Lords Sitting of 15 July 1831

MINUTES.
Petitions presented. By Earl GROSVENOR, from Millers of Stockport, against the Importation of Foreign Flour. By the Bishop of BRISTOL, from a Clergyman, in support of the Tithe System. By the Earl of LONGFORD, from the County of Westmeath, against Reform in Parliament. By Lord KING, from the Owners and Occupiers of Land, and Inhabitants of Broughton, Astley, Sutton in the Elms, and Prime Thorpe, for Revison of the Tithe Laws.

NEGRO SLAVERY.
Earl Grosvenorpresented Petitions from the Dissenters of Welsh Pool and Gillingham, in the counties of Chester and Dorset, praying for the abolition of West-India Slavery. Their Lordships were aware that certain regulations had been in existence for eight years past, having for their object to prepare the population of the West-Indies for the entire abolition of the system of slavery. Unfortunately, these had not been attended with all the beneficial consequences which were expected to result from them. The present Government

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had taken steps, however, towards enforcing them, and he was willing to wait for a time, to see what effect their proceedings would produce. But in case the stops which the Government had taken should fail of success, it would then be necessary to call the attention of Parliament to the subject, with the view of at last resorting to measures which could not fail of producing the desired effect.
Petitions to lie on the Table.

REPEAL OF THE UNION (IRELAND).
Lord Lorton: My Lords,—It has devolved upon me to present to your Lordships a Petition from so distressed and deserving a body of men, that I feel particularly concerned at not having it in my power conscientiously to support their wishes. My Lords, this petition is from a class denominated the Trades of the Town and Borough of Boyle, in the county of Roscommon, most humbly praying your Lordships for a Repeal of the Union between England and Ireland. These poor people had been led to imagine, that such a measure would be a panacea for all their wants, and have therefore strongly urged me (as proprietor of the place) to lay their Address on your Lordships' Table, and I have considered it my duty to acquiesce. My Lords, I must here briefly observe, that your Lordships may expect an inundation of petitions to the same effect, as soon as a question of vital importance has been disposed of in another place, and which the people consider must lead to a dissolution of the Union—a full equivalent, in their opinions, for the heavy disappointment arising from the results of the Emancipation Bill. To meet these evils, my Lords, I would exhort your Lordships, as an act of policy, common justice, and humanity, to institute an immediate inquiry into the causes of the dire distress which pervades Ireland—a distress very far beyond what your Lordships can have any idea of. I do not mean here to allude to the dreadful famine and pestilence which ravage a portion of the Western District, though no doubt highly aggravated by the general bad system, but to the misery and distress which are to be met with, at all times and in all places, and which must tend in an extraordinary degree to alienate the Irish population from British connection, and thus render them willing tools in the hands of base demagogues, whose ulterior object is a
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total separation between the two islands. My Lords, it has been most invidiously impressed upon the minds of the people, that the principal source of their wretchedness is having to support two Churches, and one of them heretical. This is a sad delusion. No, my Lords, it is not the two Churches, but the two Governments which exist in Ireland, that occasion the deplorable and disgraceful condition of that part of the empire, and till the legitimate Government of the country stands forward, in a firm and decided manner, and effectually puts down that imperium in imperio, which has more than once been alluded to by me in this House, so long, I say, must Ireland continue to be a thorn in the side of England, instead of being her chief resource, which she might so easily be made. In moving, that this petition be received, and laid on your Lordships' Table, I shall only further say, let constant and general employment be found for the people of Ireland, and let the landlords be taxed for the purpose of carrying so desirable an object into effect.
The Marquis of Westmeaththought it right to take this opportunity of calling their Lordships' attention to the declaration of the gentlemen of the county of Roscommon, with respect to the subject to which this petition related. The declarants stated, that in consequence of the excitement which had been created in some parts of Ireland on the subject of the Repeal of the Union, they felt themselves called upon to declare, that they were decidedly adverse to the Repeal of the Union, and determined to adhere to the British connection, which, in their opinion, could not be put an end to without the greatest calamity to Ireland, and without leading to a dismemberment of the empire. The meeting at which this declaration had been agreed upon, was attended by four Peers and forty-one Magistrates, and represented property to the amount of 120,000 l. a-year. He had also to notice, that a meeting had been called by the High Sheriff, to consider of the propriety of Repealing the Union. At this meeting a petition was agreed to, praying for the Repeal of the Union, but it was attended only by four Magistrates, and represented property only to the amount of about 4,000 l. a-year. As to the agitation which had been excited in Ireland, in reference to this subject, if the object of it was, to call the attention of

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Government forcibly to the state of Ireland, with a view to remedy the evils and the distress under which a great portion of that country laboured, he must say that the plan had been overacted. If the intention was really to bring about a Repeal of the Union, then he said, that a serious attempt to effectuate the object would lead to a prostration of Ireland for twenty-five years to come, and would deluge the country with blood, without accomplishing the object which those who supported the Repeal had in view, for it was impossible for any rational man seriously to expect that Ireland, single-handed, could carry the repeal against the force of Great Britain, which would certainly be exerted to resist the repeal.
Petition to lie on the Table.

