ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. (Hansard, 28 March 1833)

Lord Suffield
had to present Petitions from three different places upon this subject. He 1185 had, indeed, many more; but he presented these at the present moment just to clear the way for others, which he believed would soon be sent up to their Lordships. There were certain rumours abroad as to the intentions of the Ministers with regard to negro slavery. If there was any foundation for those rumours, he was sure that they would produce in the public mind the same consternation that I they had given rise to in his. As, however, they were but rumours, they did not lessen his confidence in his Majesty's Ministers at this moment, but he trusted they would prove untrue. This measure could not much longer he delayed; for, if it were, it would be demanded as forcibly and irresistibly as the measure of Reform had been. He knew that the principles of his. Majesty's Ministers were sound and right; but he could not be blamed for entertaining some fears when he knew that they were met on almost every side with an array of prejudice and of false notions of self-interest that it would be hard for them to overcome. Whatever measure they might propose would be strenuously resisted, and he wished to get for them that support which would alone enable them to carry any measure upon this subject by the strength of popular opinion. That support they would not have if the rumours he had alluded to were true. He would tell them most distinctly, that nothing short of the immediate and total abolition of negro slavery would satisfy the people of this country. He wished here to say what meaning he attached to the words "immediate abolition." He did not understand by them the sailing of the first ship that could carry out their determination, but the earliest possible and practicable substitution of legal restraint for the absolute and irresponsible power of the master. He should move to bring up the petition, which was from the inhabitants of Edinburgh, who, to the number of 21,291, had attached their names to it.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH
was not aware of the rumours to which the noble Baron alluded; and it would have been more convenient to their Lordships if the noble Baron had stated the nature of them. Without entertaining any particular confidence in his Majesty's Ministers, he must say, that he should be unwilling to relieve them from any responsibility upon the subject of colonial slavery, to put it upon the noble Lord opposite. He had hoped that, before 1186 now, that House might have been called on to enter into some discussions upon the question. The state in which it stood was that in which it was most productive, he would not say of inconvenience merely, but of danger. The question might be said to be at this moment suspended over them. If the Ministers really had prepared any plan, it was desirable that they should produce it, and subject it to the investigation of Parliament. The delay in doing so would only tend to create difficulties, which might frustrate the carrying into effect the intentions of Parliament, as declared in 1823, and might defeat the reasonable wishes of the people. The uncertainty in which the matter stood now, both here and in the West Indies, must create in the minds both of the planters and the slaves, feelings that would render it difficult, if not almost impossible, for Parliament to adopt afterwards any measure beneficial to the great interests of the country, and capable of being carried into effect with safety to the colonies. He deprecated delay as much as he wished to avoid precipitancy, and he hoped that his Majesty's Ministers would appear, when their plan was produced, to have taken a more sober and rational view of the subject than seemed to have been taken by the noble Lord opposite.

Lord Suffield
said, that the rumours to which he alluded he had seen embodied in a paragraph in a daily journal. If those rumours were correct, the plan for emancipation would not, he was sure, satisfy the people. He feared, that whatever plan the Ministers might propose, would be opposed as far as possible by the West-India proprietors. His Lordship then presented a petition from Sheffield, signed by 11,000.

§ Viscount Goderich
said, that after what had passed, their Lordships would perhaps excuse him if he said a few words upon this subject. With respect to the rumours of the intentions of Government as to the subject of colonial slavery, it was, of course, quite impossible that he should he answer able for them. Even the noble Lord himself did not seem to place much reliance upon them, by the manner in which he had stated them. The noble Lord did at first not state what they were, and afterwards he referred to some extract from a newspaper. Every one must agree with him, that it was not necessary for the Government to undertake to explain rumours founded on such loose authority. The noble Lord had 1187 said, with respect to the delay of which he complained, that it arose from that particular body of persons who were interested in the consideration of this great question. He was not conscious that there had been anything which could fairly and strictly be called delay. In a matter of this kind, it was the duty of the Government to give their utmost consideration to views and circumstances which necessarily belonged to so intricate a matter; and he thought, therefore, that no charge of delay could be substantiated against the Government; and it was, consequently, not his business to state any communication which had taken place, or any result which might follow. He was perfectly aware of the importance of the subject. It would be strange if he were not. He was equally aware, that the sense of Parliament should be taken on this subject at the earliest period; but he nevertheless must take the liberty of saying, that if the wish for bringing forward this subject at an earlier period of this Session had been complied with, it would have been anything but advantageous or safe, or satisfactory, with a view to the final and just settlement of the question.

