Lords Sitting of 2 June 1848

MINUTES.
Took the Oaths.—Several Lords.
PUBLIC BILLS.—1a Sale of Beer Regulations; Copyhold Enfranchisement Extension; Tobago, Relief and Immigration into British Guiana and Trinidad.
3a and passed; Poorhouses (Ireland); Parliamentary Proceedings Adjournment; Smoke Prohibition.
PETITIONS PRESENTED. From several Lodges of Odd Fellows and Foresters, for an Extension of the Privileges of the Benefit Societies Act to them.—From several Charitable Institutions, in the County of Huntingdon, to be Relieved from the Payment of Legacy Duty upon Bequests made to them.—From the Synod of Moray, against the Jews' Disabilities Bill—From Huddersfield, for the Adoption of Measures to Amend the Bankruptcy Laws.—From Wemyss, for Facilitating the Attainment of Sites for Churches (Scotland).—From Glasgow, for the Improvement of the present System of Parochial Education (Scotland).—From the County of Ayr, for the Immediate Completion of the Trigonometrical Survey of Scotland.—From the Wesleyan Methodists of Vauxhall Chapel, for the Closing of Public Houses on the Sabbath.—From Forres, Avondale, and Kirkcudbright, against the Marriage (Scotland) Bill, and Registering Births, &c. (Scotland) Bill.

THE LATE DISTURBANCES IN THE METROPOLIS.
LORD BROUGHAMpresented a petition, and said, he would take that opportunity of drawing their Lordships' attention to what had recently been going on in the streets and squares of the metropolis. He had been led to the serious consideration of these turbulent demonstrations by the events of the last two days; for it was difficult to conceive anything more intolerable, anything more hurtful in its nature, both to the trade of the peaceful and honest and industrious inhabitants of this metropolis, and also which was a great grievance in itself, although it perhaps could not be counted in pounds, shillings, and pence—anything, in fact, more utterly and entirely vexatious to the peaceable inhabitants of London than those alarms—alarms to which the population was constantly exposed, without the possibility of telling or of knowing to what they might lead—he alluded to the lawless processions which had been recently got up—anything, he repeated, more alarming, more vexatious, and more injurious, in all respects, than these processions, he, for one, could not imagine. Now, he could understand a public meeting—he could comprehend why a meeting should be held, peaceably and not tumultuously, and in such moderate numbers as to permit of fair discussion taking place—all that he could understand. But the practice of meeting in public was a civil right, and required to be regulated as all civil rights required to be regulated, without which they might produce abuse—degenerate, indeed, into abuse—so that the right might absolutely become a wrong. But that persons—not once, or twice, or as it might be by chance, but regularly and systematically, and at the expense of the industrious and the well-disposed portion of the community—should be minded to introduce a system which now prevailed in Paris, to the scandal not only of all France, but absolutely of all Europe—that some 20,000 or 30,000 men should he minded to devote the whole of their time to processions, to the production of alarms in the minds of the whole community, and not only the whole community, but, as in the case of Paris, in the minds of the whole Government; so that the Government there were absolutely fain to address manifestoes and proclamations to the evil-minded, not requiring or demanding, but humbly imploring them to remain tranquil—requests,
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by the by, which the rioters did not at all seem disposed to comply with; for there was but little understanding between them and the Government—that people here in London—industrious, rational, sober-minded London—that our English people should be beginning that system of processions, where there could be no discussion, or should be trying to make themselves a species of peripatetic discussers—though, after all, it was idle to talk of discussion in the matter—that such a system should be apparently beginning to be introduced here, was a circumstance which struck him with the utmost degree of surprise and of indignation. But they had gone further than mere impromptu processions. The town had been long ago placarded with bills bearing the words, and nothing but the words, "The 29th of May;" and then, after the lapse of some weeks, without any other notice, their Lordships heard of meetings, of processions—on that very day, let it be observed, of 2,000 men marching from this point, of 3,000 men marching from that, uniting their forces at a certain spot, and then proceeding from the eastern to the western end of the town, where it was not their fault or their leaders' fault that more mischief had not been done than was actually committed. But although there was no actual outbreak, was there no injury inflicted upon the community? Why, all trade had been interrupted. Several traders had come to him on Wednesday last to complain upon the subject. He at first said, "Why, these processions cannot much affect you. They take place at night, when your shops are shut." But they replied, "You don't know the nature of customers; for when there exists any alarm in the community, customers will not come to our shops in the numbers in which they come when everything is quiet. "All he had said was, that he was quite confident the law would be vigorously though mildly administered. Then, again, his visitors said, and he agreed with them in saying, "What is the use of these processions? They do harm to us, and good to nobody." Now, he replied, and what he said then he repeated now, "Whatever the object of those who march in processions may be, by marching in processions they will not get it." He repeated, even although the object might be the most commendable possible—even though it might be an object in which he himself was particularly interested—say, for example, the amendment of the law—still

