§ LORD BEAUMONTsaid: My Lords, I avail myself of the last opportunity afforded me before the recess of putting some questions to my noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. I can assure your Lordships that I am unwilling, as my noble Friend must be aware, either to give much attention to the telegraphic messages which are constantly arriving at this time from various parts of Europe, or to put too much confidence in the rumours which are so rapidly spread and so easily believed in a period of anxiety like the present. The noble Earl must be also well aware that even when some of these rumours and reports have assumed a certain degree of consistency, I, at least, have generally abstained from drawing premature conclusions from them, and by ill-timed discussion causing embarrassment or in any way interfering with the proceedings of Government. Having confidence in their judgment, I have refrained from putting inopportune questions with regard to the great subject which so engrosses the public attention. But as, my Lords, this is the last day of our meeting previous to the vacation, and as the reports to which I am about to refer have assumed a very serious character, and as they are not only repeated in the public journals, but also, to my knowledge, have been forwarded, and partly confirmed, by private letters, I am led this 815 day to ask my noble Friend, for the satisfaction of your Lordships, and even for the advantage of the Government itself, if he is able to lay before Parliament any documents or papers which will explain the actual state of our present relations with the German Powers. I allude in particular to that portion of the question, because I believe there can be no doubt that a new and recent protocol—more recent than that contained in the papers last laid before Parliament—has been signed by the parties forming the Conference at Vienna. And I am also further inclined to ask this question because the reports and rumours to which I have alluded have a tendency to show—and, in fact, have inclined some persons to believe—that our relations with the German Powers are not quite so satisfactory as it was hoped they would be found to be Even this very day, my Lords, a report has been spread—though it is most likely that such a report is incorrect—that the Prussian Government has broken with the Western Powers, and has actually joined the Russian Emperor. Now, of course, such a report as that can gain no credit; but though a positive rupture with the allied Powers may not be believed, there is good ground for suspecting extreme lukewarmness in their cause. I have seen, with some pain, the report of a debate which took place in the Second Chamber of the Assembly at Berlin, demonstrating, as I am sorry to say, the existence in that Chamber of a strong party very hostile to the Western Powers, and extremely favourable to an alliance with Russia. I perceive also, my Lords, from what passed on that occasion, that the party supporting an opposite policy did not carry the proposals which they thought proper to make. The feeling thus exhibited in the Chamber, and the favour with which Russian agents are received at the Court of Berlin, are of themselves sufficient to awake suspicion, and these circumstances, which are of course authentic and known, may have led to the report to which I have just alluded. That report, however, I consider to be one having a very dangerous tendency, inasmuch as it supposes a difference of opinion in Europe on the conduct of Russia, and it would be, therefore, very advantageous to Her Majesty's Government if my noble Friend were able to give a positive contradiction to it. I have also, my Lords, seen with pain—and I fear there is more truth 816 in this report—that a distinguished diplomatist, who has long resided in this country, and who has long most worthily represented the Court of Prussia—who enjoys a great European reputation as being one of the first scholars of the day—a man who is not less distinguished in letters than in diplomacy, is about to be recalled from this country by his Government. My Lords, I do not know whether that recall has any political meaning with regard to the relations between Prussia and this country, or whether it is in consequence of mere private affairs, or whether it is occasioned by considerations affecting the internal arrangements of Prussia. If my noble Friend can afford any explanation of the motives which led to the threatened retirement of Chevalier Bunsen I hope he will give it. So far, then, with regard to Prussia. I think, however, that your Lordships will be of opinion that with regard to our relations with Austria also we ought to have some information; because it appears that an alliance, defensive and offensive, has been proposed, if not actually signed, between the two great German Powers. Whatever the exact nature of that treaty may be, it is most likely that it has been communicated to Her Majesty's Government; and in that case it will be satisfactory to know that there is nothing in that treaty which can influence or impede in any way the co-operation—if it should be necessary—of the two German Powers with the two great Western Powers in ease of a prolonged state of war. There are, my Lords, some other reports from Austria, which are, also, of a very serious tendency. There is one with respect to Servia, which, though it forms a portion of the Turkish dominions, and is under the suzerainty of the Porte, has always been treated as a quasi independent Power—it is reported that a portion of that territory has been occupied by Austrian troops in consequence of certain Russian soldiers, or of persons who are agents, or who are supposed to be agents, of Russia, having passed the frontier for the purpose of raising troubles in that country. This is a report of which I have not the slightest idea whether it be true or not; but as it has been generally spread, it will be satisfactory to know whether Her Majesty's Government can afford any information in regard to it. I should further like to know, my Lords—but this, of course, is a question as to which it will remain en- 817 tirely in the noble Earl's discretion whether my wishes are to be granted or not—whether instructions have gone out to the fleet now to take an active part in the war? I ask this simple question, because I have seen several private letters from the seat of war which express a rather painful feeling that up to the moment at which they were written, there has been no cooperation or assistance given on the part of our fleet to the right wing of the Turkish army, which is now engaged in a most severe contest with the Russian forces under General Lüders. It will certainly be satisfactory to know whether or not that co-operation which, according to the judgment of the most able to form an opinion—namely, the admirals and officers in command—may be afforded, can now be confidently relied upon by our ally the Porte, and should the Turks ask of our fleet their co-operation and assistance, whether such co-operation and assistance are now likely to be given. On any points with regard to the war, I can assure your Lordships I would be very sorry to put questions such, as I said, might in any way tend to harass Her Majesty's Government. For I feel we must trust implicitly to the Government, and to those officers who are in command of our forces, on the several points, and there can be no doubt as to the appositeness of a remark made in a speech not long ago delivered, that secrecy is one of the elements of success. I, therefore, beg to be allowed to put the question to my noble Friend, and in doing so I freely admit it will be for him to exercise his judgment as to the extent to which he will concede an answer—whether he is able to lay before your Lordships such information as may be confirmatory of either the truth or falsehood of the various rumours now abroad—and also such information as it may be proper to give with regard to our actual position in respect to the German Powers?
