Lords Sitting of 10 February 1852

MINUTES.
PUBLIC BILLS.—1a Parliamentary Proceedings Facilitation.
2a Municipal Corporations Acts Amendment; Secretary of Bankrupts' Office Abolition.

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE—PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS FACILITATION BILL.
LORD LYNDHURSTwished again to advert to the conversation which occurred last evening in that House with reference to the legislative procedure of Parliament. In the course of that conversation it was suggested by a noble Earl (Earl Grey), and the idea had probably suggested itself to others, that it might be advisable to adopt some measure for enabling either House of Parliament to take up the proceedings of a former Session, for the purpose of passing into law measures of which want of time had prevented the passing. He had brought in a short Bill for the purpose of carrying this suggestion into effect, and he begged now to move the first reading of the Bill. He did not suppose that he had in this measure met all the objections that might be made to it, but his object was to have the question put in a tangible and practicable shape, in order that they might examine and discuss, either in a Select Committee or any other mode that might seem expedient to their Lordships, the provisions of the measure. He should, therefore, content himself on the present occasion with moving the first reading of the Bill. He had adopted certain restrictions and regulations for the purpose of preventing any abuses from springing out of the course he proposed to introduce; but when it was laid on their Lordships' table they would have an opportunity of considering the measure, and seeing whether the method recommended was in itself a valuable one, and whether the restrictions by which it was guarded were sufficient to prevent any abuses.
The EARL of DERBYmust express his great satisfaction that his noble and learn-
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ed Friend had taken up this subject. Some Sessions ago he had declared his concurrence in the proposition now made; and a Bill to give it effect was actually introduced into their Lordships' House, which, though opposed in some high quarters, met with very general approval. That Bill was sent down to the other House, where the subject did not attract much attention, though various other suggestions for facilitating the transaction of the business of the House were made. The measure, along with others, was referred to a Select Committee; but there in point of fact it was swamped, and nothing more was heard of it. He only hoped that since that time the increasing difficulty which had been experienced in carrying any measure through Parliament might lead both that and the other House to a favourable consideration of the proposal of his noble and learned Friend.
LORD LYNDHURSTobserved, that in order to show the advantages of the measure, he need only instance the Bill of last Session, which had been referred to, for the amendment of the patent laws. If he were to propose to that House a resolution that that Bill should be considered and acted upon as a Bill of the present Session, he had no doubt that their Lordships would agree to that conclusion; and he thought also that the other House, if they agreed to consider the subject, would arrive at the same conclusion. If both Houses would agree with respect to a certain Bill which had passed both Houses in a former Session, or which had come down to either House for consideration from the other, that it was a proper Bill to be considered in the actual Session, he thought they must also acquiesce in the propriety of passing a measure with the view of making this the regular course of proceeding.
LORD CAMPBELLby no means rose to oppose the first reading of this Bill. On the contrary, he thought the question one of the utmost importance, and highly deserving their Lordships' attention. Nor did he mean to propose any amendment on it. He only rose to caution their Lordships against supposing that the Bill was to be considered free from objection. When it was introduced into that House on a former occasion, under the auspices of a noble Lord not now present, but who was most profoundly acquainted with its laws and usages—he meant Lord Redesdale, whom they had elected Chairman of their Committees, he (Lord Campbell), along with that

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noble Lord, certainly thought that it was liable to very serious constitutional objections; but perhaps these might now be removed, and he might have the pleasure of concurring in the measure now proposed by his noble and learned Friend. But as he was absent from the House on the previous day in the discharge of his official duties, he must express his humble opinion as to what had been said of the impolicy of commencing Bills in that House, being wholly unable to concur in it. He thought that a most erroneous, and it might turn out to be a most mischievous, doctrine; nor did he think it would be advisable for any Government to act upon it. With respect to measures that were unpopular, though unpopular, he allowed it was much better that they should not commence in that House; and he believed they would not receive much weight from their having passed that House when they were submitted to the House of Commons. But there were many measures now begun in the House of Commons which might much better originate with their Lordships; and, according to his experience and observation, measures were generally received with more respect and favour in the House of Commons when it was known that they had been considered and approved by their Lordships.