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that object would not be attained, and it ought not to be attained, if sought in an illegal manner. He wished, then, to show the people—to show those who took part in these illegal demonstrations—to show both the doors of wrong and the sufferers from wrong—that the eyes of Parliament were upon them. He wished it to be known that Parliament was aware how sorely the patience of the troops, of the police, and of the special constables, had been tried. He did not mean to say that proper attention had not been paid by the Government to the evils in question. He believed that proper attention had been paid, and that arrangements had been made for the suppression of an outbreak; not, however, that he had any fear of an outbreak; be, did not believe that anything of the kind would be attempted; but what he did fear, what he did know, was, that these constant processions had the effect of interrupting trade—of harassing, to the last degree, the voluntary forces, as well as the police, the troops, and indeed the whole of the tranquil and sober-minded portion of the community, without any one person, in any one quarter, entertaining even the shadow of a belief that these processions could possibly serve for the attainment of any object whatever.
THE DUKE OF WELLINGTONwas glad that his noble and learned Friend had brought this grievance under their Lord-ships' notice. The whole town had been under arms for the last four nights, since Monday, the troops, the police, and inhabitants of all descriptions being kept in a state of readiness. He trusted that their Lordships would turn their attention to some mode of preventing the recurrence of an evil which had now been felt for about half a dozen of times since the commencement of this Session of Parliament. Two modes of preventing it occurred to him one mode was to prevent the assembly of these large bodies of persons, too numerous for the civil power on the spot to deal with, and at the same time too numerous for the purpose of discussion, if discussion was the object of their assembling. Another mode of dealing with this evil, was to make the persons who called these meetings together, under any pretext whatsoever, responsible for the evil consequences attending them in the spoliation of property—the destruction of windows or other property. Let such persons be held responsible for the damage in
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their own pockets. If that were done, their Lordships would find that these gentlemen would not be so ready to call these meetings together for no purpose whatever, excepting to make orations, exciting the people to the assassination of all who might have promoted the punishment of a felon, including the illustrious Lady on the Throne, and all the servants of the Crown and of the public who might have lent their and to the conviction and punishment of the felon.
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNEagreed with the noble and learned Lord in thinking that, if large bodies of persons were to continue to walk about in organised processions to procure the amendment of the law, which the noble and learned Lord stated he was desirous of seeing effected, they would be successful at least in this respect, in proving that the law required amendment, at any rate, as regarded their proceedings. Of course, there could not for a moment he a second opinion that processions having a tendency to disturb the public peace ought at once to be dispersed; and, as their Lordships knew, such processions had yesterday and the day before been arrested in their progress, and the public peace preserved; their progress had been effectually resisted, and the purposes of those engaged in them had been signally defeated. At the same time, he was ready to admit that the proceedings of those parties had been attended with a degree of success which ought no longer to he tolerated; but as to the 29th of May, and the placards annoncing that date, he must he allowed to remind the House that the original announcements of that kind had no reference whatever to the holding of public meetings in this metropolis; they were issued long before the intended processions, and merely consisted, as he understood, of an invitation to be present at the opening of Cremorne-gardens. He was perfectly ready to admit that, putting the affair of Cremorne-gardens completely out of the question, and setting aside altogether the announcement of the 29th of May, the subject of these processions demanded the serious attention of Her Majesty, and required the advice of Parliament. It was not to be borne that this most industrious metropolis should be exposed to disturbances of such a nature, and that the pains-taking and anxious tradesmen of London should be exposed to a loss of

