and after the distinct orders sent out to the squadron in those seas, I trust, my Lords, that there will be no repetition of the acts described. Under these circumstances, I trust and hope that in the meantime no act will be committed by either conntry calculated to give offence. I believe that as soon as the conversations to which I have referred are repeated upon the other side of the Atlantic, this country will remain under no apprehension of any consequences occurring at all likely to break that alliance between the two great Powers which have so happily existed for many years.
  THE EARL OF HARDWICKE: My Lords, I wish to say a few words in reference to the service with which I have the honour to be connected. Her Majesty's Government have proceeded in this matter most carefully and deliberately, and they have sent out distinct orders as to the operations to be performed by the officers employed in this service in regard to questions

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  of nationality. If these operations have been exceeded by any of our officers they must be responsible for that excess. They were especially admonished to give no offence, if possible, to any nation in conducting their operations in those seas.
  House adjourned at a quarter to Seven o'clock, to Thursday next, half-past Ten o'clock.