LORD BEAUMONTsaid, he had no doubt that the Bill proposed by the noble and learned Lord would be of great utility; and, as the subject was again started, he would take the opportunity of putting a question to the Government respecting the business of the House during the present Session. The Government appeared to have adopted the principle that the Bills passed by that House and dropped in the other during the last Session, should be commenced in the other House this Session, and vice versâ. That almost met the principle of the noble and learned Lord's Bill; but, in looking over the list of Bills which had been passed in that House, but not in the House of Commons, last Session, he found that the number was considerable, and the subjects they referred to very important. The Registration of Deeds, the Patent Law Bill, and others, had occupied their Lordships a great portion of last Session; and he saw from the Votes, that those Bills had been commenced this Session in the House of Commons. Now, he wished to be informed what were the Bills of importance which had been passed by the Commons in the last Session of
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Parliament, but which had dropped in this House, and which were to be introduced into the House of Lords this Session. He wished for an answer to this question: because he could not discover any measure of serious importance which their Lordships had dropped after having passed the Commons, so that the rule adopted by Government would still leave the House of Lords without business at the early part of the Session. He would therefore ask, Was there any Bill of importance which their Lordships were likely to have introduced to their notice before Easter, or before the Bills came up from the Commons? He protested against 'the principle laid down last night by the noble Earl the Secretary for the Colonies, that all Bills of importance ought to originate in the House of Commons. He was himself a good Liberal, but not so much of a democrat as the noble Earl, who had said that it was advisable that all Bills of importance should originate in the other House. In his opinion the House of Lords ought on no account to abdicate its inherent right of originating Bills. There were very many Bills, especially those affecting the law and the landed property of the country, which their Lordships were more capable of originating than the House below. If their Lordships wished to maintain the utility of their own House, they must not let it go abroad that they had no power or right to originate laws, and that they were merely, as had been said by somebody, a House of revision, or a Chamber to correct the technical and clerical errors of the other House.
EARL GREYprotested entirely against the accuracy of his noble Friend's version of what he had said. On the previous evening a noble Earl, not now in his place, remarked that the prospects of success for great measures were improved by their being originated in the House of Commons. But he was not aware that any fixed principle on the subject had been laid down by any one. What he had said, and what he now repeated, was, that from all his experience in watching the progress of Parliamentary business, he thought that for a great variety of subjects the prospects of arriving at satisfactory legislation were better for measures originating in the other House of Parliament, rather than in that; and for this obvious reason, that in a great variety of subjects, according to the usual forms of Parliament, their Lordships could not originate a measure in its com-

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plete shape. Again, all very important measures affected a great variety of public interests, which wore most broadly represented in the other House of Parliament, and it was by the arrangement of a compromise between conflicting interests that such measures were best framed for practical use and efficacy. But that that House existed for the correction of mere clerical errors, he should deny as much as his noble and learned Friend. The function of revising legislative measures commenced in the other House of Parliament was frequently not less valuable and important than that of originating such measures. There was also one class of measures which most fitly originated with their Lordships, and to which much of their attention was now devoted—he meant measures connected with the improvement of the law. With respect to the question put to him, he could only say that he was not at this moment aware of any very important measure likely to be speedily brought before their Lordships, with the exception of those which had been already announced.
LORD LYNDHURSTsaid, he would take that opportunity of observing that Bills originated in the House of Commons ought to be sent to their Lordships as much as possible separately, and not be brought up all in a heap at the end of the Session.
The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNEsaid, he would only repeat the assurance already given by his noble Friend (Earl Grey) relative to the conduct of business in that House. He entirely dissented from the doctrine that any rule should be laid down, or even any understanding, that Bills should be generally originated in the other House, and not in their Lordships'. He should be sorry to see any such principle laid down, believing that it would be detrimental to the honour of their Lordships, and injurious to the interests of the country. He considered it was one of the advantages of the co-operation of two Houses so differently constituted as the Lords and the Commons, that an opportunity was afforded in every case of judging (and it was only upon the circumstances of each particular case that it could be judged) whether it were better that a Bill should be introduced in the other House or in their Lordships'. Looking at their past practice and experience in legislation, as exhibited in the Statute-book, it certainly was seen that very many Bills were brought under the
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consideration of Parliament connected with matters of trade and finance, or revenue, which it was obviously convenient, if not necessary, should be introduced in the House of Commons; though, on the other hand, some measures, even though measures of practical detail, might be better originated in their Lordships' House. He agreed that it was important that measures originated in the other House should be sent up to their Lordships, as far as possible, separately; and if it had not been so, he believed it was not owing to any want of zeal or assiduity on the part of his noble Friend (Lord J. Russell) at the head of the Government, but to other causes, and, last Session, to the species of opposition pursued by some Members for the sake of obstructing a certain measure.