OVERSEERS OF THE POOR.
Lord Teynhamtook that opportunity to move, that the second reading of the Overseers of the Poor Bill, be postponed to the 4th of August next. In making the motion, he wished to call the attention of his Majesty's Government to the necessity of adopting some measures to prevent the substitution of deleterious drugs instead of hops in the manufacture of beer. It appeared from a paper which had been laid before Parliament, that ten general brewers, and several retail brewers and druggists, had been last year convicted by the Excise Commissioners of such a practice. The prevalence of it was most detrimental, not only to the interests of the two counties in which hops were principally grown, but to the morals and health of the people generally; and he was sure, that it was not necessary to say more, to induce his Majesty's. Ministers to take steps to put an end to it. It would be seen, from a return which had been made to Parliament, that there was as much cocculus indicus and quassia imported into this country as would be sufficient to poison ten nations.—Motion agreed to.

PLURALITIES IN THE CHURCH.
Lord Kingsaid, that a Bill had been before their Lordships for some time, but which had latterly made no progress, intended to prevent the holding of pluralities. He had looked into the provisions of that Bill, and he thought that they were quite inadequate for the proposed object. Their experience of what had taken place with regard to the Union of Wicklow, was
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a sufficient proof that the vesting of a discretionary power in the hands of an Archbishop was not sufficient to prevent this evil. He (Lord King) had therefore prepared a bill on the subject, which he would now beg leave to present to their Lordships, and which, in his opinion, was calculated effectually to put an end to the practice of holding pluralities. This was not the proper stage to discuss the merits or to enter into the details of this Bill; but he would briefly state to their Lordships the leading features of it. He proposed, in the first instance, that above a certain sum no benefice with the cure of souls should be held incommendum, and he fixed the amount at 500 l. a-year. That sum, he believed, was considerably above the average value of all the livings in England. Such a provision as that, he thought, would put an end to the practice of holding pluralities. He further proposed, that where a Clergyman held a benefice in commendam which was above that sum, he should not have the power at law to recover tithes or other dues beyond that amount; and that legal proof, given by the owners of land in the parish, of his having received that amount, should be an effectual bar to his recovery by legal process of any sums beyond that amount. That provision would effectually answer the object which he had in view; and if their Lordships really wished to put an end to this evil, they would pass such a measure as that. He was thankful to the most rev. Prelate (the Archbishop of Canterbury) for the measure with regard to the composition of tithes, and the measure regarding pluralities, which he had introduced, but the latter would not be effectual, and he (Lord King) therefore hoped, that the most rev. Prelate would give his support to the Bill, of which he then moved the first reading.
The Bishop of Londonregretted, that the noble Lord had presented this Bill in the absence of the most rev. Prelate to whom he had alluded; and he thought that it would be a better and more convenient way, for the noble Lord to propose this measure as an amendment on the Bill which that rev. Prelate had introduced, to mitigate an evil, the existence of which the Bishops of the Church had never endeavoured to conceal, though the circumstances of the times had hitherto prevented them from applying a remedy to it. He should not, on this occasion, go into

