Lords Sitting of 21 April 1853

MINUTES.
Sat First in Parliament.—The Lord Dacre, after the death of his Brother.
Took the Oaths.—The Lord Wigan; Several Lords.
PUBLIC BILLS.—1a Common Lodging Houses.

SURRENDER OF CRIMINALS—CONVENTION WITH FRANCE.
In a reply to a question from the Earl of SANDWICH,
The EARL of CLARENDONsaid, that he could not at the present moment pronounce a decided opinion as to what were the exact intentions of the Government regarding the mode in which the question of the mutual surrender of criminals would be dealt with. Their Lordships, however, were perfectly aware, from what had passed during the last Session of Parliament, that the subject was surrounded with a great deal of difficulty, technical as well as practical; and although he quite agreed with the noble Earl opposite that it was most important to come to a settlement upon the question, tending as that adjustment should do to promote a more friendly feeling between this country and France—and though he was quite sure that when any measure that ought to receive the sanction of Parliament was brought forward that it would be discussed in their Lordships' House without any exhibition of party feeling—yet he was so sensible of the importance of preparing a measure likely to receive that sanction, that he was not then in a position to announce any intention on the part of the Government to bring forward such a measure. He could, however, assure the noble Earl that the subject was under consideration.
The EARL of MALMESBURYsaid, that as he was the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs who signed the Convention with France, to which the noble Earl (the Earl of Sandwich) had alluded, he might perhaps be permitted to remark, that although he coincided in the opinion of the noble Earl opposite, that there were a great many technical difficulties standing in the way of the improvement of the Convention laws on this subject, still he must declare that those difficulties would be very considerably lightened and lessened if noble Lords on his (the Earl of Malmesbury's) side of the House abstained from imitating the conduct pursued by noble Lords opposite

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on this subject when he held the position now occupied by the noble Earl (the Earl of Clarendon). And if their Lordships would but bear in mind that the Convention which had been so signed by him was neither his invention nor his act—notwithstanding all the misrepresentations which had been made, not only in their Lordships' House but by the public press—and misrepresentations which he must say could only have originated in party feeling, and which derived from thence their only palliation—in the face, then, of all these false accusations, and the fact that the Convention was the act of the Administration which preceded that of Lord Derby—and considering also that the only addition and alteration which he made in it was one which would defend refugees from being kidnapped back to France upon false accusations—he felt bound to protest against the way in which his name had been coupled with this Convention, as in fact being its author.
The LORD CHANCELLORfelt bound on the part of every noble Lord who had opposed the Bill of the noble Earl who had just sat down, to disclaim the idea that party feeling had in the lest degree dictated that opposition. There had been no intention on his side the House to thwart the progress of the measure through Parliament; on the contrary, care had been taken to point out that the responsibility of the error originally committed rested with the Administration which preceded that of the noble Earl. But it had occurred to him, and the feeling was shared in by his noble Friend the Lord Chief Justice, that there were difficulties standing in the way of the Bill of the noble Earl (the Earl of Malmesbury) which were actually insurmountable; and he could not help feeling that that opinion was participated in by the noble and learned Lord who, being his predecessor on the woolsack (Lord St. Leonards) would, if he had not thought so, have pointed out the way to surmount them. And, indeed, if he was not greatly mistaken, the noble Earl withdrew the Bill, influenced by a similar idea that there were insuperable obstacles to its progress. To suppose, however, that on the discussion of how best criminals might be brought to justice, opportunity was taken of making a display of party feeling, was, he must say, a supposition not very creditable to their Lordships' House. He could only say then, for himself and others, that the Bill of the noble Earl had been opposed simply because in its then state it was felt
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that it could never be productive of any good.
LORD CAMPBELLcould also testify that on the occasion alluded to by the noble Earl, the earnest wish and anxiety of noble Lords sitting on his (Lord Campbell's) side of the House had been, optimâ fide, to assist him in his endeavours. He certainly never remembered any blame being imputed to the noble Earl; and the object of those who agreed with him (Lord Campbell) was to induce the noble Earl to amend the Convention, rather than to introduce a new measure. And advice was given, over and over again, that he should rather try to amend the existing Convention in such a manner as would meet the wishes of France and England. The noble Earl's motives were most excellent; and had that been done, the noble Earl would have received the cordial support of noble Lords on his side of the House, in framing a Bill according to the amended Convention.
The MARQUESS of CLANRICARDE, as a Member of the Government which had originally framed the Convention Act, was anxious to say that though he had opposed the Bill of the noble Earl, nevertheless he had never joined in any misrepresentation made in his regard. He must, however, emphatically deny that that Government, under the circumstances in which it was placed, had decided upon submitting to Parliament any measure in the shape of that brought forward by the noble Earl, though he was at the same time aware that the draft of a Bill had been prepared for submission to the Cabinet. He was bound, however, to add, that in producing the measure which he did, the noble Earl was actuated by the best possible intentions, and that his motives were excellent, while he felt called upon to oppose his Bill, believing that it was one which ought not to receive the sanction of Parliament.
EARL GRANVILLEcontended that there had been no misrepresentation of the noble Earl's conduct and motives in that House. The noble Earl had made the same imputation against that side of the House once before; and on that occasion he (Earl Granville) had given a statement of what had taken place. He had stated, as fully as was in his power, what was the share which the Government of which he was a member had had in this Convention. After that explanation, he thought that nothing could justify the noble Earl in accusing that side of the House of

