HL Deb 12 February 1844 vol 72 cc501-13
The Earl of Clarendon

said, that in rising to put to my noble Friend, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, the questions of which I gave him notice, I must, in the first place, assure him, that I am not influenced by party motives, nor by any desire of causing the slightest embarrassment to the Government; but the events which have recently occurred in Spain, and still more those which are impending, are to my mind of a character too serious to be permitted to pass unobserved, and in silence. I am convinced that they received the anxious attention of my noble Friend, and that the House and the public will be desirous of receiving any information upon them, which he may not think it inconsistent with his public duty to communicate, for Spain must always occupy an important place in the general policy of Europe, and the prosperity, and, above all, the independence of that country must always be deeply interesting to the people of England. In fact, the British Statesman would greatly fail in his duty, who neglected every means in his power to secure the independence of Spain, and to resist all attacks upon it, be they open, or be they insidious, and come from what quarter they may. These are, I know, the principles of my noble Friend, which, upon more than one occasion, I have had the satisfaction of hearing him declare in this House, and I trust he may prove to your Lordships, that by them he has been guided, and that we are in no way responsible for, but on the contrary have done what was possible to avert the deplorable state of anarchy into which Spain has now fallen. A state of things, which must be equally alarming to those who wish well to liberal institutions, or who are anxious to maintain the dignity and security of thrones, for the throne and the constitutions of Spain are now in equal danger; both have been alike degraded, and in fact set aside, and in their place has existed a military despotism of the worst and most ferocious description, which, under a reign of terror, has for months past been rioting in acts of violence and illegality, and have trampled upon the laws, and outraged the feelings of the Spanish people. The present state of things cannot last; no nation will long submit to such tyranny as now exists in Spain; a fierce re-action will come, but leading as that must do to a chronic state of civil war, with all its evil consequences and dangerous example, other Governments may think themselves justified in interfering to put a stop to it, an intimation indeed of such a design under certain contingencies has been already given—this, on the other hand, may give rise to serious discussions among the powers of Europe; and it is therefore essential, not only as regards Spain, but the present peace of Europe, as well as the peculiar interests of Great Britain, that tranquillity and regular government should be restored; and if I know any thing of Spain, I can affirm that that can only be effected, through the institutions which the Spanish people have for the last ten years been struggling to obtain, but which are now in the utmost danger of being abolished. I will not go the length of saying, that any interference on the part of this country could have prevented the lamentable state of things which now exists in Spain, but, at the same time, I unhesitatingly affirm, that foreign interference, not the less effectual for being disguised, has caused it, and for this the Spaniards themselves are mainly to blame, for there are among them certain classes who unfortunately do not scruple to accept any assistance from any quarter against their political rivals, however dangerous that assistance may be to the national interests. It is to this readiness to place themselves under the yoke of foreign influence; that many of the disasters which have befallen Spain are to be attributed, and among them the overthrow of the Regency. I will very briefly recapitulate the occurrences which preceded that event, as it is necessary, in order to render the present state of things intelligible. No sooner was General Espartero raised to the highest dignity of the State, and it was seen that his government would be conducted upon principles strictly constitutional and national, than the destruction of his power was resolved upon by those classes of persons to whom I have just alluded, the plots and intrigues for that object, originated and were matured at Paris; they were known to, and not discountenanced by the French Government, the insurrection in the Basque Provinces; in the name of the Ex-Queen Regent, and the attack on the palace, for the purpose of carrying off the Queen were known of in Paris long before they occurred in Spain—then came the studied insults offered to the person and authority of the Regent by the French ambassador, M. de Salvandy; these were followed by the revolt at Barcelona, and the reward conferred upon the French consul, M. Lesseps, by return of telegraph, when the mere fact of the revolt, and nothing