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the provisions of the noble Lord's Bill, and waiving for the present, the consideration as to whether the noble Lord was correct as to the minimum or maximum of the value of livings, he would only remark, that the provisions of the Bill appeared to him to be exceedingly calculated to breed litigation in parishes, and to raise questions at law, as to whether the value of a benefice was a pound over the amount specified by the noble Lord. The result would be, that a Clergyman would be driven by his parishioners to his proof at law on the subject, before he could recover his tithes. There was another evil this Bill seemed calculated to produce, which was this—that where two parishes, not exceeding in value the sum of 500 l., were united, their value might, in the course of years, and by accidental circumstances, become increased to 505 l. or 510 l., and the parishioners would be enabled by this Bill to refuse payment to the incumbent. He trusted, that if the noble Lord persevered in this measure, he would make considerable alterations in it; but he presumed, that the noble Lord would not persevere in carrying forward the measure.
Lord Kingsaid, that this Bill, so far from being calculated to encourage litigation, would have the very contrary effect. The Bill would raise no questions of dispute, as to whether the average value did or did not exceed 500 l., for it provided that, upon the tender of that sum, the clergyman would be prevented from getting more. He did not think, that it would be possible to unite it with the Bill which had been introduced by the Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Bishop of Bristolentertained the same opinions as to the effect of the Bill, as the right rev. Prelate who had just spoken. He could state, from his own experience, that the value of livings frequently became increased in the course of time, for he had himself held a living, the value of which was increased, not by an addition of the tithes, but by the letting of land belonging to it at an augmented rent.
The Duke of Wellingtonsaid, that it would be very inconvenient to discuss the provisions of a measure in such a stage; he could not, however, avoid observing, that it appeared to him, that this Bill went to make a direct attack upon the property of the Church. A clergyman had now
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the full right to recover the full amount of the tithes of a benefice which was in his possession; but if he (the Duke of Wellington) correctly understood the measure proposed by the noble Lord, if it were passed, a clergyman holding a plurality would be enabled to recover no more than 500 l. a-year of the tithes. He should like to know, where the tithes exceeded that amount, what was to become of the remainder? To whom was it to be paid? He was sure, that their Lordships would see that they could not legislate upon such a principle as that, and that mere justice to the clergy of the country required that they should be protected in the possession of their property.
Lord Kingwould not go into a discussion of the Bill at this stage, but in reply to the noble Duke, he begged to say, that the Bill was prospective, and that it did not propose to interfere, with what existed at present. When a clergyman found, that he could not get more than 500 l. a-year, he would not take a plurality which might increase his labour, but could not increase his reward. Clergymen were ready to take pluralities now, because they could get more than that amount.
Bill read a first time.

ABOLITION OF CUSTOM-HOUSE OATHS.
The Marquis of Lansdown,in moving the third reading of the Customs, &c., Oaths Abolition Bill, said, that he could not let it pass without shortly stating to the House the reasons which had induced the Government, after consulting the due preservation and security of the revenue, to propose such a measure to Parliament. The fact was, that the Acts of Parliament which had been passed of late years had increased, to an immense amount, the oaths connected with the collection of the revenue. That increase had contributed to diminish the reverence which should be attached to the ceremony of taking an oath, and effectually defeated, in many instances, the object for which those oaths were imposed, Their Lordships might perhaps be curious to learn the extent to which the taking of oaths had been increased by modern Acts of Parliament. In one single department of the Customs, there had been 10,000 oaths taken in the course of the last year; and in one department of the Excise, 12,000 oaths had been taken during the same period. After a deliberate consultation with the Boards