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property the amount of which it would be exceedingly difficult to calculate with accuracy, but respecting the magnitude of which there could not be a shadow of doubt.
The DUKE of RICHMONDsaid, it had been suggested that those persons who called such meetings as occasioned the disturbances to which reference had been made, ought to be held responsible for the results. Now, it was well known that in several of the provincial towns a great deal of disturbance had taken place, and he confessed he saw no reason why the parties with whom those proceedings originated should not be made amenable to the law; they had committed an offence well known to the laws of England, and he thought it would be an extremely judicious course to put that law in force against them. The police had behaved remarkably well; and it was due to that force that every means which the law afforded should be taken for the purpose of insuring their protection in the due discharge of their duty. Upon these grounds, he did not hesitate to say that the wrong-doers in those cases ought to be indicted. For example—in London, if some twenty or thirty of them were sent for trial to the Central Criminal Court, much advantage might be the consequence. He took the liberty, then, of suggesting to his noble Friend opposite, that in the early part of these proceedings it would be highly important that the Queen's Government should show a determination to put them down. He thought it highly important that the attention of his right hon. Friend at the head of the Home Department should be called to this subject. At the same time, he was fully sensible of the great exertions made by his right hon. Friend in maintaining the public tranquillity, and of the ability which he had displayed; but he did believe that some activity shown in the matter of prosecutions and indictments might possibly prevent the necessity of calling out the soldiery. If necessary, they must be called out; and if the disturbers of the public peace assembled with arms in their hands, the soldiers must be called on to act. They had already been too long kept under arms, and if they were frequently called out, and at length obliged to act, it might be no harm to remind those persons who were active in forming processions that soldiers were but men, and that it would be difficult to esti-
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mate the consequences of once putting them in motion: under certain circumstances, it might be extremely difficult to restrain them.
LORD DENMANsaid, he would not advert to any particular facts, as such matters might come judicially under his notice; but he might inform their Lordships that when the grand jury recently assembled in the Court of Queen's Bench, the learned Judge (Mr. Justice Patteson) who then presided, very properly thought it his duty to lay down the law distinctly upon this subject. Mr. Justice Patteson had stated the dangers which those persons who took any part in these disturbances were incurring; he warned them not to underrate the consequences which any attempt to resist the dispersion of the mobs of which they formed part would bring upon them. He did not himself hesitate to say, that if the statements put forward upon these subjects were not exaggerated, such insufferable insults as the law was now exposed to could no longer be tolerated. Assuming that the speeches at those meetings were reported in the terms that they were delivered, then such speeches, exciting the hearers to felony, might be visited by the severest penalties of the law. In one sentiment dropped by his noble and learned Friend opposite he fully concurred, namely, that if the object which those parties proposed to themselves were of the most laudable character, yet that the mode by which they sought to accomplish those objects being illegal and criminal, the object itself ceased to be justifiable. As an old reformer, he would earnestly dissuade his fellow-countrymen from engaging in those questionable proceedings; to get up petitions and agitate the public mind at a period like the present, would do more injury than service to the cause of reform; and he doubted not that such proceedings would prove as dangerous to the parties agitating as they were inconvenient to the rest of the community. As an old friend and well-wisher, he should earnestly hope that all agitation would be for the present suspended, as otherwise there would be great danger of putting an end to all attempts at constitutional reform, even to the sacrifice of the principles of constitutional freedom.

DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH SPAIN.
LORD STANLEYsaid, that since he last thought it necessary to bring the af-

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fairs of Spain under the notice of their Lordships, he had had an opportunity of examining the papers which had been laid before them respecting the circumstances under which the British Minister, Sir Henry Bulwer, quitted Madrid. He was not, however, now about to enter into any discussion of the merits of the question, neither had he any intention of calling upon Her Majesty's Government to state the course which they intended to pursue with regard to those occurrences, under the circumstances in which they were at present placed; but he must say, that in the papers to which he had referred there was a manifest incompleteness. To him it appeared that there were important omissions upon a subject respecting which full information was most material. A most material part of the case appeared to him to have been wholly omitted; he alluded to a statement on the part of the Government of Spain to the Government of this country, setting forth the motives which had induced the former to take so strong a step as that of sending away our Minister from the Court of Madrid. He was sure it would be at once felt that noble Lords opposite ought to take some decided course, and that they ought as soon as convenient to furnish the House with information regarding these transactions. The question which he at present wished to put was this—had Her Majesty's Government received any communication from the Court of Madrid explaining the motives which had impelled them to the remarkable step that they had recently taken, or whether any communication had been made in addition to those made to Sir H. Bulwer respecting the motives of the Spanish Government, and the ground of their proceedings; and, if so, whether it was the intention of the Queen's Government to lay copies of such documents before Parliament?
The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNEreplied, that since the papers to which the noble Lord had referred were laid on the table of the House, other communications had been received by means of the only legitimate channel through which correspondence of that kind could pass, or from which it could be received. He had further to say, that that correspondence, as far as it had gone, would not be considered as affording any satisfactory explanations of the reasons which had influenced the Spanish Government; and therefore, until further communications were received,
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he could scarcely think it desirable to lay any additional papers on the table of the House. Until further opportunity could be afforded for eliciting the sentiments of the Spanish Government, he did think it inexpedient to carry the production of papers any further for the present. But, the moment those documents were complete, they should, without delay, be laid upon the table of the House in the fullest form. The noble Lord had spoken of certain material omissions from the papers already before their Lordships. Upon that point he had only to observe, that neither he nor any of his noble Friends were at all aware of any such omissions. As the noble Lord had said, he should abstain from entering into any discussion of the general merits of the question. If ever they should become the subject of discussion, he doubted not that it would be fully in his power to satisfy their Lordships, and even the noble Lord opposite, that nothing material had been omitted—at least, nothing that could not be satisfactorily explained.

