STATE OF PUBLIC BUSINESS. (Hansard, 20 December 1847)

§ The EARL of ELLENBOROUGH
said, he wished to make a few observations on the Motion for adjournment now made by the noble Marquess. He could not agree in the expediency of Parliament separating at this moment. Since they were met together, it would be far better to go on and transact public business at a period of the year when Members really would attend, rather than be called upon to sit in July, when, in practice, few would, and measures would be shuffled through Parliament in a manner perfectly discreditable to the Legislature. When July came they would deeply regret that they did not put January to a better use. He did not make these remarks on general grounds only, for he thought it was most expedient that Parliament should continue sitting, with a view to the effective operation of the Act for the Prevention of Crime and Outrage in Ireland, which they had just passed. It had been observed invariably that the meeting of Parliament itself, without any act done by it, to a very considerable extent tended to allay disorders, and to check outrages in that country; and now, murder had not been so rife in Ireland since the meeting of Parliament as it was immediately before. The assassination committees had checked their hands; they had felt that the eye and the hand of Parliament were upon them; but if the new Act were put into operation without their still feeling that, and that Ministers were prepared and enabled at any day to press upon the consideration of Parliament, and with all their influence, the further measures which they had said they would propose if this Act should fail, then any man who anticipated great success from this measure would be disappointed. To him (the Earl of Ellenborough) it appeared an Act most inadequate to meet the difficulties of the crisis in Ireland. If the Act itself were sufficient, there was not the force there to carry it into effect. The carrying that Act into effect was not a civil—it was a military operation. To produce full effect, by means of that Act, there must be a winter campaign. It was only by bringing together masses of men, by sudden and secret marches, with a great extent of combination, that the Government could, with the limited means placed by Parliament in its hands, carry the Act into opera- 1413 tion; and he confessed he did not expect from the Irish Government, however he might respect his noble Friend at its head, that perfection of plan, that absolute secrecy in execution, and, above all, that extent of combination with the limited military means placed at its disposal, which would enable it to produce the effect desired by Parliament. Parliament, therefore, should have been kept together, in order that at any moment Ministers might come down to propose further measures, if this should not prove to be sufficient. For the cardinal point for their consideration was the effecting the tranquillity of Ireland; without that we must continue what we are, while that country remains distracted as it is, not a first-rate, but a second-rate power. But since Parliament was about to separate, it might be as well to consider what it had been doing, and for what purpose it had been assembled. His own belief was, that had it not been for the letter to the Directors of the Bank, recommending a step which would have required a Bill of Indemnity, but which was not, in fact, followed by any violation of the law, Parliament would not have been convened; but, being met, it was necessary for the Government to propose some measures for its consideration. What had those measures been? It was really curious to recount them. There was not one measure proposed which was not in reparation of previous and recent error committed by Parliament itself. The measure with respect to Public Works in Ireland was to repair the most inconsiderate, reckless legislation, which took place only eighteen months ago. The noble Earl at the head of the Colonial Department had been compelled to bring in a measure to suspend a constitution which, without sufficient, if any, knowledge of the state of the islands to which it was applied, he thoughtlessly proposed and carried through Parliament, for the establishment of a new Government at the antipodes. It was a measure of reparation of the laches of Parliament, which had been proposed with respect to that monster grievance—railway speculation. To a great extent the Crime and Outrage Bill, which was, in fact, an Arms Bill, was a measure in reparation of the error committed by Parliament a year before, when it rejected the Arms Bill then before it. There might be colourable Parliamentary excuses for the conduct then pursued by the House of Commons, in the manner in which that Bill had been conducted 1414 through the House; but there was no excuse in the state of Ireland—the state of Ireland demanded the passing of that measure, or a similar one. The first praise which a Parliament should desire to claim was that of doing what was right, and at least seeing that for some few years that which was deliberately adopted remained the law of the land; but that first high object of Parliamentary ambition seemed to be very much beyond the roach of the reformed Parliament, from which we were to expect absolute wisdom. That reformed Parliament, however, certainly did adopt the second line of wisdom, and did most painfully endeavour to acknowledge all its sins, and to undo most promptly what it had done, when it found the mischief it had occasioned. A year ago we had a letter of Mr. Labouchere's—for we were now governed as much by letters as by Acts of Parliament—extending the provisions of an Act passed only six weeks before; and this year we had a letter of two Members of the Government suspending the operation of an Act passed most deliberately three years ago. We were beginning to be governed, not by Acts of Parliament, but by Royal Ordinances. But he was wrong in saying that all the measures of the Session were in reparation of recent errors; there was one measure which some might say was a measure of reparation; but, if so, it was in reparation of a very ancient error—the error of considering it necessary that the Parliament of this country should remain exclusively Christian. A measure for the reparation of that error had been introduced—but measures of a remedial character, to remedy the total absence of all society in Ireland—measures to give security to this country in its defences against foreign States—these were postponed. It was not thought expedient to bring such measures forward in a sudden Session before Christmas. But one measure was brought forward. It was not for a national, not for a public object; it hardly rose to the elevation of a party measure; it was merely of a local and personal nature; it was a city measure, brought forward by a city Member, for the purpose of enabling a Jew millionnaire to sit in the House of Commons for the city. All other things could be postponed; but the Government could not postpone the making a sort of amende honorable to the Stock Exchange, by giving to a rich operator upon it the distinguished honour, if it were one, of being the first Jew Member of the House 1415 of Commons. Such measures were called bold measures; they were said to characterise a bold Ministry. There was another measure which had cast the brand of discord into the Church; and that, too, was "a bold measure." This was not the boldness which he wished to see in a Prime Minister of this country; he wished to see a Minister who would have the boldness to tell the truth to the people, and to propose only that which he believed to be right; who would unfold to Parliament the full extent of the extreme peril in which the interests of this country stood, and propose manfully the extreme measures by which alone those dangers could be averted, and stake his government upon their success. If instead of that we had mere measures of reparation of recent errors, and no original measures but one of a little, paltry, personal character, questionable in its principle, and abhorrent to the feelings of a large portion of the community, then the fear which he might entertain in regarding the real dangers of the country, increased to dismay when he contemplated the character of the Government, and the manner in which the affairs of the country were administered.