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of Customs and of Excise, and more especially with their respective solicitors, it was found, that it would be better for the interests and security of the revenue, as it certainly would be more in conformity with the feelings of every Christian and moral man, that several of those oaths should be abolished. By the present Bill, accordingly, it was proposed to abolish the greater number of them, and to substitute in their stead a declaration, with a penalty attached to the breaking of it. He remembered, some years ago, to have heard the late Mr. Windham say, in the House of Commons, that his opinion of oaths had been lessened since he found that they could never walk alone, but that they must always be accompanied by a penalty. The present Bill repealed eighty or ninety classes of oaths connected with the Customs, and though it was found necessary to retain a great proportion of the oaths connected with the Excise, nearly a similar amount had been repealed of those which had been imposed with a view to the collection of that portion of the public revenue. The noble Marquis concluded by moving the third reading of the Bill.
The Bishop of Londonfelt it his duty, as a minister of religion, to express the pleasure he experienced in seeing such a Bill passed, and he thought, that great thanks were due to his Majesty's Ministers for bringing forward such a measure as this. The practice of taking oaths upon the most trivial occasions, and in reference to the most trivial matters, had grown up to a lamentable extent of late; and the direct tendency of such a practice was, to lessen, amongst the lower orders especially, the reverence which should be always attached to the ceremony of taking an oath. It was on that principle that the Author of our religion had prohibited the use of oaths, and though that prohibition might be limited so as to justify the taking of oaths on important occasions, and in reference to important matters, it could not be limited so as to justify the taking of oaths to the extent to which it had been carried by the legislative enactments in this country. He trusted that this was the beginning of a reform on this subject. There were several branches connected with our judicial and municipal departments, in which the taking of oaths might be advantageously dispensed with. There was no person who had acted as a Magistrate, or who had attended in a Court of Justice, but
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who must have lamented the number of unnecessary oaths connected with our legal proceedings, and the unceremonious manner in which they were administered. On public grounds such a practice was much to be deplored. He regretted, that it had become customary with Magistrates, particularly in this metropolis, to administer oaths and affidavits upon the most trivial occasions, and in reference to the most trivial matters. There was not a wall which they might not see placarded with affidavits, sworn before some of the Magistrates in the City, specifying either the number of stamps distributed by a newspaper, or the quantity of a quack medicine which had been disposed of. He doubted whether such affidavits could be legally administered; but whether the fact were so or not, it was not right on the part of any Magistrate to administer them. He trusted, that his Majesty's Government would follow up this measure, and diminish, as far as possible, the number of oaths required to be taken or administered by the Magistrates.
Lord Wynfordquite concurred with the right rev. Prelate in condemning the application of oaths to trivial circumstances, and on trivial occasions, and he could state, that the illegality of such affidavits as the right rev. Prelate had referred to, when taken before Magistrates, had been determined by the Court of King's Bench, three or four years ago. He was happy to see such a measure as this brought forward, and he trusted, that a diminution would be made in the number of oaths connected with law proceedings. To make oaths in Courts of Justice an effective security for life and property, the ceremony of taking them should be rendered solemn, and they should not be taken more frequently, than was absolutely necessary. He joined in the praise which had been bestowed by the right rev. Prelate on his Majesty's Ministers for introducing this measure. He thought, however, that the penalty attached to the breaking of the declaration should not be made a fixed sum of 100 l. That was not a sufficient protection in cases where a greater sum might be secured by a fraudulent or false statement. The penalty, therefore, should bear some proportion to the probable gain of making a false declaration.
Lord Kingremarked, that the best way to prevent the taking of the oaths before Magistrates, to which the right rev. Pre-

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late alluded, would be, to abolish the fees paid on such occasions. If the Magistrate's clerk did not expect a fee, he would not be so ready to bring persons on the Table to take oaths of such a description.
The Marquis of Lansdownsaid, that the penalty of 100 l., which was specified by the Bill, had been thought sufficient by the Boards of Customs and Excise. If it should be found inadequate, Parliament could increase it hereafter.
Bill read a third time, and passed.

NEGOTIATIONS RELATIVE TO BELGIUM.
The Marquis of Londonderry,seeing the noble Earl (Grey) in his place, was anxious to put some questions to him on a subject in which the people of this country felt deeply interested. It so happened, in the existing peculiar position of his Majesty's Government, that there was no Foreign Secretary in the other House of Parliament; and possibly, under such circumstances, he (the Marquis of Londonderry) might address questions to the noble Earl, which he might find it inconvenient to answer. He could assure the noble Earl, that it was the anxiety which he felt, in common with the public at large, on the subject to which he was about to refer, that could alone induce him to put such questions to him. He should be sorry to impede the progress of any negotiations which might be on foot, or to interfere with the public service; but, understanding that an illustrious Prince was about to depart from this country to-morrow, in order to take upon himself the government of another country, it was impossible they that could see him depart, without being anxious to know, whether the negotiations which had led to his departure, had been brought to a close. He wished to know, whether all those negotiations had been brought to a close? and whether, supposing that to be the case, the noble Earl intended to lay on the Table of the House copies of the papers which had passed respecting those negotiations, and which had been circulated from time to time, partially, in the public journals? He (the Marquis of Londonderry) would say, that he for one felt strongly with respect to the whole of the negotiations—with regard to the manner in which they had been conducted, and the illustrious individual who had been selected for the throne, of which he was proceeding to take possession: and
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when the time arrived for these papers to be laid before their Lordships, he should be prepared to express his sentiments upon the whole of the subject to which they related. The noble Earl, and the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had saved the illustrious individual to whom he alluded from being shipwrecked in Greece, in order to launch him on an ocean that was infinitely more tempestuous and dangerous. If even the negotiations had been fully closed, it would be something; but where so much had been left to the future, and where so little had been actually brought to a point, that illustrious individual had innumerable difficulties before him. He should like to know, whether the King of Holland had signified his assent to the arrangements which had been concluded by the five Powers, previous to the departure of his Royal Highness. If the noble Earl should give him a satisfactory answer, he should not press for the production of the papers at present; if, on the other hand, his answer should not be a satisfactory one, conceiving, as he did, that the matter was one of the greatest importance, he would give notice of a motion on the subject for some future day. There was another point on which he wished to have an answer from the noble Earl. He wished to know, whether, in these times of economy and retrenchment, it was the intention of the King's Government to allow the illustrious Prince in question to carry with him to another country, to be spent there, the pension of 50,000 l. a year, which he received from this country, together with the emoluments which he derived from his regiment? There were circumstances connected with this point, which would render its importance at once obvious to their Lordships. It would not be safe or right, that that illustrious individual, occupying the peculiar position which he would fill, should continue to be, in future, so closely connected with this country. Combining that circumstance with the peculiar jealousy with which France would always regard this country, the result might be, in a short time, to involve us in an unnecessary war. His Majesty's Ministers might suppose, that we were now upon a good understanding with France, but they would find, that the tranquillity which prevailed would be only temporary in its duration. He was persuaded, from all the consideration, which

