OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH. (Hansard, 25 April 1834)

Lord Suffield

, on presenting a Petition from the city of Norwich against the profanation of the Sabbath, signed by 3,550 persons, said, that, among the signatures attached to the petition, were those of the Mayor, the Dean of Norwich, several of the clergymen of that city, and all the dissenting ministers. He need not urge upon their Lordships the importance of the question, either in a religious or a moral point of view, which made it also important as a political matter. He did not, indeed, think that they could make men religious by law, which would be arrogating Divine power over the human heart; but, though they could not control the emotions of the heart, they might modify external circumstances. They might remove obstacles from the path of duty for those who were desirous to pursue it. Whatever restraint their Lordships might think it right to impose upon themselves or families, he would not recommend undue restriction by law upon the lower orders of society, in the enjoyment of their innocent recreations. He could never forget, that "the Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath." He believed, that two great objects were in view in the benevolent institution of the Sabbath; first, undoubtedly, opportunity for the worship of God, and the study and contemplation of those subjects connected with man's highest interests; secondly, and in a subordinate degree to the first, rest and relaxation from labour, refreshment after six days' of toil. Whatever might be the object of others—though he entertained some 1375 apprehension lest their well-intentioned efforts might tend, by attempting too great minuteness in legislation, to injure the cause they would support—his object was, not to coerce the unwilling, but to protect and assist those who were desirous to perform their duty. On what class, then, were restraints, if any, to be laid? Certainly, not on the lower classes. What class was most benefited by the Sabbath? Surely those who, if deprived of the opportunity afforded by that day for devotion and rest, had no other, while too many of the higher orders, in the language of an eminent Christian now deceased, "do everything on the Sunday which they are in the habit of doing all other days of the week, and on no other day in the week do that which they ought to do on the Sunday." It was last year rumoured, that an Address to his Majesty was contemplated in the other House of Parliament, to pray that the Park-gates might be closed on a Sunday; and he should not regret to see their Lordships' carriages excluded from the Park on a Sunday, but he should deeply lament to see the tradesman and the artificer, who were immured in close dwellings six successive days, deprived of the fresh air of the Parks on the seventh. As to Sunday trading, little check probably could be given to it by penal enactments, but the present penalty was unequal, unjust, and insufficient. To be equal in its operation, it ought to be apportioned to the capital of the trader, or to the extent of his business, or be measured, perhaps, by the assessment of his premises. It surely was obvious, 1376 that a person carrying on extensive business could afford to pay, to him a small penalty, and still derive a large profit after the deduction; while the shopkeeper, whose transactions were upon a less scale, would, by payment of the same penalty, lose all the profit which he might derive from his violation of the law. He was fully persuaded, that more might be done to prevent the profanation of the Sabbath, by their Lordships' individual efforts, in their private capacity, than they could possibly effect in their character of legislators. He was led to this conclusion by an instance which fell under his own observation in a small market town, at a distance from the metropolis, in which Sunday trading prevailed to a shameful extent. That had been entirely suppressed, not by the infliction of penalties, but by the influence of gentlemen resident in the neighbourhood. With a view to remove every thing like excuse for opening the shops on Sunday, gentlemen prevailed upon their tenants to commence a practice which could not be too generally adopted, namely, that of paying all their labourers on a Friday instead of Saturday night, or on the Sunday morning! There could be no doubt that this practice contributed to accomplish the object of suppressing Sunday-trading in that town. He was convinced, therefore, that their Lordships would do more by their example than by making laws.