LORD BROUGHAMsaid, he would remind the House that there was a third or middle class of Bills, independent of the two classes which were formed of the Bills originated in the House of Lords, and dropped in the House of Commons, and of those passed in the House of Commons, and dropped in the House of Lords—there was a class of Bills which had passed through both Houses, and which were not converted into laws merely from want of time to consider the amendments made in them. Such was the Bill which he had introduced in their Lordships' House last Session for the extension of the jurisdiction of the County Courts to cases in bankruptcy, the second reading of which was appointed for this evening. Considerable alteration was made both in the form and in the substance of that Bill in the House of Commons. It came back from the House of Commons to their Lordships within a few hours of the close of the Session, so that the alterations which that House had made in it could not be taken even into consideration. It was therefore postponed to this Session. He now proposed that on Thursday next he should move the second reading of the Bill.
LORD CRANWORTHobserved, that his noble and learned Friend's Bill on this subject went down last Session to the House of Commons with fifteen clauses in it, of which fourteen clauses were expunged by the Commons; and in the fifteenth the word "not" was inserted as an amendment, thereby altering and vitiating its meaning. The Commons then substituted seventeen new clauses of their own. Was that the Bill of which his noble and learned Friend intended to move the second reading on Thursday next?
LORD BROUGHAMsaid, that the account given by the noble and learned Lord was literally true, though, in point of substance and effect, it was the reverse of true. The object of the Bill was to give equitable jurisdiction to the County Courts, by empowering them to do much that was now done by the Masters in Chancery. The House of Commons had adopted the principle of the Bill, but had worked it out in a different way. The alterations which they had introduced did not change in any manner the principle of the Bill.
Parliamentary Proceedings Facilitation Bill read 1a.
Second Reading of County Courts Further Extension Bill put off to Thursday next.

NEW ZEALAND.
The DUKE of NEWCASTLEwished to put a question to the noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Office which had reference to a Bill introduced by Government. Shortly before the prorogation in August last, he (the Duke of Newcastle) had given notice that in the event of the question not being taken up by the Government, he should bring forward the subject of New Zealand in the present Session, with a view to legislation. Notice had, however, been given of the intention of Government to introduce a Bill in the present Session, and he should, of course, be unwilling to raise any discussion on the subject which might be inconvenient. It must be admitted that it would be desirable that a measure should be introduced in the course of the present Session, looking at the condition of the colony. He begged, therefore, to know whether it was intended by Ministers to introduce the measure in that or in the other House of Parliament; and if so, at what time it might be expected?
EARL GREYsaid, that he must inform the noble Duke that with respect to the House in which that Bill must originate, there was no room for question; inasmuch as that when in August last he was extremely anxious to commence it in that House, he was informed by the highest authority in the other House of Parliament, that, being a measure of finance, it must originate in the House of Commons. The Bill would, he hoped, be brought in as soon as the state of business in that House gave a reasonable prospect of its being proceeded with; it was prepared, but various points remained which it would be desirable to include in it. He had reason to believe,
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from the last despatches he had received from the Governor of New Zealand, that in a very short time they might probably receive some additional information which would have a very close bearing on the question. It was certainly not his intention to wait for those despatches if the state of things in the House of Commons were such as to enable the Bill to be brought in. He agreed with the noble Duke that it was a subject of urgency, and should come before them as soon as possible. He trusted that before long it would be in the power of his noble Friend the First Lord of the Treasury to inform him if the state of business in the House of Commons would enable the Bill to be brought in there.

STATE OF IRELAND.
