HL Deb 17 March 1843 vol 67 cc1077-80
The Marquess of Lansdowne,

in moving for the production of the correspondence between her Majesty's Plenipotentiary and the British merchants at Canton, desired to preface the motion by a few observations directing the attention of her Majesty's Government and of Parliament to a very important subject, the position and prospects of our commercial relations with China. No man invested with any ordinary ability for insight into the future would fail to discern that we were on the eve of a more momentous movement in respect to our connections with the east than had ever yet occurred in the history of this country. The effect of the close of that warfare with China—which had been commenced by the resist- ance her Majesty's Government had felt it their duty to offer to unjust and unreasonable demands—had been to open the means of infinitely extending the intercourse between the civilization of the west and the immense population of that part of Asia, the most densely populated country in the world; and it could not be doubted that the progress of this intercourse would only be beneficial in proportion as the impression produced by our military and naval prowess was kept up deepened, and perpetuated, by the good faith and discretion with which our commercial relations with China were conducted. It required not much penetration to foresee that unless—by means which Parliamentary interposition could alone effectually furnish—those relations were conducted in a judicious manner, the most baneful and dangerous result must speedily follow. Hongkong, it appeared, was to be made a free port in every sense of the word. He hoped so, for he thought that this was a peculiarly eligible occasion for convincing the world that we desired not to base our interests on monopoly. But this port—the emporium of our Chinese commerce—being thus free for the resort of all whom any motives of gain might lead there, would speedily become crowded by a most miscellaneous population, which, in the absence of efficient control, would be dangerous to the tranquility of our connexions with China. Their Lordships might have been amused already with some indications of the rapid advance of this new settlement—among which was the announcement of a theatre with "actresses whose virtues surpassed even their accomplishments." But it would hardly be expected that, amidst an indiscriminate resort from every country the virtues of all should thus be in advance of their abilities. Even at the moment he was speaking there was that at work in China which must cause misrepresentations between the population of China and ourselves. There would be daily quarrels arising, which would be enough to produce the most mischievous consequences. In some of the papers to which he had alluded it appeared, that after the late attack on the factory at Canton by the mob, associations were formed for the avowed purpose of expelling the barbarians—meaning the English, thus showing the spirit of hatred which was abroad against us and proving the necessity of the utmost caution. He wished to impress upon her Majesty's Government the necessity of legislating even during the present Session, for the purpose of creating such an authority in that country as was absolutely necessary; in his opinion even an imperfect act would be better than none at all. In 1838 the then Government proposed a bill for the purpose of establishing a court at Canton but it was strenuously opposed by a right hon. Baronet now high in her Majesty's Council, upon the ground that the Chinese government had given no authority for it, and would not recognize it. That ground was now removed, for the expediency of such a tribunal had been recognized by the emperor, at all events by the Chinese authorities. If such an authority as he had pointed out were not established, a year would not pass without a recurrence of such scenes as had unfortunately been witnessed at Canton of late. The noble Marquess concluded by moving for the papers mentioned.

The Earl of Aberdeen

was not aware of any objection to the production of the papers asked for by the noble Marquess the more especially as they had already been made public. He entirely concurred in all that had fallen from the noble Marquess as to the necessity of establishing a sufficient controlling authority in China, in order to protect our intercourse with that country, for unless it were conducted with the utmost prudence and discretion on the part of those trading to the Chinese ports, we might soon be embroiled again with the Chinese Government. But it must be remembered that the treaty had not yet been ratified. He could assure the noble Marquess and the House, that as soon as the ratification of the treaty was received no time would be lost in preparing to carry into effect all measures that would be necessary to give security and permanency to our relations with China; but at present it would be premature. The island of Hongkong, when fully ceded to her Majesty, would be in the situation of a Crown colony, and her Majesty, by the advice of her Council, might establish courts there without the intervention of Parliament, but she could not do so in any of the five ports to which we were to have access. It was essential that any one filling the high station of her Majesty's representative in China should possess the confidence of Government and, he was happy to say, that no one could better deserve it than the distinguished and gallant officer now in that country. They could not proceed to legislate without further information, and, as they could not communicate with him under five or six months, he did not propose to bring in any measure in the present Session.

The motion agreed to.

House adjourned.