§ Earl Fitzwilliam
wished to make a few remarks with regard to the delay which had been made the subject of observation. When his noble friend said, that the question must be early settled, he did not mean that the people wished it to be precipitated, and for himself he should at once say, that he thought the question ought not to be brought forward till the undivided attention of both branches of the Legislature could be given to it. He was the person who had most recently taken his scat in their Lordships' House, and he more recently than any of them had been in contact with large bodies of the people; and he could tell their Lordships, most of whom from their habits were less in the habit of meeting them than he was, that they were not well aware of the strong feeling that existed among the people on the subject. There was a time when this question was confined to the large towns, and when secluded districts, and the distant agricultural quarters of the country knew nothing of it; but at this moment these places were as anxious on the subject as any others. If their Lordships did not decide this question satisfactorily to the people, they would not be, what they were to a certain extent 1188 although not elected, the representatives of the people.

The Duke of Buckingham
regretted, that the measure which the Ministers had determined on, had not been introduced earlier. It was the duty of his Majesty's Ministers to have brought it forward at as early a period as possible. That the question was not brought forward earlier was not the fault of the West-India proprietors, who were most anxious to have it considered, and who complained that it had been so long delayed. If the Ministers consulted any one connected with the West Indies, they did so partially, and it was of that partiality and of the delay, that the West-India proprietors justly complained.

§ Earl Grey
said, that whatever anxiety the Ministers might feel to bring forward this question, they were perfectly convinced that it required great deliberation and a most accurate examination of all the circumstances connected with it; and still more, that to render the measure at once effectual and beneficial, they must have the active co-operation of those whose interests were connected with the measure before they introduced it. However easy and popular might be these attacks on the Ministry for the delay of which they were accused, he would rather hear them than subject himself to the charge of precipitancy in introducing a measure which, unless brought forward with the greatest possible care, could be neither safe nor satisfactory. He did not think it could be imputed to the Ministers as matter of blame, that they should wish to get the co-operation of those most interested in a work which all must acknowledge to be most difficult and dangerous. Their endeavours had been to assure themselves of that co-operation. The noble Duke had complained that their communications to the West-India body had been partial. Surely he would not have had the Ministers go to general assemblies of the West-India proprietors at Exeter Hall, or other places, and there make and receive communications on this delicate subject. Their only way, then, was to consult privately those who were interested in it, so that they might obtain their co-operation if they were favourable, and if not, that they might procure information. As to the plan, he could not at that time state what it was. He could only say, generally, that the attention of 1189 the Government had been directed constantly and carefully to this great object, and that they would bring it forward as soon as they could, with a probability of its satisfactory result. He did not understand what the rumours alluded to were. The Ministers were not, however, responsible for these reports, nor should he pretend to explain them. If there was nothing more in the matter than to say that there should be an immediate abolition of slavery, the work would be short and easy, but complicated as the question was, many interests being concerned, and the difficulties increasing the more it was looked at, the task was something very different from merely saying, the slave should be free. He was glad to learn from his noble friend, that among the friends of abolition "immediate" did not mean "instant." He was as anxious for emancipation as any other noble Lord, and he would take the terms of his noble friend, that as soon as it could be safely accomplished, it ought to be. But in effecting it, especial attention should be shown to the interests of those unfortunate creatures for whom they would have to legislate.

The Duke of Buckingham
thought it right to state, that great misapprehension existed in the public as to the opinions and wishes of the West-India body, the majority of the members of which were as anxious for emancipation as any other persons could be.

§ The Duke of Richmond
merely rose to deny the statement, that disputes had taken place between Ministers as to the abolition. There had been no disputes whatever in the Cabinet upon the subject.

Lord Suffield
was rather surprised at the statement of the noble Duke on the opposition benches (the Duke of Buckingham); for he considered that the whole conduct of the West-India body in question had been characterised by contumacious opposition to his Majesty's Government. Throughout they had desired delay, and endeavoured to procrastinate a settlement. When he asked for immediate emancipation, he meant that measures should be immediately taken to effect that desirable object. His Lordship then presented a petition in favour of "immediate emancipation, with safety to all parties," from Glasgow, signed by upwards of 31,000 persons.

Lord Ellenborough
said, no persons were 1190 more interested than the slaves themselves in the avoidance of intemperate and irrational legislation.