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he had been able to give to the whole political system of Europe, that the good understanding, and the peaceful relations, which existed between France and England, would not last long; and that, when once interrupted, there would be no answering for the tranquillity of Europe, or of the world at large. He wished to ask the noble Earl, if the report was true, that the negotiations with regard to Belgium had been brought to a close? and if so, when it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to afford to that House the information which it had a right to call for on the subject. Their Lordships had a right to call for all the papers relating to the negotiations, including the particularly lengthy and hastily written letter of Lord Ponsonby. That letter had evidently been written in a hurry; and though it had been panegyrised by the noble Earl, it was certain, that if the sentiments of the Foreign Ministers in London had been canvassed on the subject, they would be found not to concur in that point with the noble Earl.
Earl Greysaid, that he was sure their Lordships would excuse him from taking any notice of the particular questions or opinions which the noble Marquis had thought proper to bring under their Lordships' notice, either as regarded the conduct or the result of the negotiations to which he had referred. When the discussion respecting those negotiations, for which the noble Marquis seemed so anxious, and which he had in some degree anticipated that evening, should come on, he should then be prepared to give a satisfactory answer to any questions which might be put by the noble Marquis, regarding those negotiations. The noble Marquis had asked, whether it was the intention of his Majesty's Government to communicate any information, as to what they had done concerning these negotiations, and the present state of them, to the House. He had no difficulty in stating, in reply to that question, that it was very probable that his Majesty would be advised, whenever the confidential servants of the Crown could give such advice, without danger to the public interests, to communicate that information to Parliament and the public which they had a right to expect. The discretion, however, as to the time for communicating information of that kind, he believed, was usually left with the King's Ministers, and was not interfered with, unless under very special circum-
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stances. He begged to repeat, that whenever his Majesty's Ministers thought it would be convenient and safe, with a view to the public interests, to communicate such information to Parliament, he had reason to believe that such a communication would be made.
The Marquis of Londonderrysaid, that after what had fallen from the noble Earl, he should content himself with expressing a hope, that the communication in question would not be long deferred. He would not give any notice of a motion now, reserving to himself the right to do so, at an early period, if the information which he required should not be communicated to the House by that time.
Earl Greybegged to say, in reference to the question of the noble Marquis, in regard to the income settled upon an illustrious individual, that a discussion on that point could not, with propriety, be raised. That income was settled upon the illustrious individual alluded to by Act of Parliament, and over that settlement they had no power or control, and possessed no right to interfere with it.

LOUD LIEUTENANTS OF COUNTIES (IRELAND).
Viscount Melbournemoved, that this Bill be read a third time.
The Earl of Wicklowbegged to inquire of the noble Viscount, whether, in the absence of the Lord-lieutenants, the Vice-lieutenants had the power given them by the Bill of appointing to commissions in the Militia? and whether the Deputy-lieutenant was to have a power, in the Lord-lieutenant's absence, to exercise all his functions?
Viscount Melbournereplied, that the intention of the Bill was, to empower the Lord-lieutenants, in case of long absence, to appoint Vice-lieutenants to act in their place. The noble Earl would see, that it was necessary for the Vice-lieutenants to have the power to which his question referred. They would have, in fact, all the power of the Lord-lieutenants.
The Earl of Wicklowthought the answer of the noble Viscount satisfactory, but apprehended it would be necessary to alter the wording of the clause.
The Duke of Wellingtonsaid, that he had suggested the difficulty; but his object was, that there should, at all times, | be some competent and responsible authority present in every county, in case of disturbance. He recommended his noble