IRELAND.
The Third Reading of the Parliamentary Proceedings Adjournment Bill having been moved,
THE MARQUESS OF LANSDOWNEsaid, he wished to take that opportunity of calling their Lordships' attention to some papers respecting the state of Ireland. He might, perhaps, have laid them on the table of their Lordships' House without making any comment whatever; but, as repeated inquiries had in that House been made with respect to the state of Ireland, he did think it well, under present circumstances, to say a few words. The first paper which he proposed to lay upon the table of their Lordships' House was one which had been called for a considerable time ago, and which, if he recollected aright, had been called for by a noble Lord whom he then saw on the bench opposite. That paper, he trusted, would enable them to see the amount of loans which had been granted for the relief of the suffering part of the population of Ireland; and it would, he believed, at the same time enable them to sec the various objects to which those loans had been applied. The general result of these documents would show that a sum had been advanced to the Irish people amounting to no less than 8,787,000 l., which included 339,000 l., which had been advanced for the purpose of pro-

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moting railways in Ireland. These loans, as doubtless their Lordships were already aware, were repayable at several periods, varying from one to twenty years. It was his duty to lay a statement of those loans before the House; but he did not by any means feel himself called upon to vindicate all those loans: at the same time, he had no objection to say that those loans were originally made at a time when the Government had no alternative. It was true that those loans had not always been applied to the best possible advantage, for want of sufficient organisation. The parties concerned in the administration of those funds were obliged to take their chance for success. The fact was, that they had been obliged to make those advances without requiring surveys or organisation; for if they had required those as preliminary conditions, that would have defeated their design altogether. He knew perfectly well that many of the statements contained in those papers would disappoint their Lordships. The results of attempts to create an artificial demand for labour in Ireland, could not be otherwise than disappointing to those who wished, as every one ought to wish, that attempts should be made to effect a substantial and permanent improvement in the condition of the people of Ireland. The real regenerative principle for that part of the United Kingdom was to be found, not in large grants, but in an awakened spirit of industry amongst the people themselves. But, though strongly influenced by these sentiments, Her Majesty's Government were not for a moment insensible to the claims which the distress in Ireland had created; and he regretted to say that in some parts of Ireland much distress was still to be apprehended, though no doubt two-thirds, or at all events one-half, of Ireland was in the enjoyment of comparative ease. In those parts of the country, however, where the people were dependent upon one article of food, where that failed there could be no doubt the distress was extreme; and he could confidently assure the House that those parts of Ireland had obtained, and should continue to receive, the utmost attention from the responsible advisers of the Crown. The House would see from the papers which were to be laid before them, that from time to time assistance had been given to the people of Ireland in various forms, and that a certain amount of and had been conveyed to them through the instrumentality of the British Association;
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and here he must be allowed to say that the manner in which that body carried out their operations did them immortal honour. Their charity and benevolence were greater, he believed, than had ever been previously known in any country; and he believed that upon examination their system would be found more perfect than any other that had ever been adopted for such a purpose. The mode in which it had been thought most expedient to apply that fund, was one which had more than once been noticed in that House, and which he rejoiced to say had been productive of happy results; it was assistance given by feeding and educating children in large masses. At a time not very distant from the present, there were no fewer than 201,000 children thus provided for at an expense of 3,000 l. a week. He must invite the particular attention of their Lordships to the papers and correspondence of the British Relief Association, as containing valuable testimony of the manner in which the plans adopted by the Government had operated, and of the good that had been effected. [Here the noble Marquess read one or two passages from the papers,] He did not, indeed, believe there was a clergyman or an inspector in any part of Ireland, in which these measures had been taken, who was not prepared to come forward and bear the same testimony. Up to the last two months the sum of 78,000 l. had been expended in this manner. The Government had also taken measures so as to continue the means of education and relief until after the next harvest. This was a subject which he felt there was some difficulty in dealing with, so as to avoid exciting delusive expectations, and giving rise to importunate demands. He would, however, say, with respect to the advances that had been made, that Her Majesty's Government had come to a resolution, under the present circumstances of Ireland, not to require the payment of any one of the instalments, although many were due, until after the approaching harvest. He could not quit this subject of the British Association without calling the attention of the House, not only to the general spirit of benevolence which had prevailed, and which had been so usefully and discreetly applied to the mitigation of this fearful distress, but to the merits also of one individual whose merits and disinterested exertions deserved the highest praise. He alluded to Count Salitzky, a Polish nobleman resident in this country, to whom,