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want of candour, or in making the charges against it which he had made that evening.
The EARL of MALMESBURYconcurred in much of the spirit of the speeches now made by the noble Earl (Earl Granville) and by the noble Marquess. There was, however, an essential difference both in the spirit and in the matter of what both the noble Earl and the noble Marquess said in the discussion referred to.

KINGSTON-UPON-HULL ELECTION.
The EARL of ABERDEEN, in moving that their Lordships concur with the Commons in the Address to Her Majesty for a Commission to inquire into the alleged existence of corrupt practices in the election of Members of Parliament for the borough of Kingston-upon-Hull, said, he should not feel it necessary to enter into any minute examination of the evidence taken before the late Committee of the other House appointed to try the return at the last election. It was sufficient that that evidence showed that bribery of a most extensive description had prevailed in that borough at the late and previous elections; and upon consideration of that fact, he thought their Lordships had no other course open them but to join in the address to the Crown.
Moved—"To fill up the blank in the Address of the Commons to Her Majesty with (' Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and')"
LORD ST. LEONARDSagreed with the noble Earl, that here the case was made out; but he must say a word on what had fallen from a noble Earl on a former occasion, as it had led to some misapprehension out of doors. It had been said that it was not necessary to look into the evidence in such cases as this. Now, he wished it to go abroad that, in his opinion, every Peer was bound to make himself master of the evidence taken before the Committee, in order to see how far it substantiated the words used in the Act of Parliament.
LORD CAMPBELLconcurred in the view of his noble and learned Friend. If the Committee had not reported in the words of the Act of Parliament, they could not supply the deficiency; for they could not of their own authority say that the evidence had established extensive bribery; and without a declaration of that kind they had no right to address the Crown. In the present case there was no question at all, and their Lordships could join in this address to the Crown.
On Question, agreed to.
Then it was moved, to leave out the words ("William Forsyth") and insert ("John Deedes"). The same was agreed to. Then the said Address, as amended, was agreed to: and a message sent to the Commons to return the said Address.

BOROUGH OF CLITHEROE ELECTION.
In reply to a question of Lord LYND-HURST,
The EARL of ABERDEENsaid, that it was not his intention to ask their Lordships to join in the address to the Crown from the other House of Parliament, praying inquiry into practices reported to prevail in the borough of Clitheroe.
LORD CAMPBELLgave notice, that if any noble Lord should be found to do so, he would move that that Motion should be considered that day six months.

MALDON ELECTION.
Conference had at the desire of the Commons upon the subject matter of an Address to be presented to Her Majesty, under the provisions of the Act 15th and 16th Vict. cap. 57, and report made, that the Commons had agreed to an Address [which was offered] to be presented to Her Majesty, to which they desire the concurrence of their Lordships.
Afterwards, message to the Commons, for minutes of evidence taken before the Select [Committee of the House of Commons on the Maldon Election Petition, together with the proceeding of the Committee, 1853.