§ THE EARL OF CLARENDONMy Lords, I do full justice to the forbearance of my noble Friend, and admit that he has in general carefully abstained from putting to Her Majesty's Government any questions that might lead to embarrassment. I must say, however, that on the present occasion, the noble Lord has amply made up for any defects or delays he may have hitherto exercised in that direction by putting to me such a series of questions that my principal difficulty will be, not as to the answers I have to give, but in remember- 818 ing the questions themselves. I think the first question of my noble Friend has reference to a protocol which is said to have been recently signed and which he desires to have produced. Now, my Lords, that protocol was only signed the day before yesterday at Vienna, and as yet I have only seen the draft of it, which arrived yesterday. I think that that protocol is of a satisfactory character, though it is not precisely that which was originally desired, nor that which the Austrian Government agreed to support. But the arrangement has assumed the shape of a protocol to meet the wishes of the Prussian Government, and I must say it substantially contains everything that was included in the convention. The assent of Prussia was readily given, and, as I have just said, the protocol was signed on Sunday last; it has not, however, as yet reached England in a complete shape, otherwise there would not be the slightest difficulty in laying it upon your Lordships' table, though as soon as the House meets again, after the Easter recess, I promise to do so. With respect to the rumours to which my noble Friend has alluded—of Prussia having gone over altogether to Russia—I can assure him that there is not the slightest foundation for such a statement, or the slightest grounds for apprehending such an event. I could certainly wish that the temper and tone of the debates in the Second Chamber had been rather different from what they were; but sometimes the same feeling might be entertained with regard to what passes in your Lordships' House. But, in any case, I am sure my noble Friend does not consider that the Government is in any way responsible for the tone assumed in the Second Chamber at Berlin. Nevertheless, my Lords, I think that although that tone, and the result which has been brought about, are not what might have been expected or desired—I think that it has been quite sufficiently manifested, both by the Chamber, the press, and the public, that the state of things which my noble Friend seems to apprehend—namely, that of Prussia passing over to Russia—is quite impossible. My Lords, with regard to the rumour which my noble Friend says is circulating in London, and which very naturally gives rise to feelings of great regret, as to the recall of Chevalier Bunsen, I certainly acknowledge to have heard a report to that effect, as has also, I believe, the Ambassador himself; but he assures me that as 819 yet, at all events, he has no knowledge of the fact himself. It seems, however, that official information has been received, stating that it was likely another special mission would be sent over here of the same kind as was sent some three weeks ago, and which will probably be attended with the same results. With respect to the treaty or new convention signed between the German Powers, I am not able to give the information required by my noble Friend, because that treaty has not yet been communicated to Her Majesty's Government. All that I have learned on the subject is, that it proceeded from Austria to Prussia, being delivered by General Hess. I believe it has been concluded, though I am unable to state the exact terms of it, as it has not been communicated in its official form to Her Majesty's Government. I believe, however, it is offensive and defensive with respect to any territorial attacks made upon the German territory. With regard to our fleet in the Black Sea, I have only to say that our last information of them stated that the whole of the combined fleets were at Karvarna, and that they were at Varna before news had been received of the passage of the Danube by the Russian army. As it was expected that the passage of the Lower Danube would be attempted, the fleet moved to Karvarna; and since then, news having reached the Admirals of the passage of the Danube, they have detached steamers in the direction of Kostendjie to communicate with the Turkish military authorities, and afford them whatever assistance might be deemed necessary. As respects Servia, I have only to say that we have no information whatever of the Austrians having entered Servia. It was, however, some time since stated that communications had been received from Austria by the Turkish Ambassador at Vienna that the corps d'armée upon the frontier would enter Servia if the Russian forces crossed into that territory, or if an insurrection in favour of Russia broke out; but that that entry would be solely for the purpose of maintaining the status quo of Servia, and to support the authority of its lawful Sovereign.