of the conduct of the consul could be known at Paris. I must also remind your Lordships of the official apology insisted upon by the French Government from that of Spain for having wrongfully accused the consul, or rather for not having accused him rightly, and the obstinate refusal of the French Government to withdraw the consul, although repeatedly and respectfully informed that his residence at Barcelona, after the part he was known to have taken in the insurrection, was most injurious to the authority of the Spanish Government—these facts are notorious, and they establish beyond all doubt the hostility of the French Government to General Espartero; but the enemies of the Regent finding that their objects could not be effected by insurrection or violence, had recourse to parliamentary manœuvres, and by well-directed intrigues in the Cortes, the action of the Government was at length paralysed, and the formation of a Ministry that could command a majority, was rendered impracticable. When the Regent was thus deprived of constitutional power, a fresh revolt was determined upon, the leaders of this then quitted Paris, with the knowledge and sanction of the French Government, and they received every assistance from the French authorities on their journey to the frontier. The Regent's generals were inactive or unskilful; his soldiers were ill-paid, and seduced by the money and the promises offered them by his rival—the moment for striking a decisive blow was lost—reverse ensued, and the cry against the Regent spread like an epidemic over the land, thus without an attempt to found any charge against him; without an accusation against his honour or his devoted attachment to the Sovereign and the institutions of Spain; and without a thought or a care by what individual or what system he should be replaced—never, I believe, in the annals of history, was there a more wicked and objectless Revolution. General Espartero fell, and your Lordships will remember that the news of his overthrow was received here by people of all parties with un- mingled regret, but at Paris with marks of the liveliest satisfaction. I am convinced, however, that the French Government, in the course they pursued towards General Espartero, committed a great error—an error which, to my humble judgment, is quite incomprehensible, considering the profound sagacity that directs the policy of France, for the smallest degree of foresight, the smallest amount of knowledge of the Spanish character, and of the state of things in Spain, would have sufficed to show the danger of overthrowing the Regency. I will go even further and affirm, that there was no sovereign or government in Europe, desirous of upholding the monarchical principle, and preventing the degradation of crowned heads, that was not directly interested in the maintenance of General Espartero's power; the furious elements of discord, that his absence has let loose, abundantly prove what must have been the difficulties of his position, and entitle him to the highest credit, to that credit in short, which was so warmly, though not more warmly than justly, bestowed upon him by my noble Friend, and the right hon. Baronet at the head of Her Majesty's Government, for having so long, and in despite of foreign and domestic intrigues, governed the country in peace, and without one single infraction of the constitution or the laws. Most difficult also would have been the position of the Queen, even under the most favourable circumstances, of the country being handed over to her in a state of repose at the age fixed by the law for attaining her majority, but how immeasurably have all her difficulties been increased by her being forced prematurely to ascend the throne amidst bloodshed and civil war? The victim of the selfish band of conspirators into whose hands she has fallen, and already the unconscious instrument of violating the institutions and the laws, as well as the customs and the prejudices of the people, she nominally governs to an extent which her father in all the plenitude of his despotism would hardly have dared to contemplate. Such, however, are the auspices under which the reign of this youthful Sovereign has; yet nothing has occurred which might not easily have been foreseen, and quite as easily have been prevented. I know full well how much it is the practice in Spain unduly to blame foreign governments, and upon what light evidence disasters are directly attributed to their intervention. I know it has bean said and believed in Spain as well as here, that agents were sent from France to promote this senseless revolution; that the ample funds which he tinsurrectionists had at their command were supplied by France, and that arms in large quantities were furnished from the French arsenals on the frontier, but I disbelieve these stories—I am convinced that they are without foundation—I am equally convinced, however, that if the French Government had wished well to General Espartero, he would at this moment be Regent of Spain—if the French Government