§ The Earl of Clarendonwished to take that opportunity of putting a question to the noble Earl the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, on a subject of considerable public interest; namely, with respect to the preparations now being carried on in France for a new invasion of the Spanish territory. These preparations had been so extensively made, and had been carried on with such publicity, that they had excited the greatest attention in the minds of the public, and they no doubt had not escaped the attention of the Government. He knew full well the diffi- 2 culty and delicacy of interference on the part of her Majesty's Government; but he had no doubt that communications had taken place between the noble Earl and the Minister for Foreign Affairs in France on the subject of those preparations. He had no doubt, also, that the noble Earl had received assurances on the part of the French government that they had not afforded any encouragement to these attempts, and that with such assurances the noble Earl probably meant to rest satisfied, but he knew also that in the preparations which Spain on her side was making to resist foreign aggression—for such it really was—it would be a great satisfaction and encouragement to the people of that country, to learn that the real interests of Spain are not viewed with indifference by us. That they will not now as on former occasions be treated as party questions, and that her Majesty's Government are determined to uphold the present government of Spain as the best possible under the present circumstances of the country, and that the complete independence of Spain was a matter of deep interest and importance to England. This was the reason 3 why he wished to ask the noble Earl, as to the communications which had passed on this subject between himself and the French government. If any such communications had passed, they could not be very satisfactory, for it was well known that an agent of the prime minister of France, Marshal Soult, had some weeks ago been sent to Bourges, to Don Carlos, and he had seen it stated in the papers of that morning, that he was there now. It had also been openly stated, that an army for the invasion of Spain was, at the present time, being recruited and organized in the south of France, and that it was placed under the orders of Christino and Carlist officers. It was notorious that such officers had been allowed to leave the towns in which they had been appointed to reside, in the interior of France, and that many of them had passed through Lyons on their way to the southern provinces on the borders of Spain. It was also well known, that certain civil functionaries who had been engaged in the insurrection in last September, had been allowed to take up their residence in Bayonne, having large sums of money in their possession, which they openly alleged they intended to expend in paying Spanish soldiers who would desert from their allegiance. Most of these persons declared that they acted, not only with the cognizance, but with the direct approval of the French government; to this, however, he attached no importance, for the parties who made such declarations, did so probably with the view only of justifying their proceedings and of obtaining support. He believed also, that whatever might be the policy of the French government, it was far too prudent to place any proofs of its connivance in the hands of such parties. He felt bound, however, to declare that nothing of what he had been alluding to could have taken place, if the French government had chosen to interfere with the view of preventing it. He said this with perfect confidence, when he recollected that, with the system of passports existing in France, no persons could move from spot to spot in the way these Spanish agents had done, if means had been taken to stop them. Again, it should also be recollected that these Spanish refugees were under the surveillance of the French police, and every body knew how easily the French government could have interfered with this state of things if it chose. This was obvious from what occurred in 1839, 4 when it became the policy of the French government, which was then presided over by M. Thiers, to come to the aid of the conquering party in Spain, and put a stop to the carriage across the Pyrenees of ammunition and other muniments of war, which it had allowed for the five preceding years, and which was the main cause for the keeping up the war for the long period which it lasted. If, then, the French government could with such facility prevent the passage of troops and ammunition across such a long line of mountainous frontier, full of passes, how much more easily could it prevent the free passage of these persons from the interior of France to the southern frontier. If, therefore, the French government did not encourage this state of things, it did not appear to look with disfavour or dissatisfaction on the projected invasion of Spain, and yet the principles which France laid down and was prepared to act upon in an analogous case were sufficiently notorious, for it would be in the recollection of noble Lords that France marched an army to the borders of Switzerland, and threatened to invade it, because that country refused to eject from its territories Louis Napoleon, after his mad attempt to invade France, and she insisted that Switzerland should refuse an asylum to that individual. There was nothing more mad or iniquitous in the plot of Louis Napoleon, than there was in this attempt now meditated against the tranquility of Spain, for there was no great principle of government involved in the matter; there was no question as to Don Carlos, for his prospects had long since been completely extinguished; and there was no question as to Queen Christina, for she had voluntarily abdicated her regency, notwithstanding the remonstrances of General Espartero and the ministry whose oaths of office she had just received, and she had since disavowed all connection with the revolution of last September, or the proceedings of the general who occupied Pampeluna in her name. The present conspiracy had no other object in view than revolution and disorder, and it was not for him to say how far this might be intended as a means to pave the way for intervention in the affairs of Spain. There, however, were points which deserved the serious attention of every one who wished well to that country. He rejoiced in the conviction that no foreign intervention in Spain could be of the least avail if opposed to the wishes of the people, nor could anything 5 new deprive Spaniards of a constitutional government. Spain had experienced the benefits of that form of government, and was determined to adhere to it. It was chiefly from the circumstance that the present Regent of Spain, who was well known and esteemed in his own country as a brave soldier and an upright and honest man, was determined to uphold the institutions of his country, that he was indebted for his great power and popularity. Since that distinguished man occupied his present post, Spain had made prodigious progress in the establishment of order, and he was perfectly convinced, that if she could but enjoy a few years of peace and tranquillity, or rather he would say, freedom from foreign intrigue, she would consolidate her independence and regain that place among the nations of Europe, which it is so much for the interests of this country that she should occupy. In conclusion, he trusted that he need not apologise to the noble Earl, or to the House, for having introduced this matter respecting a country in the affairs of which it was only natural that he should feel a deep interest. He then merely wished to ask the noble Lord whether he was aware of the preparations which were now making in France, whether any communications had passed with the French government upon the subject, and whether, in the event of an insurrection taking place, it was the intention' of Government to send any ships-of-war to the ports of Spain, for the protection of British interests and to co-operate with the Spanish authorities.