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after much deliberation and communication with the Committee, the Government had come to the determination of intrusting the management of the distribution of these funds—a task for which his previous habits, his high character, and his unquestionable benevolence, eminently adapted him. He had also to inform their Lordships that, after discharging the onerous and responsible duties which he had undertaken, Count Salitzky had positively refused to accept the smallest remuneration whatever. The noble Marquess then expressed the gratification he felt in being able to state that, in the parts of the country to which he had been alluding, there was a greater amount of cultivation now going on than had been known in any former year; and he read two letters, one from Mr. Griffith, and another from a gentleman dating from Cork, descriptive of the improved aspect of the country. The noble Marquess concluded by laying upon the table the accounts and papers relating to the distribution of the grants for the relief of the distress in Ireland.
EARL FITZWILLIAMcould not participate in the sanguine hopes of improvement which seemed to have been instilled into the mind of his noble Friend by his informants, He fully admitted, however, that no blame could attach to the Government for the course they had originally taken with respect to Ireland, He had never said or thought so. He had never found the slightest fault with the Government for what they had then done; but he must find fault with them if they lulled themselves into the flattering belief that nothing more was necessary for the furtherance of the interests of that country than the measure which Parliament had already passed. He wished to see a change in that country, but he saw nothing in the measures already taken which had a tendency to effect that change. He wanted to see a change in the condition and relative situations between the different classes of society in Ireland; and he saw nothing in what had been done that was calculated to produce such an alteration. Nothing-had been done to encourage emigration on a large scale, and he was satisfied that without that, the state of the rural population of Ireland could not be effectually improved. The rural population was the phenomenon which must be dealt with, and, although there was a great amount of industry in the country, he had yet seen no tendency in the measures of the Go-
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vernment to place the rural population on a footing with that of other countries.
Subject at an end.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS ADJOURNMENT BILL.
LORD STANLEY LORD STANLEY moved that the Bill be now read 3a.
LORD CAMPBELLin moving, pursuant to notice, that the Bill be read a third time that day six months, said, that he had delayed till the last stage taking so hostile a course, in the hope that the objections he had stated to the Bill would have been made by some alterations. But the measure appeared to be even more objectionable now than when the noble Lord had first introduced it; for the only Amendment which he had proposed would considerably add to the evil. His objection to the Bill was, that it was wholly nugatory; that it was legislating in vain, and trying to do by Act of Parliament that which the two Houses could do by resolution only, if they should be so minded.
LORD LANGDALE: My Lords, notwithstanding the objections of my noble and learned Friend, it appears to me that the House is much indebted to the noble Lord, who, by introducing this Bill, has brought a very important subject under your consideration. The inconveniences which the Bill is intended to remedy are very great, and are universally admitted. Bills are sent from one House to the other so late in the Session that from the usual mode of closing the Session, rather than from any necessity, they cannot be sufficiently discussed for want of time. If they are passed, it is without sufficient deliberation; if they are not passed, all the time which has been already bestowed upon them is thrown away. The remedy proposed is not intended to derogate from the prerogative of the Crown, or the privileges of either House; but when a Bill has passed one House and reaches the other at a period which, according to the usual mode of closing the Session, is too late to allow of sufficient discussion, it is proposed to enable that other House, by resolution made with the consent of the Crown, to adjourn the Bill without abatement till the next Session; providing that, if it should pass in the next Session even without alteration, it should nevertheless be returned to the House in which it first passed, to be there adopted or rejected by resolution. Thus an opportunity is given to the House in which it first