had announced their good-will towards him to the conspirators at Paris—if they had applied in his favour those principles upon which they united in Switzerland against Louis Buonaparte, and declared that all those Spaniards who were receiving hospitality in France should not be permitted to abuse it by conspiring against their own Government and country—if they had called into action but the smallest portion of those enormous powers of police which, when occasion requires, can be so rigorously exercised, rely upon it no revolution would have taken place in Spain. Unfortunately none of this occurred, and the result, if I am not mistaken, is rather embarrassing; the success has been too great; it has far outstripped the expectations or the intentions of those who merely desired the downfall of the Regent, but wished to reflect upon the consequences it might entail; they have seen with alarm the army officered and recruited by the adherents of Don Carlos; the Cortes prorogued without any cause being assigned, the most unpopular laws inflicted upon the country by ordinances, and the constitution as completely set at nought as if it was not the foundation and the strength of the Queen's cause. I say these things must be seen at Paris with alarm; because they cannot last beyond the fleeting popularity of the soldier at whose bidding they have been brought about; reaction must come, and with it worse confusion and greater anarchy, and shocks against which the Spanish throne must not be expected to stand. In the midst of all this disorder, however, brought about in the manner I have attempted to describe, the world is informed from the mouth of the King of the French, that a cordial understanding exists between France and England with respect to Spain, not as to general policy, but specially with respect to Spain. This announcement, however satisfactory it might have been, however much matter for rejoicing it might have afforded a twelvemonth since, is at the present moment somewhat ominous. I fear it portends only, that the objects of the one Government havin gbeen more than fully accomplished, the sanction of the other Government has been required and its assistance called in for the purpose of preventing those objects from being hereafter defeated. When General Espartero was Regent—when Spain was tranquil—when there was a prospect of the Queen's ascending the throne at the age prescribed by law, and by the advice of a strong Government, and with the consent of a united Cortes, uninfluenced by foreign dictation, proceeding to select for her consort the prince best suited to the difficulties he would necessarily have to encounter, we heard nothing of this cordial understanding between the two Governments, which seems to have been reserved for times when every thing good has been marred, and every thing mischievous has been achieved. It is upon this point I would wish to ask for information from my noble Friend, if, consistently with his duty, he can afford it; namely, upon what basis this good understanding rests, and what course will henceforward be pursued with regard to Spain under this new and united policy. I heard with the sincerest satisfaction in Her Majesty's Speech, that this cordial understanding was not limited to Spain,—so in the speech of the king of the French,—and I trust my noble Friend may be able to inform their Lordships that its beneficial influence will be extended to all the various transactions in which the two countries are concerned. I am convinced that no intelligence would be more gratifying to the people of England, for they would justly regard it as the best guarantee for maintaining the peace of the world, and I believe it would not be less gratifying to the great majority of the enlightened people of France, notwithstanding the efforts of a portion of their press, and of some public men, to envenom the relations between the two countries for their own selfish purposes, and because they think they can better, and more safely exhibit their patriotism, by injurious attacks upon England, than by directing the reluctant attention of the public to matters of domestic, and therefore of less exciting interest. Whether my noble Friend will give me the information I seek or not, I must be permitted to say, that the understanding now come to between France and England is of the utmost importance, first, because it may be the means of saving or destroying exist on the subject, that the individual is the institutions of Spain; and secondly, because it must involve, indeed, it probably relates chiefly to the Marriage of the Queen, and upon that I have no hesitation in affirming, depends the last remaining hope of prosperity for Spain; upon the selection of the Queen's husband depends the possibility of maintaining the internal peace, and establishing regular government. This brings me to the next question which I am desirous of putting to my noble Friend, it is respecting the right claimed by the French Government to place a Prince of the House of Bourbon upon the