§ The Earl of Aberdeenwas not surprised, that the noble Earl should take a deep interest in the state and prospects of Spain, and should be anxious to express his sympathies with that country in which he had so long represented her Majesty. He must object, however, to one observation of the noble Earl, for he contended, that the question of independence had never been a party question in that House, for he believed if there was one subject more than another on which men of all parties and all classes in this country were united, it was in a desire and in the conviction of the necessity of maintaining the independence of Spain—the real independence' of Spain,—the peace, the happiness, and prosperity of Spain. He apprehended, that this had ever been the policy of this country. It was the policy which led to the glorious triumphs in the Peninsula of his noble Friend near him—it was the 6 same policy which dictated the quadruple treaty, and the measures growing out of it, to the noble Lords opposite. It was also the same policy which influenced her Majesty's present Government. He was prepared to admit, on the part of the Government, that this was the principle of their policy, and that this would be their principle, whether Spain were under a king, a regent, or the cortes. He was also ready to admit, that the present Government of Spain, for the last year particularly, deserved the support of her Majesty's Ministers; for it had done more for the improvement of the country and for the advancement of the best interests of that nation than any preceding government since the death of Ferdinand 7th. He was aware of the plot which was now in progress—a plot which seemed from its very nature to assist in its frustration more than any one that he had ever been aware of, for all the proceedings of the conspirators were known to the Spanish government, and they were perfectly prepared to resist the invasion with every prospect of success. No doubt, there were many Spaniards on the French frontiers who were engaged in this attempt to produce revolution in Spain. Representations had been made to the French government on the subject alluded to by the noble Earl, and her Majesty's Ministers had received from the French government the most positive assurances that every measure would be taken, and every attempt would be made, to check and frustrate this movement by the removal from the frontier of all persons who were pointed out to be suspicious, and by the greatest care being taken in the delivery of passports to suspected persons. It was quite true, that hitherto they had only obtained these assurances, but he had every reason to place dependence on them. They would, however, continue to watch the progress of events, and if it was in the power of her Majesty's Government to assist the Spanish government, either as regarded the proceedings on the French frontier, or on the coast, or in any other manner that could be pointed out, the noble Earl might rely upon it, that her Majesty's Government would do everything to assist the present Spanish government in resisting any attacks that might be made on it. He thought, that the apprehensions of the noble Earl with respect to another part of the subject were erroneous. He did not believe, that any union between Don 7 Carlos and the Queen Dowager of Spain was likely to take place. He knew, that no such union had hitherto taken place between the Carlists and Christinos, for he knew that the Prince he had just named had strenuously resisted any such propositions. Indeed, it was only that day that he had received despatches in which he was informed, that several of the most influential persons in the Basque provinces denied that they ever intended to take any part in such a union. It had been stated, that Cabrera had been sent by Don Carlos to Paris, but it turned out that he had not been in that capital—that Don Carlos had refused him leave to visit that place, and that officer had also publicly disowned having any connection with the conspiracy. This, then, was decisive in his mind. Although, then, these parties might make an attempt to disturb the peace of Spain, he did not believe, that it would be of that formidable character which had been supposed. This being the case, and as the Spanish government were prepared to meet the plot, and as they were fully aware of the feeling that existed in the country, he thought, that they could safely resist any attacks of the kind alluded to. As to the question put to him by the noble Earl, whether it were the intention of her Majesty's Government to send out ships of war to the ports of Spain, for the purpose of protecting the interests of her Majesty's subjects in that country, he would say, that no doubt that and every other means which their duty pointed out would be resorted to, not only for affording due protection to British subjects in Spain, but also in assisting and supporting the Spanish government itself. In aiding Spain—as an old ally, and as a country in whose prosperity we were deeply interested — her Majesty's Government would be disposed to use every means which could be fairly asked of them.
§ Subject at an end.