The EARL of RODENsaid, that many days had not elapsed since he had left that part of Ireland in which those outrages had been committed of which their Lordships had heard so much through the newspapers. Those outrages had been committed, all within a very short time, some of them within a mile of his own residence, and others at a not much remoter distance. Their Lordships, therefore, would not be surprised that he should be most anxious, as soon as an opportunity arose, to be informed of the intentions of the Government relative to the lamentable state of things which existed in that part of Ireland. He was referring more especially to the outrages which had occurred in the counties to which the special commission applied—Louth, Monaghan, Armagh, and Down. There had existed in those counties for a long time a system of confederacy, which had broken forth recently into some of the most cruel acts which had ever stained the history of any country. He would not enter at present into any details of the circumstances to which he referred, but would defer them to another opportunity, when he should probably have to bring the whole state of Ireland before their Lordships. He lamented to say, that the confederacy of which he complained was not the confederacy of a few, or of a particular number of persons, but that it was a confederacy of the whole population of the country, which, acting by intimidation, and in most cases under intimidation and compulsion, was committing the most dreadful crimes, murders, beatings, and other inhuman acts of violence, against Her Majesty's peaceful and loyal subjects. Such was the state of

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terror prevailing among persons in his own class of life, that no gentleman went from his house to ride through the country without carrying arms in his pocket to meet the persons who were prepared or hired to attack him. These outrages were not confined to the night—in open day these awful murders were perpetrated. Their Lordships must also bear in mind that the people had been led to believe that these murders were no murders when the unfortunate victim of them had previously received three notices that it was the intention of his assailants to visit him. Such was the state of intimidation among the higher classes in these districts, that gentlemen going out to enjoy the pleasure of hunting, were in the habit of carrying pistols with them throughout the day. It had come to his knowledge that nine gentlemen were recently standing together by the side of the cover, and that seven out of the nine had pistols in their pockets. Their Lordships could have no idea or conception of the reign of terror thus established in those districts. He hoped that the noble Marquess opposite would forgive him for asking whether Her Majesty's Government was acquainted with the extent of the distressing circumstances which he had just mentioned, and whether it was prepared to propose to the Legislature any measures to meet the evils which existed, as the common law bad been proved incompetent to meet them, and as a special commission, for the first time in Ireland, had failed of its object?
The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE: I am not at all surprised, my Lords, that the noble Earl should have called the attention of the House to this subject. It is quite natural for him, himself an intelligent, humane, and benevolent landlord, to seek to know, as far as Government can inform him, what are the causes which threaten life and property, and what are the means in the hands of Government for securing landlords in the rights which undoubtedly belong to them. Not only the noble Earl, but every gentleman in that country, has a right to know whether, in a state of things so lamentable as he has described, and, I believe, justly described, the state of that portion of the country to be, the Government has been prompt to apply, and efficacious in the operation of the proper remedies, and whether the powers of the law have been and are sufficient for their protection. I can say—and the information which the noble Earl pos-
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sesses will not controvert my statement—that, from the first indication of this system of outrage, commencing, I believe, about May, 1850, but proceeding to acts of a more aggravated character in the course of the subsequent year, in each stage of these proceedings the Government has shown itself fully alive to the importance of the duty which it had to discharge. Upon every occasion, when communications have been made as to the insecurity of life and property from this system of outrage, the Government promptly and immediately attended to every suggestion on the part of the local magistrates, as to the mode in which assistance could be most efficiently supplied. In an early stage of these violences it was the opinion of the magistracy that it would be attended with great effect if the local constabulary should be increased. No time was lost in detaching to those parts where these outrages had been committed such a number of constables as the magistrates deemed sufficient for the protection of life and property, and I believe that in many cases this has acted beneficially. In the present instance it was submitted that a special commission should be sent down by the Government, for the purpose of administering speedy and effectual justice in the disturbed districts; and when your Lordships consider how this commission was constituted—that there was placed at the head of it one of the most able, enlightened and experienced Judges that ever sat on the Irish Bench—that he conducted his duties with the greatest ability, and that he was supported by the law officers of the Crown, and others most able in the discharge of their duties, you will not think that that portion of the duties of the Government has been in any respect neglected. That that Commission has not, however, effected all that it was intended to do, I am with sorrow compelled to confess; but because, from causes into which I shall not enter, but upon which some conjecture may be formed, one or two trials have not been successful—for it must be remembered there have been convictions obtained, which, I am told, will be of great importance—I am not, therefore, prepared to admit at once the entire failure of the law, or that it has been shown that extraordinary measures ought to be submitted to Parliament, until at least all legal means of repression at the disposal of the Government have been exhausted. Fresh measures, consistent with the law and the