Spanish throne, and their determination to prevent by force, if necessary, any other than a member of that family being selected by the Spanish nation as the husband of their Queen; for the mission of the French Envoy, M. Pageot to announce this determination to Her Majesty's Government as well as to the courts of Austria and Prussia, is no more a secret than the declaration of M. Guizot to the same effect in the Chamber last year. Now if the French Government had restricted their claim to the exclusion of any individual who might be obnoxious or dangerous to France, neither Spain nor any other country would have had a right to object. A marriage, between the Queen of Spain, for instance, and the Due de Bordeaux or a member of the Buonaparte family, would have been so manifestly obnoxious that they would have been justified in preventing it; but the French Government go further; they have not only said the Queen shall not marry certain individuals, but have declared that out of one family alone—that family too, whose advent in Spain has been productive of small benefit to that unfortunate country—she shall be permitted to select a husband, but upon what right this extraordinary claim is founded or upon what pretence it is sought to defend this open denial to Spain of the character and attributes of an independent nation, I am wholly at a loss to imagine; for it seems to me that beyond that jurisdiction which the powerful may at all times exercise against the feeble, France has no more right to interfere in this matter, her own immediate interests being guarded, than in the marriage of any other sovereign of Europe. The general belief, however, is, that this claim, if not openly recognized, is at least no longer disputed by my noble Friend; indeed, so cordial an understanding is said to exist on the subject that the individual is actually agreed upon between the two Governments, whom the Queen of Spain, whether she or the Cortes choose it or not, shall be compelled to accept, and that this individual is the Count Trapani, a brother of the King of Naples, a prince now but sixteen years old, brought up by the Jesuits at Rome, and destined for holy orders. But I must beg their Lordships to remember, that the court of Naples has never ceased to conspire against the cause of liberty in Spain in favour of Don Carlos, whose agents were publicly received at Naples. That the court of Naples was the only one in Europe which formally protested against the restoration by King Ferdinand of the ancient order of Succession, and that so great was the irritation of the King of Naples upon this subject, that in 1840, after the termination of the civil war, he absolutely refused to allow his own sister, Queen Maria Christina to cross his frontier when she was desirous of returning to Naples, and yet it is from a royal family, the most hostile to Spanish liberty, and the cause of the Queen, that the husband of that Queen is to be selected, at the age of sixteen, and fresh from a Jesuit college, is to be called to a position where all the advantages of a liberal education, and the utmost tact and prudence would hardly suffice for overcoming the difficulties by which he must be surrounded. Until I hear it from my noble Friend himself, I will not believe that we have come to a good understanding with France merely for the furtherance of such a design as this—a design, however, which still may, and I trust will be defeated by the Spanish people, by their proper sense of their own dignity, independence, and interests; but should this not be so, should their representatives be so far unmindful of their duty, and so far influenced by fear, or by motives even yet more unworthy, as to make a choice for the consort of their Queen, which will revive all that kingly and priestly despotism by which Spain has for centuries been enslaved, I do at least hope it will be impossible for them hereafter to plead the advice or concurrence of England in a step which must destroy the small remnant of hope still left to their suffering country. If my noble Friend admits, as I am sure he readily will, that we are interested in the wellbeing, and good government of Spain, in the developement of her resources, and above all, in her Independence; then I trust he will declare, that he has been no party to a project which will prove an effectual barrier to them all. The questions which I would wish to ask my noble Friend are, whether any new line of policy has, in conjunction with France, been adopted by Her Majesty's Government with reference to Spain, and if so, in what manner it will be brought to bear upon the present state of things in that country; and secondly, whether Her Majesty's Government has recognised the right claimed by France, to insist that the choice of a husband for the Queen shall be restricted to the Princes of the House of Bourbon, and whether, in consequence of such recognition Her Majesty's Government has agreed to recommend that this choice should fall on Count Trapani, a brother of the King of Naples.