COLONIAL FISHERIES.
The EARL of MALMESBURYput the question, of which he had given notice, on the subject of our colonial fisheries, and said: My Lords, when I had the honour to hold the office now held by my noble Friend opposite (the Earl of Clarendon) the attention of the Government was called to the complaints of our North American Colonies, in consequence of encroachments by the fishermen and inhabitants of the United States upon the British fisheries on the American coast. In consequence of those complaints, although the fishery season had already commenced, we thought it our duty at once to protect Her Majesty's subjects in that quarter of the world. Accordingly the late Government issued instructions by which a smaller class of vessels than those usually employed were sent to protect those fisheries against the

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encroachments of the Americans. This step, it appears, produced some jealousy on the part of the American Government. The late Mr. Webster having, however, considered the question, and having fairly understood the object and intention of the British Government, at once gave his cordial assistance to Her Majesty's Government to repress any further encroachment, and finally agreed that negociations as quickly as possible should be entered into between the Government of the United States and the British Government, not only with a view of settling the question of the fisheries, but also of bringing to a successful result other negociations which were pending between the two Governments, and which embraced a far wider field. The step which the late Government took upon that occasion in sending out vessels to protect our rights is, I think, one which must be considered by all parties as undoubtedly successful. Although the negociations upon this point had not commenced, a few captures were made of American vessels, found evidently fishing between the three marine miles indicated by the treaty to be our boundary, and to belong to the British Crown. The result was, that so successful a season for the British fishermen on the shores of Nova Scotia and our other American Colonies had never before been heard of. This fact will appear by the papers on the table of your Lordships' House, which will also show how very valuable those fisheries have been proved to be—I say much more valuable than they were supposed to be by any former Government. I trust that the noble Earl opposite will excuse any anxiety I may feel in asking this question, in reference to the future safety and protection of those important fisheries. The Admiral appointed to that station by the late Government, Sir George Seymour, displayed throughout the transactions the highest ability; and it was that officer's good fortune to meet another, who was equally prudent and skilful, to assist him in preventing these encroachments—namely, Commodore Perry. No captures have been made in disputed waters pending these negociations, but they have hitherto been entirely confined to American vessels found fishing within the zone I have mentioned—namely, three marine miles of the shore of the British possessions, concerning which there is no dispute. This country cannot but feel deeply indebted to the exertions, the prudence, and the ability displayed by
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Admiral Sir George Seymour during the time he conducted, not only the protection of those fisheries, but also the negociations that took place between him and other parties in respect to this matter; and I trust that if that officer is again to return to that station, Her Majesty's Government will receive with respect and attention any advice or information which he may think it necessary to submit to them—which will always be given with that modesty which so often characterises real merit. I trust that Her Majesty's Government will fully appreciate that advice, and will give it all that attention which we when in office felt it to be our duty to give it. Mr. Webster had agreed that negociations should take place, which should include, amongst other important questions, a settlement of the fisheries question. It has, however, pleased Providence to remove that statesman from this world; and this unfortunate circumstance checked the course of proceedings that were then going on. About the same time a change in the Government of this country took place; and from that hour I am utterly ignorant of what has occurred upon the subject of these negociations, which were begun by Mr. Webster and Mr. Crampton, and which were approved of by the then President of the United States. I now wish to ask the noble Earl, whether, consistently with his public duty, he feels himself at liberty to inform the House what has taken place since the period at which he entered office; how the negociations now stand; how far advanced these negociations are between us and the American Government; and whether they are likely to be concluded this season? Considering that we are now at the commencement of the fishery season, I wish also to ask, whether it is the intention of the Government to continue the protection of those fisheries, especially of those in shore, upon the same understanding, and in the same manner, as the late Government had acted in respect to them?
The EARL of CLARENDON: My Lords, in reply to the question of my noble Friend, I have to inform him that Her Majesty's Minister at Washington (Mr. Crampton), in conformity with instructions he received from my noble Friend, Lord John Russell, and in pursuance of the desire of the President of the United States, entered into a negociation at Washington for making arrangements by which the commercial relations between the United States and this country

