§ Earl Grey moved the third reading of the Bill for the Suppression of Disturbances in Ireland
Lord Teynhamsaid, that though he was aware that his feeble opposition would avail little, however humble might be his powers, he could not refrain from embracing this last opportunity of raising his voice against a measure which appeared to him to be one of the most violent invasions of the Constitution ever perpetrated on unhappy Ireland, and one which was likely to be attended with the most prejudicial consequences to both countries. No man was more anxious than himself for the continuance of the Union between England and Ireland; no man was more anxious to see all disturbances cease, and the question of repeal set at rest. But did the noble Earl believe that this Bill could possibly have such an effect? What other effect could it possibly have than that of adding to the irritation which already existed there, and of increasing that spirit of resistance which had already proved itself so powerful, and which was spreading so widely. Instead of seeking to conciliate the Irish—instead of trying to gain their affections, the noble Earl's Bill would tend to alienate them more and more from the English nation, and make them still more desirous of repeal, and even of separation, than they were at present. He most deeply deplored this measure—he most deeply deplored that it should have been even brought forward by the noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government, because he was convinced that noble Earl was one of the most honest Ministers this country ever had; but he feared that he was acting under some strange delusion 1091 or infatuation—God knew what; and he feared he would hereafter have occasion to repent it. If the noble Earl had only read, with the same attention which he had bestowed upon them, the returns which were laid upon their Lordships' Table that day, he would be perfectly convinced that the state of Ireland had, for some time past, been progressively improving. The principal causes of disturbance in that country were tithes and Church-cess, and he thanked God that his Majesty's Government had lately introduced into the other House a bill by which these sources of dissatisfaction were likely to be done away with. He called the attention of their Lordships for a moment to the effect which this Bill must produce upon the army. How would the numerous brave soldiers of Ireland feel at this treatment of their countrymen? What would be their sensations when called upon to carry martial law into that country? No officer of the British army ought ever to be placed in such a situation as to be called upon to preside at a court-martial to try his fellow-subjects for offences not usually cognizable by military law. He regretted, however, to see the apathy with which their Lordships regarded the progress of such measures; and feeling, as he did, assured that the eloquence even of a Chatham would avail little against the settled determination—he must apologize for intruding upon them the opinions of an individual so humble as himself. But he could not avoid warning their Lordships of the consequences that were likely to ensue, and he prayed them not to despise the power and the strength of Ireland to effect a separation, but to remember that America, with a smaller population—with infinitely less resources than Ireland at present possessed—no sooner became finally assured that her grievances would not be redressed, than she at once declared her independence, and maintained it, in defiance of all the force which England could direct against her. This was a fatal measure—a measure which he must deeply deplore. It was hurried in a most indecent manner, and without due forethought and deliberation. It yet remained to be shown, that the means already at the command of the law were not sufficient to put down outrage. No documents had been laid before them—no Committee formed—no evidence taken. On former occasions, when the Constitution was suspended, some steps of this kind were generally adopted, but in this instance, that precedent had not been 1092 followed. Nay, his Majesty's Ministers could not even point to one single petition on their Lordships Table, praying the House for its interference and protection against these much talked of outrages. What was the case made out by the noble Earl? Why, that there had been a collision between the populace and the police; but was it not notorious that there were constant collisions between poachers and gamekeepers in England? Would any one say, that the constitutional law in England should be suspended, because there had been a collision between the smugglers and the preventive men in Kent? In many of those battles, upwards of 400 people had been engaged, and would any one say that was not as much a civil war as that which was now said to rage in Ireland? He knew that it was almost useless to speak against this Bill, supported as it was, but he nevertheless felt it to be his duty to raise his voice against a measure, the consequence of which he so much dreaded. If they turned to history, they would find that violent and arbitrary measures had never succeeded in obtaining their object. There was one omission in the Bill, to which he would particularly call the attention of the House. No provision was made in the event of a dissolution of Parliament, as to what the powers of the Lord Lieutenant should be. Was he to have the power of suppressing the voice of electors? Was he by proclamation, to stop contested elections, and make the electors vote, like slaves, for whomsoever he pleased? Another point he thought their Lordships ought to consider before they left the House, was the manner in which, under the other Act before the House, a person might be conveyed from one prison to another, and at length be entirely lost sight of by his friends. He called upon the Ministers—he called upon their Lordships—to pause whilst there was yet time, and hesitate before they consummated a measure so fraught with evil consequences—not merely to Ireland, but also to this country.
The Earl of Westmorelandsaid, that after the observations which had fallen from the noble Baron opposite, be felt that it would be but respectful to his Majesty's Ministers, that instead of giving them a silent vote upon this occasion, he should express his opinion. After the able exposition of the subject from the noble Earl opposite (Earl Grey), a few nights back, he thought no man who had any proper consideration of political subjects, could 1093 question the necessity of the Crown being invested with fresh powers to carry the law into effect. He thought, too, that those who took upon themselves the responsibility of passing such a measure, ought to have been left to frame it as they pleased, and he almost wished that it could have passed without any alteration. He thought the thanks of all classes of the community, but more especially of the poor deluded people of Ireland themselves, were due to his Majesty's Ministers for the firm and decided manner in which they had brought this subject forward. For his own part, he gave them his sincere thanks, and he hoped he might be permittted to give them also in the name of all those, his colleagues, with whom he had acted during the late reigns—in the name of the noble Marquess, and the noble Earl near him—in the names of Lord Sidmouth and of the Earl of Liverpool—in the names of the Duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt—who, when placed in circumstances of the like nature, had also stepped forward and fearlessly done their duty, by asking for powers beyond the law. Those men to whom he referred, had sometimes not escaped the censure of noble Lords opposite, but they had now made ample amends, for they had added to and embraced every thing in that measure which could justify them in the course they had deemed it expedient to pursue. There was no doubt that a heavy responsibility rested upon the noble Earl and his colleagues, for having, in a time of public peace, brought Ireland into such a condition as the noble Earl had described. Whatever charges, however, might be brought against the noble Earl, the present was certainly not the time to investigate them. The question now was, whether they should restore Ireland to peace—whether they should restore that country to his Majesty's dominion. To effect this object he certainly should vote for the third reading of the Bill, and he hoped that all classes would unite in favour of so desirable a measure.
The Bill, with verbal Amendments, read a third time and passed.