§ The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE
could assure the noble Earl that if Her Majesty's Government had thought that the constant sitting of Parliament would have tended to the repressing of disorder, of crime, and of outrage in Ireland, no consideration of habit or of convenience would have been allowed to prevent that course; but they did not believe that Parliament could with any useful effect legislate at this moment upon the subject beyond the step already taken. He, for one, believed—and such had been the opinion of both Houses of Parliament—that a measure very effectual for the repression of that disorder had been taken; not, undoubtedly, assuring their Lordships that no further measures would be necessary, but, anxious not to go beyond the necessity of the case, he felt that enough had been done for the purpose of enabling the Government of that country to try the experiment how far the measure proposed would succeed in restoring peace and tranquillity. He believed that six weeks must elapse before that could be ascertained; but even if within those six weeks circumstances should arise which should betray and manifest the insufficiency of this measure, though he prayed to God it might not be so, it was in the power of the Government by law to convene Parliament in a 1416 very short period, notwithstanding any adjournment, and enable them to adopt more efficient steps. But his own belief was, not only that six weeks must elapse before the efficacy of the measure could be ascertained, but also that it was highly expedient that Irish Members should be released from their attendance, for the purpose of their giving their support, not only to the general law, but to that extraordinary law which it had pleased Parliament to adopt. Should it prove insufficient, he had no hesitation in saying that the Government would have recourse to the power which was placed in their hands, of convening Parliament at an earlier period. With respect to the other topics on which their Lordships had just been addressed, it was not his intention then to follow the noble Earl. The noble Earl had stated various reasons why other measures should have been brought forward; but it had not been thought wise to bring forward what could not be effectually disposed of. The noble Earl had alluded to an exception made in behalf of one particular measure; but that was a measure necessary to complete the representation of the people in the other House of Parliament—a representation which remained imperfect until a decision should be come to upon that question.

LORD BROUGHAM
said, he had received information from Ireland that meetings had been recently held, at which the speakers, amidst great applause, had expressed their determination to keep their arms, and had advised the people to do so likewise, in order, as they said, to protect themselves, not only against the assassin behind the hedge, but also against the assassin from the Castle. He wished to ask the noble Marquess whether he had received any information upon the subject?

§ The MARQUESS of LANSDOWNE
said, he had received no official account of such meetings; but, of course, measures would be taken in Ireland to see that the law with regard to the possession of arms was not infringed.