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passed, of abandoning their own Bill, if further reflection or any new circumstances should have made it desirable to do so. As there does not seem to be any very good reason why a prorogation should interrupt the progress of a good measure, more than an adjournment for an equal length of time, this Bill may seem to err in not going far enough, and providing that all measures pending at the time of a prorogation should be resumed in statu quo in the next Session. This was, in fact, at one time proposed; but it was rejected by the House of Commons, principally, I believe, on the suggestion of Sir Edward Coke. The present Bill relates only to Bills which have passed one House, and are adjourned by the other by the consent of the Crown. The principal objection is raised on the supposed ground that the Bill is unnecessary. It is said that either House may pass Bills, after only one or as many readings as it may think proper. I shall not question the power of either House to dispense with its Standing Orders, or to adopt as many or as few readings of a Bill, or any other measures whatever, as occasion may require. But considering that usage has sanctioned the particular forms and the several steps which are now usually taken in the passing of Bills, and that these forms and successive several steps are not usually or satisfactorily departed from without special and sufficient reason stated on each particular occasion, it does not seem likely that either House would be inclined to dispense with the safeguards and precautions secured by the existing general orders, by a new general order applicable to the whole class of the cases now contemplated. I think, therefore, that there is no weight in the objection; and it does not appear to me that any inconvenience is likely to arise from the provision which is made for fixing a day for a resumption of the Bill within a short period of the commencement of the next Session. My Lords, thinking as I do that the Bill is calculated to be of some use, I willingly support the third reading; but I own it appears to me that it will not afford an adequate remedy for the inconvenience complained of, and that after it shall have passed, as I hope it will, further measures will be required; and having made that observation, I hope your Lordships will excuse me for stating my opinion that the best if not the only means of guarding against hasty, rash, and indiscreet legislation is to bestow adequate care on the
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preparation of Bills before they are introduced into either House. A business so important ought not to be left to the diligence and caution of individual Members of Parliament, or even to the responsibility of particular Government offices, or Ministers, charged with other duties sufficient to occupy their whole time. No business is so difficult, or requires so much care, attention, and caution, as the business of making new laws; and I presume to think that no new law should be proposed by the Government without the official report of a responsible Minister, stating accurately and authoritatively what is the present state of the law with reference to the subject—what are the inconveniences which are found to arise from it—upon what principles it is proposed to provide a remedy—and how those principles are intended to be applied. If this were carefully done, we might reasonably hope to have less of rash and inconsiderate suggestion from ignorant and incompetent persons—less difficulty in dealing with such suggestions when made—less time wasted in idle and unnecessary discussions—more of useful deliberation, and less of hurry—a greater facility of preserving uniformity of enactment and expression—in short, better laws. And further, if proper means were taken to ascertain and correct the errors which must be found in almost every application of new laws, we might hope that the whole system of our laws would be gradually, effectually, and safely improved. But to do what ought to be done, towards attaining this great and important object, would require the constant and unremitting attention of Government, and the exclusive employment of a Minister charged with that particular duty. I conceive that by the constant attention and assistance of a Minister charged with the peculiar duty of attending to the affairs of legislation and justice, you might probably reduce to a small amount not only the inconveniences which this Bill is intended to diminish, but many other inconveniences of still greater importance. My Lords, I ought to apologise for saying so much upon a subject not immediately and directly under your consideration; though it seems sufficiently connected with it, not to be wholly irrelevant. I think this Bill likely to be useful, though not so effective as I could wish it to be; the discussion to which it will give rise may be more useful than the Bill itself. I feel obliged to the

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noble Lord for introducing it; and I willingly vote for the third reading in the hope that the time may come when the House will be disposed to consider the more effectual remedy which I have taken the liberty to suggest.
LORD WHARNCLIFFEsupported the Bill, because it provided a remedy for an inconvenience which was gradually increasing, He would admit, however, with the noble Lord who brought in the Bill, that it was an imperfect mode of accomplishing the object which it proposed to effect.
LORD REDESDALEobjected to the Bill, because he believed it would altogether fail to remedy the evils which it was intended to meet.
After a few words from Lord MONTEAGLE and Lord STANLEY, in reply,
On the question that the word "now" stand part of the Motion,
Resolved in the Affirmative.
Bill read 3a and passed.
House adjourned.