The Marquess of Clanricardebegged to put a question to the noble Earl, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. It had been stated in the French Chamber, that when a difference arose between the French and Spanish Governments as to the mode of receiving the French Ambassador, who was not long since sent to Madrid, the noble Earl instructed our Minister at Madrid to take the same view of the question that had arisen as the French Government. But M. Gonzales was said to have stated in the senate of Madrid that the English Government subsequently thought right to change its opinion on that subject. These statements having been made to the French and Spanish Chambers respecting the views of the English Government, there could be no reason why our Houses of Parliament should not be equally well informed. He believed, therefore, that he should not be considered guilty of any indiscretion in asking whether the noble Earl had any objection to lay on the Table of the House the instruction which had been given on this subject to our Minister at Madrid; or if he did not think that course convenient, would the noble Earl state whether there had or had not taken place any variation in the views of her Majesty's Government as to the instructions which they thought fit to give in this matter?
§ The Earl of Aberdeenhad no objection to answer the question of the noble Marquess, although the subject was one, per- 503 haps, more of curiosity than leading to any practical result; for whatever the opinion entertained by her Majesty's Government might be, or however it might have been expressed, that opinion was not communicated to the Spanish government until some time after the French Ambassador had left Madrid. Therefore it had no practical bearing on the conduct of either party. Their Lordships would re collect, that in the month of October, a serious attempt to overthrow the Spanish government was made in the northern provinces of Spain. When that was put down, much acrimony of feeling remained against the French government, and against parties in France, who were supposed, whether truly or not, to have been connected with that attempt. It appeared, therefore, almost impossible that friendly relations should be speedily restored between France and Spain, and undoubtedly her Majesty's Government looked with great anxiety to the renewal of those friendly relations. They therefore saw, with much satisfaction, a gentleman named as ambassador to Madrid, who was known for his friendly feeling towards the Spanish nation; and, he believed, particularly for his friendly feeling towards the Spanish government at that moment. Her Majesty's Government thought the appointment was one calculated to renew the friendly feeling which had formerly existed between the two Governments, and therefore they looked upon that appointment with great pleasure. Shortly after the arrival of M. Salvandy at Madrid, a difference arose as to the mode of presenting his credentials. He might say in this case, as in many others, that he thought a little forbearance and moderation on both sides at the commencement of the dispute would have led to a happier result. As her Majesty's Government were informed, the case stood thus: they were given to understand that the pretensions of the French ambassador, in the first instance, were to deliver his letters of credence to the Queen alone, without the presence of her court or the Regent. They were also informed that the pretensions of the Regent were, that he should receive the credentials himself, and not in the presence of the Queen. It appeared to the English Government that this was exactly a case in which a compromise might be made, without injuring the dignity, or doing injustice to the pretensions 504 of either party. They thought, as a general rule, that letters ought naturally to be delivered to the person to whom they were addressed, and it certainly did appear to them that the French ambassador might be permitted to present his letters of credence to the Queen herself, in the presence of the Regent, who, if he thought proper, might answer them. That suggestion made by her Majesty's Government was acceded to by the French government. It had been, without instruction, supported by her Majesty's minister at Madrid, acting only from a desire to produce conciliation, and directed by that excellent sense which distinguished all his conduct. The suggestion was, at the same time, made without any knowledge of the manner in which the Spanish government construed an article of the Spanish constitution. It appeared, by an article of the constitution, that the Regent was invested with all the authority of the King, in whose name laws were promulgated. It did not appear to her Majesty's Government that the mere reception of letters was such an act of royal authority as necessarily required the intervention of the Regent. The answer to those letters was quite a different thing. That, of course, might involve political consequences, which would render indispensable the intervention of the Regent. He was sorry to say that the interpretation put upon the article of the constitution by the Spanish government, though he believed it a conscientious and honest interpretation, proved an insurmountable objection to the reception of the French ambassador. In consequence of that the Spanish government declined to accede to the proposal which was made by the French ambassador, and supported by her Majesty's Ministers in the way he had mentioned, and the French ambassador formally took leave. This appeared a trifling matter—a matter of mere etiquette, which hardly deserved the consideration which it at pre sent received. But at the moment when this took place her Majesty's Government were engaged in an earnest endeavour to obtain that which, in the present condition of Spain, would be of the utmost possible importance to its tranquillity, namely, the renewal of diplomatic relations with the governments of northern Europe. They had a prospect that