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would be placed on a better footing. Mr. Crampton received the most cordial assurance from both the President and the Secretary of State of their agreement in the views entertained by Her Majesty's Government, and they expressed their belief that the wished-for convention might be concluded upon satisfactory terms. Mr. Crampton, at their request, prepared the project of a convention, upon which a difficulty arose, and objections were raised, which were, however, considered in the most friendly spirit. When the President, in his annual message to Congress, declared that in his opinion the two subjects—namely, that of the fisheries, and that of the reciprocity of trade, had better be embodied in two separate conventions, Mr. Crampton stated that he had good reasons for thinking that such a proposition would be objectionable to Her Majesty's Government. Mr. Crampton's project was, however, sent home, and was agreed to, with some modifications suggested by Lord John Russell, and who expressed his earnest desire that it might be concluded, together with a hope that it would be received as a pledge that the two Governments would be prepared to carry on their respective relations in a spirit of justice and liberality. This proposition was met entirely in the same spirit by Mr. Everett; but some fresh objections and difficulties, which were unforeseen then, arose, and a further reference to this country was required. It then became manifestly impossible to carry on the matter further with any hope of bringing it to a successful issue during the time the late Government of the United States would continue in office. The question now may therefore be considered as under negotiation; and, being so, I am sure that my noble Friend would be the last man to expect, under such circumstances, that I could enter into any details respecting it at the present moment, as any such course of proceeding on my part might not tend to the advantage of the public service. I am sure that the noble Earl will not require any assurance from me that I feel the zeal, the ability, and the good judgment which have characterised Mr. Crampton's proceedings, will lead that gentleman to omit no opportunity of pressing this question on the attention of the Government of the United States, and of bringing it to a conclusion alike honourable to both Governments. With respect to the other question—namely, the protection of our fisheries, I hare to state that precisely
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the same instructions which were sent out last year by the late Government, and for the same purpose, have already been given. These instructions seem to me to have been framed with great care and caution, and I believe that no alteration whatever has been made in them. My noble Friend will no doubt feel much satisfaction in hearing that these instructions will be carried into effect by the same gallant Admiral to whom the noble Earl addressed them last year; and I am sure that this distinguished officer will evince this year the same determination to protect every British right, and while doing so, to pay respect to the rights of others, as he has done heretofore. I need hardly say that in the praise bestowed by the noble Earl upon the gallant Admiral I entirely concur, and perhaps, what is of more consequence, it is concurred in by the First Lord of the Admiralty, who some time ago addressed a letter to Sir George Seymour, thanking him for the important services he had rendered to this country, and saying that he thought it to be his duty to bestow upon him the first good-service Admiralty pension that was vacant.
The EARL of DERBY: My Lords, I think that the reply which we have just heard from the noble Earl opposite is one which must be deemed satisfactory to all parties. After the statement made by the noble Earl that this question is still a subject for negotiation, it will of course be impossible for us to seek for any further information as to the progress of these negotiations, inasmuch as such a disclosure might prove injurious to the public service. I hope, however, that without any official reserve, I may be permitted to call the noble Earl's attention to the peculiar position in which the colony of Nova Scotia stands in regard to this question. Now, the interests of Nova Scotia, of Canada, and of New Brunswick, are not identical; for Nova Scotia is peculiarly interested, not only in the general fisheries, but in the in-shore fishery, which, as a matter of right belongs to that colony. Therefore, any general arrangement entered into which would allow the Americans to partake of the advantages of the in-shore fishery, would be peculiarly injurious to Nova Scotia; and I hope that if a concession be made, the interests of Nova Scotia in this respect will be strictly maintained. There is one article in which the general commerce of the United States is deeply interested, and which it is most important

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for that country that the arrangement in respect to it shall be placed on a satisfactory footing—namely, fish. But Nova Scotia is not only deeply interested in this article, but it is also interested in other articles, in reference to which it is in the power of the United States to afford her much advantage—namely, iron and coal. I, therefore, only hope that in the negotiations that are going forward on this subject, Her Majesty's Government will bear in mind the peculiar sacrifices which Nova Scotia may be called upon to make; and at the same time the compensation for such sacrifices which it is in the power of the United States to offer to Nova Scotia.