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existing state of the constitution, are being taken for the vindication of justice; and, from information which has reached me from parties deeply concerned, I feel fully justified in saying that the great object sought for will be attained. I am not, therefore, disposed to admit that, until all those means are exhausted, any measures inconsistent with the general principles of the constitution, ought to be adopted by Parliament. I am ready, however, to declare that if all those should fail, then it will be the first duty of the Government and of Parliament to consider how, by any means, life and property can be secured, because I take that to be the first duty of all Government, and the end of all laws, whether constitutional or of any other description, all being intended for that great and legitimate end. I hope that Government will not be pressed at this moment to propose any extraordinary measures, since Parliament will be able to watch the working of those legal means which are now being taken; and, above all, as it will be the duty of Government to take care that in those districts where by the criminal connivance of some, and the intimidation of others, all feeling of security has been destroyed, no advantage, pecuniary or otherwise, shall accrue to any person connected with that system of outrage, and equally guilty with the actual perpetrators by their connivance. But this disposition on the part of the Government will require the concurrence of the Irish landlords, and they must think it their duty, as well as that of the Government, to see that those deluded persons shall not be placed in a position to suppose that, by any acts of theirs, subversive of law and order, they have attained the objects they sought for. It can only be by the determined concurrence of the Government, and those employed by it, with the proprietors of the soil, that a conviction can be forced upon these persons that no benefit will ever be ultimately obtained from the system of barbarous vengeance in which they have been engaged. With regard to the future, I trust the noble Earl will keep his attention alive to this subject. I can assure him that the Government of Ireland—ay, and of the country too—is awake to its importance, and will be anxiously watching from day to day the progress, and in devising the means of repression of these outrages. In the meanwhile, we shall be glad to receive from, and attend to, any communication from the noble Earl
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and his brother magistrates on the subject. There will be an opportunity, in the course of the present Session of Parliament, for considering the point; for in the present state of things there will be good ground for considering the expediency of renewing the Crime and Outrage Bill, and it will be for Parliament then to consider whether any more expedient provision can be introduced into that Bill—a Bill which, I may say, has been found most advantageous in other parts of Ireland, and in the south more particularly, has been attended with a success most remarkable. I do not, therefore, despair that that Bill, as it now stands, may ultimately effect those objects which all must so anxiously desire.
The MARQUESS of LONDONDERRY, who was very indistinctly heard, said he had listened with the greatest respect and deference to what had fallen from the noble Marquess, and could assure him that with many parts of his statement he entirely concurred. But having last year been much in Ireland, he wished, in a few words, to give his opinion of the state of the country. He regretted to say that in the north of Ireland, which had hitherto been one of the most peaceful and industrious districts, there had been instances of the most barbarous murder, the houses being attacked, and the lives attempted of persons who had been the greatest promoters of the comfort and well-being of the population. What was the cause of that unfortunate state of things? He very much feared it was owing to the agitation which had raged on the subject of tenant-right; and he thought, if we had been able to arrest the influence of the clergy in the north as well as the influence which had been exercised by the clergy in the south, a great portion of these deluded people would not have been led astray, and would not now form the nucleus of lawless combinations and associations. Though there had lately been a diminution of the cry of tenant-right, their Lordships would find that it was still one of the greatest evils with which they had to contend. Until lately his own tenantry had been amongst the most attached and best affected in all Ireland; but he was sorry to say that the principle of the prevalent mischievous agitation had found its way amongst them, as well as amongst the tenantry of many other landlords. He had every reason to believe that the Tenant Right Association would take very much the character of the Ribbon organisation. Independent of these

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particular associations, however, he was ready to acknowledge that his own tenantry were generally in a better disposed state than they were last year. A combination existed for the purpose of compelling landlords to reduce their rents; and he regretted to say that clergymen were found making inflammatory speeches instigating the people to agitation. The consequence was intimidation to so great an extent that the agents in many parts of Ireland were unable to perform their duty to their employers; and he believed it was pretty well known that the agents to estates were not able to get an insurance upon their lives. The noble Marquess was understood to conclude by complimenting Lord Clarendon on the anxiety and activity he displayed to preserve the peace in Ireland.