that endeavour would be successful, but they could not help foreseeing that the rejection of the preten- 505 sions of the French ambassador to deliver his credentials to the Queen in person would be viewed by these powers as an act derogatory to royal authority to a degree which would check the disposition of a renewal of friendly relations with the Spanish government. That turned out to be too true. He hoped that the restoration of friendly relations was only delayed; but certainly the proceeding adverted to had tended to delay the result which they were so anxious to accomplish. Therefore it was that this event, which at present appeared to have no great importance as a matter of mere ceremony and etiquette, might have serious consequences. Having answered the question of the noble Marquess, he must say he was quite uninformed of any contradiction that had been given to what had been just stated. He (the Earl of Aberdeen) had never entertained but one opinion on the subject. He did not know to what difference the noble Marquess alluded. But he would beg to ask, what was his object in putting this question? Was it meant to be insinuated or implied that the advice given by her Majesty's Government was given with any improper or unfriendly feeling towards the Spanish government? If so, he could assure the noble Marquess that he never was more mistaken. The advice was received, though not acceded to, in the spirit in which it was offered—which was a desire the most sincere to remove difficulties out of the way of the Spanish government, and to prove the friendly interest felt by her Majesty's Government in its stability and prosperity. If it was really intended to represent this as an indication of want of interest or friendly feeling towards the Spanish government, it was very poor work indeed. Let the noble Marquess point to some indication of policy—to some act on the part of her Majesty's Government—which deserved such a construction. If it was his object to cast any doubt on the conduct or policy pursued, by her Majesty's Government, that course would be intelligible; but, even if the noble Marquess's impression were correct, this trifling matter could furnish no ground for any imputation. He would venture to say that, if the Spanish government was on that floor—if they were there in person—he would confidently appeal to them to declare whether they had ever experienced greater cordiality, greater friendship, or greater 506 efforts to render them service than from her Majesty's present Government. He would say further, that the expressions of their acknowledgements and gratitude were not sparing in consequence. The advice, or rather suggestion, to which the noble Marquess had alluded, was made entirely in the same spirit; and he had no doubt, that had it not been for the obstacle which he admitted was quite insuperable — for, of course, the Spanish government must be considered the best interpreters of their own constitution—had it not been for that interpretation, the suggestion would have been cheerfully acceded to.
The Marquess of Clanricardewould tell the noble Earl his motives in putting the questions, which were quite different from what the noble Earl supposed. First, he must express his perfect satisfaction at what the noble Earl had said on the subject. He was quite satisfied particularly as regarded the Spanish government; but with respect to his remarks on the slight importance of the transaction to which the question referred, he thought a matter could not be of slight importance which concerned the suspension of friendly relations between the courts of France and Spain. What happened between those courts could not be a matter indifferent to us. Diplomatic negotiations and communications, even upon matters apparently trifling, might lead to very important results. He did not see so much of a tendency as he had hoped on the part of the Queen's Government, to repair the coolness, to whatever degree it existed, which was said to have grown up between this Government and that of France. They were given to understand at first that our relations with France would be improved; but somehow or other, he knew not how it was—he did not wish to impute blame where he did not know that blame was due— but it had happened within the short space of time since the noble Earl was placed at the head of foreign affairs, and the present administration came into office, that there had been three sources of difference with France, two of which, at least, where of the greatest importance; therefore he thought that when he saw assertions made respecting the conduct of our Government in the French chamber—and they might very fairly look with considerable anxiety to the opinions expressed by the French minister—when 507 they saw they saw the Spanish minister contradicting what the French minister had said, he thought they might fairly ask for as much information as was given to the chambers of France and Spain. The noble Earl said he did not know to what he alluded in speaking of reports of variations in the instructions given to Mr. Aston. It was stated in the public journals that M. Gonzales had said in the Senate at Madrid that the English Government had seen reason to modify and change the opinion which it had expressed. It was perfectly true that this rested on the authority of newspapers. But newspapers had great effect in this and other countries; and if the Spanish and French public were so informed, there could be no harm in wishing the British public to be better informed. He must repeat, that he had heard with great satisfaction the declarations of the noble Earl. He did not accuse him of any unfriendly feelings towards either the Spanish or French governments. He was sorry that questions were still afloat, he knew not how or why, which might have a serious effect on the affairs of Europe, and he should be very glad to see the French government induced, by any means, to ratify the treaty into which it had entered.
§ Subject at an end.