CONVERSION OF STOCK—FUNDS IN CHANCERY.
LORD ST. LEONARDS, pursuant to notice, begged to ask the noble Earl opposite for information respecting the intentions of Her Majesty's Government with regard to the Funds and Property under the administration of the Court of Chancery. He would remind their Lordships that there was one thing which made the suitor in the Court of Chancery content with the present state of things as it affected his property, namely, that he knew his property was as safe as it was possible for any property in the country to be. He knew it was guarded, not merely by the ministers of justice, but by the rules of the court, which would not permit a profane hand to be laid upon it. He was induced to refer to this subject in consequence of some observations that had been recently made by the present Chancellor of the Exchequer; and he begged to remark that he had made the same objections in the House of Commons twenty-four years ago to any interference with the funds of the Court of Chancery as he would now make to any proposition of the present Government to make use, for any purpose, of the fund placed under the administration of that court. Let them once put their hands upon that fund, and help themselves to it, and they might depend upon it that an alarm would be spread about the country amongst the thousands of families and persons who are looking to the funds in that court for their future maintenance and support and for their outset in life, that would very soon make itself heard. It might be said that the funds were subject to fluctuations, and that it was the object of the Government
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to prevent such fluctuations from taking place; but let the Government of the country help themselves to the funds of that court, and he would take upon himself to assert that there could not be a more dangerous precedent established, and that it would raise a flame in the country that could not be easily extinguished. Why was the suitor to be placed on a different footing from the ordinary holder of stock; and why should not the suitor have the same option as the rest of the world to accept or reject the terms of the Government? The noble and learned Lord, who was imperfectly heard, was understood, in conclusion, to object to a tax being put on the succession to real estates; and to say that in case such a tax was imposed it would be necessary to revalue all the land throughout the entire kingdom.
The EARL of ABERDEENsaid, that such a proposition was but the mere creation of the noble and learned Lord's own brain, for there was no intention of such a nature as that he referred to at present existing. Since the noble and learned Lord had given notice of his Motion, he (the Earl of Aberdeen) had consulted the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the subject. He presumed that the noble and learned Lord's speech was founded upon certain observations made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in explanation of the financial operations which he had announced some days ago in the House of Commons. It was true that the right hon. Gentleman did advert to the large sums that were standing in the name of the Accountant General of the Court of Chancery, and that he said that he thought they were in an unsatisfactory state; that he had given much attention to the subject, and hoped that he might have some proposal hereafter to make on the subject; but at the same time his right hon. Friend took care to say that the Government had never considered the question, and that he was not in a condition to submit any measure upon the subject. The right hon. Gentleman, therefore, threw out the suggestion as merely a topic of his own, and upon which he alone was concerned. If, however, after having maturely considered the subject, his right hon. Friend should feel that he was in a condition to make such a proposal to the House of Commons, he (the Earl of Aberdeen) thought, without meaning the slightest offence, that the right hon. Gentleman's proposition would deserve quite as much

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attention as the statement made by the noble and learned Lord.

