The MARQUESS of LONDONDERRYrose, to put to Her Majesty's Government certain questions of which he had given notice, relative to any communications having been heard between the French Government and the Government of the Porte respecting the continued imprisonment of Abd-el-Kader, and said: My Lords, in submitting the question I am about to do to the House and my noble Friend opposite (the Marquess of Lansdowne), I am fully aware that the task I propose to myself requires more than ordinary delicacy and discretion, and I hope to confine myself strictly within the rules of humility and propriety. At the same time, should I surpass them, I must 1380 throw myself on the indulgence of the House, in consideration of the motive by which I am led on. If there ever was a period in our latter days when harmony and good feeling amongst all our allies seemed to prevail, and if there ever was an auspicious era when one great Power might, without hesitation or offence, intercede, or even expostulate in a friendly manner, with a neighbouring great and powerful ally, it is the present period. I cannot, however, first refrain from congratulating Her Majesty's Government and the country on the apparently cordial relations that seem happily now to be re-established with Austria—an intimation that leads me to hope that the noble Lord at the head of the Foreign Office has in some degree fallen hack on the wise and successful policy of his predecessors. Deeply interested as I must be in Austrian affairs, after an official career of twelve years at Vienna, and well knowing, as I do, their anxious and sincere devotion (if well treated) to this country, I cannot but hail the appointment of my noble Friend the Earl of Westmoreland to that mission as one of the wisest and best that could be made. My noble Friend was mixed up and intimately connected with the great transactions of 1814 and 1815, which gave peace to Europe, and his appointment must be most gratifying to the Imperial Court. I cordially rejoice also in our still intimate union and alliance with Russia, who has never swerved (and which I have ever foretold) from her straightforward, prudent, and protective policy. I equally augur well of the late visit of the accomplished and much-beloved Prussian Prince, with his family, to our gracious Queen, as indicative of our happy relations with Prussia; and, above all, I am candid enough to applaud Her Majesty's Government for what I think they have a right to glory in—the far-famed Crystal Palace and Prince Albert's magnificent Exhibition, which render this year, 1851, so illustrious in the annals of the world. All these things are harbingers of good-will, peace, and harmony. It is most important, moreover, to notice that our entente cordiale with France—so long boasted of—has suffered apparently no diminution, under the rule of the wise and judicious Prince who is at the head of the French Republic, and who has conducted himself ever since he was advanced to that exalted position in the most exemplary and praiseworthy manner. My hope, there- 1381 fore, in my present object is founded on the conviction, that any expression of feeling or wish from Her Majesty's Government, on a matter awakening universal sympathy in Europe, would be generously, in the service of humanity, listened to by the President and Chambers of France. This matter is, I admit, in some degree, a personal one, for I have maintained a correspondence on the subject with the President of the Republic. I should not presume to allude to the communication which I have had the honour to receive from that distinguished individual, if it were in any manner of a private nature; but as the correspondence was conducted through the agency of the Minister of War, I feel that I am fully entitled to make that communication the point d'appui on which to rest the questions I desire to put to Her Majesty's Government. I beg your Lordships to believe that I am fully sensible how absolute is the power which a country circumstanced like France has a right to exercise in such a question as the present; and nothing can be more remote from my intention—nothing can be more foreign to my wish or to my purpose, than that anything like dictation should be attempted in this affair, or that any effort should be made to press the French Government to any course to which they might entertain a disinclination. But any opinion expressed by the House of Lords of this great nation is known to exercise so large a moral influence throughout the whole Continent of Europe, that there is no country, however great or powerful, that can afford to treat it with entire disregard. It is for this reason that I have ventured to trespass upon your Lordships with these remarks upon a subject in which the universal feelings of humanity of all nations may be truly said to be interested. My object is to ascertain if Her Majesty's Government would not or might not express their sympathy through the Ambassadors at Paris and Constantinsple in Abd-el-Kader's position, and if France can be prevailed on generously and nobly to accord, under proper securities and hostages, his liberation or transmission to some sunny region suitable to his habits, and conducive to the prolongation of his life. Any expression of opinion from this country, I think, would greatly aid the expressed and decisive wish of the President of the Republic. In submitting my questions now, and making this movement, I beg your Lordships to 1382 understand I do it without concert with any one. I may he in error, but I could not witness this illustrious captive in his gloomy prison, humble as I am, without calling to my mind that the man I had formerly aided, by chance and the will of the Almighty, might now emancipate him. It is upon these data that I have brought forward my present Motion, and the questions I shall submit. It is unnecessary for me to trouble your Lordships at great length, or to enter into my long intimacy with Prince Louis Napoleon; but, as a necessary prelude to the questions I am about to propose, I entreat your Lordships' attention to the following extract from a letter which I have received on the subject of Abd-el-Kader's incarceration from the President of the French Republic. It is to the following effect:—