The Earl of Aberdeen

said, My noble Friend has introduced his question with observations on the state of Spain, and of our relations with that country, in a manner which would better have justified a motion rather than the question with which he concluded, because it imposes upon me the necessity of making more general observations than may be altogether convenient to the House, or useful to the country in which the noble Earl professes so great an interest. I rejoice that my noble Friend has expressed his satisfaction at the establishment of a good understanding between France and this country, and that even those who have war in their hearts—and there may be such in this country—are still obliged to confess that they concur in that satisfaction. My noble Friend has entered at considerable length into the events which have taken place in Spain in the attempts to establish a constitutional system of government in that country, and he has described the various impediments which have occurred to the success of that establishment. No one knows better than the noble Earl the history of Spanish affairs; and if he cannot, I do not think that any one, looking back to the various revolutions, and revolts, and changes, which have taken place during the last ten years, since the death of Ferdinand, can give any intelligible or consistent account of the motives of any one of them. I know that when these events take place great credit is given to foreign influence. This is plotted in Spain—the other is contrived in London. The noble Lord knows that if the overthrow of the Regent was contrived in Paris; his elevation was said to be con- trived in London. The existence of Espartero and of his government was as much maintained to be the effect of English interference as the downfall, according to the noble Earl, was the effect of French intrigue and of the French government. I believe both the one and the other statement to be equally true—or rather to have no truth. I am satisfied that the English Government had nothing to do with the elevation of Espartero any more than the French government had with his overthrow. It is truly preposterous to imagine that this was so effected. I do not say that it was a most senseless and objectless revolution, but to say that it was not national, is to maintain what is contrary to the common observation of mankind. In the course of six weeks there was not a single village in Spain which did not rise in opposition to the Regent. From one part of the country to the other, including his own army, the most devoted of his followers, all were united in their desire to overthrow him, and to expel him from the government. If this were produced by a few thousand francs and a few French intriguers, it was ridiculous to suppose that all this could have been done, although I know that in Spain they are believed to be a numerous party. If it had not been general, it would have been senseless to resist the Regent: but if it were not a national revolution, let me ask how it was, when he had escaped from the troops that pursued him, and found himself safe in Cadiz, with maritime means at his disposal, Spain having thirty or forty strong places along the coast, that not to one could he go, but was obliged to embark and set sail in an English ship? He is a gallant and a brave man; if every party in the country had not abandoned him, so long as he had any hope he would have remained; but he found, whether rightly or wrongly, that the country had decided against him, and he therefore abandoned all his prospects. It is utterly impossible that this could have been effected in the manner which has been suggested. My noble Friend was himself believed by a large party in Spain, to be the author of the revolution of La Granja; and no doubt he will go down in the history of Spain as its author. I have, my Lords, long been of opinion, that we have meddled a great deal too much in the affairs of Spain. The mischief may have been little which my noble Friend did in that affair, but we have been too meddling in the course of affairs in that country. If any- thing, we may have too much influence in Spain. I attribute the downfall of Espartero to the supposition, perfectly unfounded, but still believed, that he was elevated under English influence. If there is anything more strongly marked in the determination of the people of Spain, it is their spirit of resistance to foreign influence; and, though they may for a time submit, there is no doubt that they will rise against it, and resist it, and that it will ultimately be completely destroyed. My noble Friend has adverted to the cordial understanding which exists, with respect to Spain, between the English and the French Governments, referred to in the Speech of the King of the French. I can assure him that the cordial understanding has no particular reference to Spain, although in the Speech of the King of the French, Greece and Spain were mentioned as two countries with respect to which the greatest anxiety prevailed, and on which a good understanding was most immediately desirable. This good understanding was not founded upon any specific agreement or alliance, but upon a belief that the essential interests of the two countries are involved, and it depends upon mutual trust in the honour and integrity of the two Governments of England and France. I can have no difficulty in explaining to the noble Earl the basis of that understanding: it rests upon a desire to maintain Spanish independence—upon an anxiety to support the establishments and constitutional system in Spain—upon a wish, by all proper means to check every species of violence and reaction, and to develope the great national resources of that country, and to extend her prosperity and secure her happiness. Those are the objects of our good understanding with France; I know no other, and, what is more, I believe that no other exists. My noble Friend has also alluded to a subject which I think is scarcely fit for parliamentary discussion; I mean the marriage of the Queen of Spain. Upon that question also I can have no difficulty in repeating a declaration I have often made before—it is completely and exclusively a Spanish question and a Spanish interest. No doubt it may happen that the Spanish marriage is such as to engage the attention of the other powers of Europe; indeed, it cannot well take place without being a subject of some solicitude to other states; but it is a matter for the Spanish government and Spanish people to decide. And I can assure the noble Earl that this country has entered into no engagement, and has come to no understanding of any description which can interfere with the complete independence of the Spanish government and nation upon the subject. I may entertain an opinion of preference for one prince over another, but I give no opinion respecting the illustrious prince adverted to by my noble Friend. I am not to choose who is a fit husband for the Queen of Spain; but I leave that to the proper authorities in the Spanish nation. Whether the Spanish authorities will prefer a prince of the House of Bourbon or not is entirely for them and not for me to consider. I believe I have now answered both the questions of the noble Earl.