THE IRISH MAGISTRACY.
The EARL of CLANCARTYsaid: My Lords, after what your Lordships heard in the course of the debate on last Tuesday, relative to the restoration of Mr. Kirwan, a stipendiary magistrate, to the performance of the duties of his office, from which he had been suspended, it will hardly be necessary for me to add anything in support of the Motion of which I then gave notice, and which I am now to submit, for the production of the correspondence between the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and the Earl of Roden, which originated in the desire of the noble Viceroy to restore the noble Earl to the commission of the peace, and which resulted in his not being reinstated. It may be in the recollection of your Lordships that the act of the Lord Lieutenant in proposing to restore my noble Friend to the commission of the peace, from which the Government in 1849 had thought proper to have his name removed, was referred to by the noble Duke opposite, in connexion with Mr. Kirwan's restoration, as showing bow impartially his Excellency had distributed his acts of grace—that when restoring the suspended stipendiary magistrate, Mr. Kirwan, who the noble Duke informed us was a Roman Catholic, the Lord Lieutenant had shown himself equally ready to restore to the magisterial office the noble Earl, who was described to your Lordships as an opponent of the present Government. My noble Friend was very naturally displeased at his case having been thus noticed as in any degree analogous to that of Mr. Kirwan, and in the course of the speech he then addressed to your Lordships, brought before the House the correspondence that had taken place between the Lord Lieutenant and himself in reference to his reinstatement. My Lords, I think it important that that correspondence should be laid upon the table of the House. It may be objected that in point of form that correspondence was private, but I cannot so consider the subject of it. It is the only record of a public act of the highest public functionary in Ireland, and that act one of great public interest; as such it was manifestly referred to by the noble Duke', and as such it was regarded by my noble Friend who read the correspondence, and rested upon it his justification in not having at
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once accepted the Lord Lieutenant's invitation to him to resume the office and responsibilities of the magistracy. In order to my noble Friend's restoration to the commission of the peace, it appeared that he must recognise the propriety of his having formerly been removed from it. My noble Friend could not do any such thing. The very questionable grounds upon which he had been superseded were debated in this House in 1850, and the papers relative thereto were laid upon the table; it is therefore unnecessary that I should now further refer to them. I may, however, observe, that the verdict of public opinion was entirely in condemnation of the act of the Government. It is, I think, much to be regretted, that my noble Friend the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, who, I am sure, sincerely desired the restoration of the noble Earl to a position in which he had ever been most highly respected by his countrymen, should have so worded a communication designed to have been at once most gracious and friendly, as to frustrate its object—as, in fact, to have the appearance, almost, of having been designed to entrap the noble Earl into an admission inconsistent with his known feeling of undeserved wrong, and with his opinion that there was no necessity for his having been before superseded. My noble Friend, upon such terms, could not but decline the honour intended him in the Lord Lieutenant's communication, but at the same time expressed his willingness to resume the duties of the magisterial office if he might do so without making an admission which his conscious rectitude forbad. The Lord Lieutenant did not accede to his terms; an act of self-condemnation upon the part of my noble Friend must be the condition of my noble Friend's reinstatement. I pray your Lordships to contrast this treatment of the noble Earl with that of the stipendiary magistrate whose case was under your consideration on Tuesday last. Mr. Kirwan having been sentenced to a suspension of six months from his office for most improper conduct in the discharge of his duties, for which he ought rather to have been dismissed, is, as the first official act of the Lord Lieutenant, freely and unconditionally restored. My noble Friend, who had been most improperly dismissed, and whose high character in the administration of justice, and in the performance of every public duty had been ever unimpeachable, can only be restored upon terms

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that would have been disparaging; while the proved misconduct or utter incapacity of Mr. Kirwan was no bar to his reinstatement in the important office of a stipendiary magistrate. The refusal on the part of my noble Friend to admit that he had done wrong, when he knew that he had not, and that the Government in 1849 had done right when he knew they had done wrong, is a sufficient reason for continuing to deprive the country of his truly valuable and unpaid services. My Lords, I move for the correspondence in no unfriendly spirit towards either the Lord Lieutenant or Her Majesty's Government; but I think the case of my noble Friend was hastily and inconsiderately disposed of, and am confident that if attention be again directed to it, the reconsideration would be followed by results more satisfactory to the country, and just by the individual. There is an inconsistency between the terms of the Lord Lieutenant's letter to my noble Friend proposing his reappointment to the commission of the peace, and the tenor of the letter addressed by his predecessor in 1849 to the Lord Chancellor recommending that he should be superseded; that step was recommended on the ground "that a due regard for the future preservation of the peace and for the administration of justice in a manner which would be entitled to public confidence and respect, imperatively required it." My Lords, is it less important that the administration of justice should be respected now than in 1849? And yet we are now told that the necessity for my noble Friend's exclusion from the commission of the peace had now ceased. It is difficult, my Lords, to conceive how the noble Earl's exclusion should have been at any time justified in the mind of the noble Viceroy, who testifies so truly in the subsequent part of his letter to his high character and the just estimation in which he is held by his countrymen. Entertaining the high opinion he expresses of my noble Friend's claims upon the esteem of the public, I trust the Lord Lieutenant may now be authorised to carry out what was intended as an act of grace by him in a manner unexceptionable. I have only now to move that there be laid upon the table of this House—
"A Copy of the Correspondence that has taken place between the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and the Earl of Roden relative to the restoration of the latter to the commission of the peace."
The EARL of ABERDEENhad not the least objection to produce the papers asked for; but he thought their Lordships would agree with him that it was not necessary to enter either into the case of the noble Earl or that of Mr. Kirwan. The correspondence would speak for itself, and noble Lords would from it be able to judge whether any such intention as had been imputed to Lord St. Germans, when he offered to reinstate the noble Earl, could have entered his mind. At the same time they would determine whether the noble Earl (the Ear] of Clancarty) was justified in moving for the papers. No objection, however, existing to the production of the correspondence, it was unnecessary to say another word on the subject.
Motion agreed to.
House adjourned till To-morrow.