Ce que vous me dites de l'Emir Abd-el-Kader m' a vivement interessé et je retrouve bien dans votre sollicitude pour lui, le même cœur généreux qui a intercéde il y a quelques années en favour du prisonnier de Ham. Je vous avouerai que des le premier jour de mon élection la captivité d'Abd-el-kader n'a cessé de me préoeeuper et de me peser sur le cœur comme un fardeau. Aussi me suis je occupé souvent de réchereher les moyens qui pourviendroient me permettre de lui mettre en liberié sans risquer de compromettre le repos de l'Algérie et la securité de nos soldats et de nos colonies. Aujourdhui mêmo mon nouvel Ambassadeur qui se rend a Constantinople est chargé per moi d' étudier cette question; et croyez moi, mon cher Marquis, que personne ne sera plus heureux que moi lorsqu' il sera dans mon pouvoir de rondre Abd-el-Kader a la liberié.(Signed)LOUIS NAPOLEON.It is impossible not to admire the sympathy and eloquent feeling of this short composition, which has given me courage to bring the matter publicly before the House of Lords. I trust I have done it without the smallest infraction of the just and undoubted power and right of the President and the Government of France, to act exactly as they think proper. At the same time, the expression of your Lordships' commisseration and interest cannot fail to be of the greatest consolation to the unhappy victim in his prison of Ambois. Before concluding and putting my question, I feel it proper to add that I have in my possession copies of the original letters of the Due d'Aumale and General Lamoriciere which have been confided to me by the devoted friends of the Emir. I have, in all due delicacy and propriety, refrained as yet from making public the same; but the continued imprisonment of this illustrious man would leave me no other 1383 resource than exhibiting to the world how cruelly and ungenerously his capitulation was accomplished and carried into effect. The noble Marquess concluded by asking the following questions:—1, Whether Her Majesty's Government, in consequence of an intimation understood to have been made by the President of the Republic, through the French Ambassador at Constantinople, to the Ottoman Porte, respecting the transmission of Abd-el-Kader to the territories of the Sultan, or Alexandria, have received any communications from Sir S. Canning on the subject; and if so, whether they would lay them on the table? 2. Whether Her Majesty's Ministers would, under the painful and cruel circumstances of Abd-el-Kader's incarceration, give instructions to Her Majesty's Ambassadors at Paris and Constantinople to use their good offices in any arrangement between the Ottoman Porte and Franco, to alleviate the confinement of this illustrious warrior, and to aid his transmission to a region more suitable to his habits and comforts, and to the prolongation of his existence?
§ The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNEwas understood to reply: I cannot say that I am in the least surprised that the detention in captivity of the illustrious warrior to whom these questions refer, should have attracted the attention of my noble Friend who has just addressed your Lordships—that it should have enlisted his generous sympathies, and created in his mind an anxious desire to be of some service to so remarkable a man, oppressed by circumstances so unfortunate. But when the noble Marquess asks for information respecting the proceedings of the Government with reference to this matter, I have only to state that Her Majesty's Government have had no official communication from the French Government, or from any other quarter, upon this subject. After what the noble Marquess has already so justly observed upon this point, I need scarcely say, that we have not any claim, or any right whatever, to interfere in the circumstances of Abd-el-Kader's detention. Not only have we no right, but we have no interest to interfere, save and except that general interest which in common with all the nations of the civilised world we may be supposed to have in treaties, and in the faithful observance of treaties, even though we may not ourselves be parties to them. Her Majesty's Government cannot officially express an opinion upon 1384 this subject, unless they be specially invited to do so; but should they be so invited they will certainly have no hesitation in expressing their opinion. In the meantime I cannot do more than declare upon my own behalf, and on the part of Her Majesty's Government, generally, that it would afford us very great satisfaction to hear that the French Government had thought proper to release this illustrious warrior, or at all events to mitigate the circumstances of his detention.
LORD BROUGHAMthought that nothing could be more satisfactory than the answer which the noble Marquess had given to the questions which had been put to him upon a subject of the deepest interest. With respect to his own opinions upon this subject, he would content himself with saying that they were the same which all men of sound feeling and of good and just principles had long cherished upon this, in modern times, wholly unexampled passage in history. He blamed no person—neither the King nor the President—but he did blame the public feeling and public opinion of France, which upon this subject were anything rather than wholesome, sound, or creditable, to that illustrious nation.
§ House adjourned till To-morrow.