CRIME IN IRELAND. (Hansard, 3 June 1853)

The EARL of CLANCARTY

My Lords, the returns for which, pursuant to notice, I am now to move, will, I am sure, not be refused, on the part of the Government, as they are nearly the same as have been already furnished to the House of Commons. My object in desiring that they should be laid upon the table of this House is, that your Lordships may be enabled by statistical evidence, not only to judge of the salutary influence of education generally upon the social and moral character of the population, but also, comparing the results of the different systems of education in operation in different parts of the empire, correctly to determine which is the most beneficial. The paper I hold in my hand is the return I have alluded to, made to an Address of the House of Commons, showing for each of the years, from 1841 to 1852 inclusive, the number of committals for crime in England and Wales, and the number of the persons committed in each year who could neither read nor write, and giving the like information with respect to Ireland. As it regards England and Wales the return is most satisfactory; but as it regards the case of Ireland, I am sorry to say it is quite the reverse. Your Lord- 1088 ships are aware that within the above period of twelve years the population of England and Wales has very largely increased; and yet, by this return, it appears that the actual amount of crime was less by 250 cases in 1852 than in 1841. And that this has been mainly owing to the progress of education may be fairly inferred from the fact recorded in this return, that at the end of the first eight years of this period, the centesimal proportion of criminals unable to read or write had diminished from 33.21 in the year 1841, to 31.93 in the year 1848. For the four subsequent years it is to be regretted that no official record had been kept of the state of instruction of persons committed to prisons in England and Wales. The return, however, as far as it goes, affords a gratifying evidence of the progress of education and concurrent diminution of crime. This, my Lords, is not the result of any compromise of religious principle, or setting aside of the Bible in the education of the people, but of religious and secular instruction being invariably combined in all the schools receiving support from the State, and of the Word of God being, in almost every school, received as the true foundation of religion and morality. Now, my Lords, how stands the case with respect to Ireland? Your Lordships are aware that the population of that country, instead of having increased, has been greatly reduced from 1841 to 1851; that, nevertheless, throughout that period the National system of education in Ireland has been continually favoured with large and increasing grants of public money, each increase having been applied for on the pretence of the success and great development of the educational system. Let us, however, see what this return says with respect to the state of crime in Ireland, which education should, as in England it has done, tend to lessen. It appears, that out of a population of between eight and nine millions in 1841, there were 20,796 committals—a largo number certainly, but very small compared with the return for 1851, when the population having fallen to between six and seven millions, the number of committals for crime had increased to 24,684. Such is the plain fact, authenticated by the signature of the Inspector General of Prisons. Notwithstanding the vaunted success of the National system of education in Ireland, the cases of crime in 1851, with a population diminished by about a million and a half, are actually more numerous by 4,000 than in 1841, 1089 But your Lordships may, perhaps, say that this is not owing to any defect in the education system, but rather a consequence of the demoralising effects of the famine. My Lords, I admit that, to a great extent, the proportion of crime to population may be varied by such circumstances. But this return clearly establishes the connexion between crime and ignorance; for we have, of the 20,796 persons committed for crime in 1841, 34.41 as the centesimal proportion unable to read or write, and of the 24,684 persons committed in 1851, the greatly increased centesimal proportion of 48.68 illiterate persons. It is undoubtedly strange that while the Commissioners of National Education, year after year, triumphantly report their increasing number of schools and school children among a diminishing population, there should be found a positive increase of crime; and that of the criminals, the number incapable of reading or writing should have increased from 7,155 in 1841, to 12,018 in 1851; yet, such is the unquestionable fact. To me it is less a matter of surprise, as at the commencement of the Session I pointed out to your Lordships how fallacious were the numbers of children reported as under education at the Irish National Schools; that the actual numbers in attendance were considerably less than half what were reported, and that of those who did attend the greater part were withdrawn much too early to turn to any account the instruction they might have received. Another cause, I may observe, would also operate to withhold from the country the benefits that education should confer, and that is, that the Bible is practically excluded from the National Schools, and that, under the regulations of the National Board, the education of the poor is conducted without any foundation for religious and moral training. My Lords, I shall not now trouble your Lordships by entering more fully into the question of education in Ireland. I may, however, observe, that having, when I last addressed your Lordships upon the subject, shown from the census returns of 1841, that during the first decimal period of the National Board, the proportion of illiterate persons had increased, the returns I am now asking for will go far to show that in the succeeding decimal period of the operations of the Board, there has been a further growth of ignorance. In endeavouring to direct the attention of your Lordships and of Her Majesty's Government to the subject, I trust I need not assure your Lordships that I have no other 1090 object but the public interest, the cause of truth, and the future welfare and improvement of my unfortunate country. I know how distasteful it must be to noble Lords opposite, and indeed to those noble Lords on this side of the House who lately held the reins of Government, to hear a system of education decried to which they have given so cordial, so persevering, and so exclusive a support—a system which has been for many years maintained, and by successive Governments, with as much devotion, as much blindness, and almost as much intolerance of any other system, as the Church of Rome is at this day upheld by the Tuscan Government. But whatever impatience my advocacy of a more liberal policy may create—whatever indifference or prejudice it may have to encounter—I cannot think, as some do, that there exists in either Parliament or Government a wilful purpose of keeping Ireland in the subjection of ignorance; and while I believe that there are ears open to the claims of justice, I shall continue to urge, as opportunity offers, the righteous claims of Ireland to have her educational system inquired into, and the true interests of the Irish poor in this matter fairly considered, instead of being perpetually sacrificed at the shrine of some political expediency. Before sitting down, I would beg to remind Her Majesty's Ministers that it is now about three months since I moved for certain returns connected with education in Ireland, and that they have not yet been produced. I cannot but think that since the Government have screened the National Board from a Parliamentary Inquiry into its operations, by refusing the Committee lately moved for in the House of Commons, it is peculiarly incumbent upon them to take care that any information called for by Parliament is promptly afforded, and also that their annual reports should be communicated to Parliament with greater regularity. It only remains for me, now, to move as I have given notice for.