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friend to be satisfied with the responsibility of the Lord-lieutenants, as a sufficient security that they would not appoint Vice-lieutenants without necessity. If they were appointed permanently, as in the case of a protracted absence of the Lord-lieutenant to attend Parliament, or for any other purpose, then they must necessarily have the power of appointing officers in the Militia. If they were only appointed for a short time, this power would not be necessary; nor was it probable that the Vice-lieutenant would exercise it, as he would not be able to do so, without invading the authority, and encroaching upon the patronage of his superior.
The Marquis of Londonderry,in consequence of what had fallen from his noble friend, was disposed to acquiesce in the propriety of leaving these appointments in the discretion of the Lord-lieutenant; but all his other objections to the measure remained in full force. It was certainly a. very strong measure, to give to his Majesty's Government at once the patronage of thirty-two important and dignified situations; and he saw no hopes that they would appoint to these situations such persons as had been most distinguished for their loyalty. He was sorry that the Bill was pressed forward with so much hurry, and before certain Returns, which he had moved for, were laid on the Table. He contended, too, that unless a strong case were made out against the governors of counties, and Custodes Rotulorum, they would be the most proper persons to be Lord-lieutenants. Political servility should be no recommendation. Such persons would have considerable influence over the elections, and over the appointment of Magistrates. The latter would, of course, therefore, be selected from among those who entertained the same opinions as the Lord-lieutenants; and the elections would also be determined as they might give the impulse. He had another objection to the measure. He feared it was intended to be the forerunner of another measure for abolishing the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; and if he were sure that were the case, he should strongly oppose it. The abolition of that office would be one of the most fatal steps ever taken, and would tend more than any other that could be imagined to dissever Ireland from this country.
Lord Farnhamwas sorry that the measure was pressed to a third reading in its
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present state, as, with a little more consideration, many of the imperfections of the Bill might have been corrected. The Bill did not give the same power to the Lord-lieutenants of Irish counties, as were possessed by the Lord-lieutenants in England. By this distinction, the office in Ireland would be in some measure degraded; and he doubled whether it would be so much an object of ambition as it was desirable to make it. From the construction of one clause, it appeared doubtful, whether the power of appointing the Colonels, as well as the other officers of the Militia, was meant to be conferred upon the Lord-lieutenants. That ought to be amended; and the clause ought to be so worded as to leave no doubt that such a power was to be conferred on the Lord-lieutenants. The Bill, altogether, appeared to have been drawn up in rather a careless manner. If the noble Viscount would give him the opportunity, he would willingly confer with him, in the sincere desire of rendering the measure more complete and efficient than it then was.
Viscount Melbournesaid, he should not object to make the alteration proposed by the noble Lord, if it was the impression of their Lordships that it should be made. It certainly was intended to give that power to the Lord-lieutenants; and if the clause was worded so as to make that doubtful, he had no objection to postpone the motion, and have that clause amended.
The Duke of Wellingtonwished the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to have the power of objecting to appointments proposed by the Lord-lieutenants of counties.
Third reading postponed.

BANKRUPTCY COURT.
The Lord Chancellor,in introducing a Bill for the establishment of a new Bankruptcy Court, took occasion to state, that it was exactly the same measure in principle, and nearly the same in all its arrangements, with the Bill which he introduced for the same purpose in the late Parliament. As he had stated, he should, and as it became every one proposing an arrangement of so much importance, he had availed himself of the interval which had taken place, in consulting practitioners, both in the Courts of Equity, and the Common Law Courts, as to the details of the measure. The result was, that considerable improvements had been made in the minute details. Of these, he should only

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mention, that as, under the existing law, official assignees appointed by the court had very large powers, those powers were to be abridged, and the powers of assignees, elected by the creditors, would be more accurately defined and determined. There were some merchants in the City— he would not say eminent merchants, but men of great respectability—who thought that a bankrupt's affairs might he arranged without official assignees at all; but he (the Lord Chancellor) thought, that it was a great advantage to have some person to administer the funds of a bankrupt, in whom the Court might place confidence. He had only to add, that he should fix an early day for the further consideration of the Bill; and in order that their Lordships should, in the mean time, have an opportunity of becoming acquainted with the details, he intended to move, that the Bill be printed.
Lord Wynfordhad no intention of offering any opposition to the Bill, but hoped that full time would be allowed for inquiry.
The Lord Chancellorsaid, full time should be allowed for the consideration of the Bill.
Bill read a first time.