The MARQUESS of WESTMEATHhoped that when the Government was devising the measures it intended to propose, it would bear in mind that the "Ribbon" system was not a partial thing, and that it had been going on for years in Ireland. It was a well-known fact from the history of Europe, that a very small body of individuals combined together could do a very great amount of mischief; and he hoped the Government would remember that the system of agrarian outrage in Ireland was kept up by a comparatively small knot of agitators, who involved large masses of the people in their lawless confederacy against their own consent. If it adopted any measures at all against that association, it must adopt measures of a rigorous character. But there was one remedy which formed part of the Crime and Outrage Act which he hoped would not be adopted—he referred to the system of quartering the police force which was sent to quell disturbances upon the immediate district or locality where the outrages took place. This might be a very good remedy in ordinary circumstances, but it was not all suited to the present condition of Ireland; for it was one of the greatest calamities of the present state of things in that country that strangers came into a district for the purpose of committing outrages in which the inhabitants of that district had no share, and when those outrages were committed, at once disappeared; in fact, those districts were the greatest sufferers from these outrages; and, if the system were adopted of quartering a police upon them, it would only be adding another calamity to those which had already been inflicted upon them. He trusted therefore
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that that part of the Act would not in this case be relied upon, but that, on the contrary, it would be repealed. He had only another remark to make. He was afraid that what had fallen from the noble Marquess relative to the Irish landlords was liable to misconstruction. The noble Marquess had expressed a wish that the landlords of Ireland would co-operate with the Government in promoting the restoration of peace in Ireland. Now, he was aware that the noble Marquess was a model landlord, and he was perfectly sure that every one connected with the land in Ireland entertained the same feelings on this subject as the noble Marquess himself did. But it ought to be remembered that all offences which had lately taken place had been directed either against landlords or their immediate connexions, and that in no one instance had they been the instigators of crime. He thought it right to make these remarks, because it might have appeared from what the noble Marquess had said, that he had been reading a lecture to the Irish landlords with regard to their duty on this subject, whereas he was sure the noble Marquess could have had no such intention. The parties who had suffered had only put in force the ordinary remedies of the law where rents had for years and years remained unpaid, and where their land had been occupied against their wish; and for taking the mildest remedy, they received notice that they would be shot.
The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNEwas glad that the noble Marquess had given him an opportunity of explaining any obscurity that might have attached to the language he had used with respect to the Irish landlords. What he meant to have said was, in speaking of the importance of the duty which the Irish landlords had to perform, that he hoped that, in concurrence with Government, they would take care that the instigators of the criminal proceedings, and the persons who gave them countenance, should not derive, nor appear to derive, any benefit from the perpetration of those outrages; and that even where rents had been reduced, a suspension of that reduction ought to take place, if it should appear that those reductions were sought to be continued by intimidation.
The EARL of RODENcould not avoid expressing his regret that Her Majesty's Government were not prepared to take strong measures to remedy so urgent a state of things as existed in Ireland. At

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the same time, he gave them every credit for their feelings on the subject, and he trusted it would he found in the end that they were right, and that he was wrong. But he must say, that unless they took measures to strike at the root of the Ribbon system—for the system was not confined to any particular counties, but extended throughout all Ireland—they would do little or nothing to put it down. He was glad that the noble Marquess had had an opportunity of explaining what had been said about the Irish landlords; for, certainly, without this explanation, a very different impression of his remarks might have gone forth to the public. He (the Earl of Roden) trusted that the Irish landlords would use every effort, in conjunction with the Government—he meant, of course, when they acted rightly and promptly—to combat the evils complained of, and to assist in giving confidence and security to the people at large. He was perfectly sure that such was their object and desire. He trusted, above all, that they would not allow themselves to be intimidated, and that, even at the risk of their lives, they would remain at their posts, in order to maintain the honour and credit of Her Majesty's subjects. He earnestly trusted, also, that whatever measures the Government adopted would be found effectual, and he should feel it to be his duty to watch them, in order to see whether they were so. He would defer saying anything more on the subject until he saw how things went on in Ireland; and, therefore, he would not now name the day for bringing the subject more at large before their Lordships; but he freely confessed that he thought, from what he heard and saw, that things would grow worse, and that the time was not far distant when the Government would be sorry that they had not sooner adopted strong measures to prevent the continued effusion of innocent blood.
The EARL of DESARTconsidered that the outrages which were taking place in Ireland were to some extent attributable to the tenant-right agitation, the legitimate consequence of which must be the extermination of landlords in that country. The "Tenant League" might not have had its origin in this desire, but he considered their principles to be quite incompatible with the existence of rights to property. He hoped, therefore, that in any measures which might be adopted for meeting the present evils, the Government
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would not forget to include the means of watching and checking the proceedings of the Tenant League meetings.
House adjourned to Thursday next.