The Earl of Clarendon

Does the French government mean to exclude any prince from the throne of Spain, but one of the House of Bourbon?

The Earl of Aberdeen

I have no reason to think that any recommendation of the kind has been given. The French government may propose whom it thinks proper, but I am no party to anything in the shape of exclusion. It is very likely that the French government may think that the Spanish nation would do well to select a prince of the House of Bourbon. I may be of that opinion too; and a great deal may be said upon the subject. I believe that if the Spanish nation were to vote upon the question, such might be their choice; but I do not enter into a matter which is to be left to the fair choice of the Spanish government. I think that my noble Friend was wrong in what he said of the mission of M. Pageot last year; but it is not for me to enter into that subject: it is not before the House, and it has no practical bearing upon the question which is before it. My persuasion however is, that the noble Earl is mistaken upon the subject of that mission. I think I have now answered my noble Friend's questions, and I hope to his satisfaction, though I do not agree with his description of recent events, or of the nature of those events, yet I entirely concur with him that our greatest endeavour ought to be by every means in our power to secure the independence and the prosperity of Spain. I give him full credit for an absence of all party and personal feeling. I do full justice to the motives by which he is actuated, knowing, as I do, the great interest he has always taken in the affairs of Spain.

The Earl of Clarendon

I am bound in justice to say, that I think the answers of the noble Earl entirely satisfactory; and I may be allowed to express my gratification at having been the means of obtaining them. I have heard him before state the principles he has this night avowed, and I rejoice to find that he still entertains them, and is determined to uphold the independence of Spain. It is most important that we should induce that country to do what she can to develope her own resources. I rejoice to learn that there is a mutual good understanding between the Governments of England and France upon these subjects, and above all, that they intend to maintain the constitutional and representative system in Spain. That was most satisfactory. As to the part taken by the French government, I will not enter into that question now. I am ready to admit my noble Friend's version of it, and will not, on the present occasion, adduce the proofs which at the present time I think I could do, as well as give reasons for my belief in the accuracy of what I have advanced. I will not allude to it farther than to say one word on what fell from him regarding the part he has supposed I took in that detestable revolution of La Granja. He intimates, that in fact I participated in it myself; but, if I ant to be handed down, as he says, in Spanish history as a conspirator in that affair, I can only observe, that, like many other statements in the Spanish chronicles, it will be utterly without foundation. I heartily agree with him in what he remarked as to our meddling too much with the affairs of other countries, and I am glad to hear that my noble Friend means to avoid it in future.

Lord Howden

stated, that having been a good deal in France and Spain, he was able to assert that what his noble Friend had mentioned about proofs, which he did not think fit to bring forward, might be attended with injurious consequences. It was one of the worst things that could have been said in reference to the alliance which all must be anxious to preserve. The effect of what had fallen from his noble Friend might not be overcome in two or three years, and might materially counteract what had been so well stated by the noble Earl at the head of the Foreign Department.

House adjourned.