§ The Earl of Aberdeenhad been desirous, for some time past, of calling the attention of their Lordships to certain matters, which he deemed of paramount importance: he referred, not only to the outrages which had been committed against the British flag, and against the property of English Merchants in the Western Islands, but also to the projects and to preparations now on foot, which might compromise deeply the honour and good faith of the country, as well as the safety of the property of its subjects. There was, perhaps, no spot in the whole world more necessary for the security of British commerce than the Azores. Vessels homeward bound from the westward, touched at them, and, therefore, for some ages past, we had had a strong interest in their being in friendly hands. It was obvious, that if those islands fell into lawless hands, it was quite impossible to calculate the evils which might fall upon British commerce. When he had last taken the liberty of mentioning this subject to the House, the noble Earl at the head of the Government had stated, that he knew nothing about the political condition of those islands which should excite alarm. He hoped that the noble Earl had, since that time, made inquiries, which had led to his 787 possession of some information respecting their present state; and if the noble Earl had, he trusted that the noble Earl would not object to placing that information on the Table of their Lordships' House. Not long ago, an infraction of the treaty existing between this country and Portugal, had formed a ground of complaint on our part, against the government of Portugal, and the consequence was, that when our complaints were not noticed, reparation was exacted from the Portuguese government, by the British Squadron. He should like their Lordships to consider how we had fared when we made the same demand from our liberal and constitutional friends? Before he described the events which had recently taken place, and of which he complained, he would beg leave to remind their Lordships, that the island of Terceira, with the rest of the Azores, on the election of Don Miguel to the throne of Portugal, and on his proclamation, that he had assumed the reins of government, acquiesced at once, and unanimously, in the decision of the Cortes of Portugal. Shortly afterwards, the garrison of Angra revolted against its governor, and took possession of the citadel. The inhabitants of the island of Terceira, who were all unarmed, fell immediately under subjection, and had since that time remained under the government, and the unprecedented tyranny, of the military force stationed in their country. Every account which had been received from the commanders of his Majesty's ships on that station—every account which had been received from the residents in that island—every account which had been received from our own Consul—concurred in describing the inhabitants of Terceira as attached to the government now established in Portugal, and as suffering under the oppression of the military government now established in Terceira. He must add, that it was now about two years since Don Pedro, the Emperor of the Brazils, thought proper to create what he was pleased to call a Regency of Portugal, of which the seat was to be at Terceira. This Regency, however, preferred to establish itself at London; but was at last, by positive orders received from the Brazils, compelled to transfer itself to Terceira. There the members of the Regency remained quiet, so long as they received their monthly stipend from the Emperor of the Brazils, being nothing else than the 788 creatures of his will, and dependent on his bounty. But the supplies from that quarter having at last ceased, and the Emperor no longer having either the disposition or the power to grant them further aid, the garrison found it necessary to adopt some means for their subsistence, and nothing but plunder suggested itself to their imagination. They, therefore, determined to undertake an expedition against some of the neighbouring islands. To effect this purpose, on the 9th of April, an embargo was laid upon all the British vessels at that time at Terceira. After an attempt had been made to engage those vessels in the service of the Regency, and after a refusal had been given by the masters, declaring, that they would have nothing to do with the expedition, the masters were informed, that such being the case, their vessels would be taken possession of by the military, and employed in the expedition. Accordingly, on the 10th of April, the Coquette, of London, was forcibly taken possession of by soldiers, the master and crew having quitted possession of the vessel, leaving the British flag flying, which shortly afterwards was torn down. Four or five other British vessels, seeing this act of outrage, entered into terms with the Regency, and under a protest engaged in its service. The expedition set sail on the 17th of April, and took possession of the island of St. George, and also of another island. There, as he was informed, the most horrible atrocities were committed, and men, women, and children, were put to death in cold blood. Be that as it might, it was quite clear, from what subsequently happened, that the expedition had no military object in view, it executed none, and was planned for nothing else but plunder. This expedition, he must inform their Lordships, captured several English vessels; and not only English vessels, but also vessels of other nations. With the British flag flying at the mast-head, vessels filled with Portuguese soldiers had captured, not only two defenceless islands, but also several merchants, who were on their passage across the high seas. If this was not piracy, it was, at least, something very closely approaching to it. What right had a regency, appointed by the Emperor of Brazil, and sitting in a province to which his authority did not extend, to act in this extraordinary manner? These proceedings, too, be it remarked, were carried on 789 in the presence of a British force. The Galatea was for weeks at the Azores, and notwithstanding the complaints of the British merchants, the Captain of that frigate did not feel himself justified by his instructions in granting protection to the King's subjects. At the same time, a French squadron was blockading the bay, and made captures of all vessels proceeding to the port of Lisbon. The Portuguese government hired two British vessels to inform the vessels approaching Lisbon of that blockade. Their Lordships might rest assured, that every vessel captured by the French squadron in the bay of Lisbon was insured in London, and yet what was it that the British Consul had done? Why he said distinctly, "No; you must not send out British vessels to give notice of the French blockade, for that would be an invasion of our neutrality." Now, could there be a more scandalous act of injustice, than to allow British vessels to transfer soldiers from one island to another, for the purpose of capturing the subjects of our ally, and at the same time to prevent that same ally from employing other British vessels to convey the intelligence that his ports were blockaded by a hostile squadron—intelligence, too, that was calculated to prevent the capture of British vessels, or of vessels insured for British money? He wished to show their Lordships that these proceedings in the Western Islands ought to be considered of great importance, from circumstances which had happened in this country. It was evident, beyond all denial, that Don Pedro, who was at present sojourning among us, was engaged in projects for the invasion, and, if possible, for the conquest, of Portugal. His imperial Majesty had, it was notorious, assembled a body of merchants in the metropolis, for the purpose of obtaining their consent to a loan which he proposed; and, to effect this purpose, had offered, as a security, to grant them the revenues of Portugal. As yet, the gullibility of our capitalists, who were generally ready enough to lend themselves to any such scheme, and always engaged in one loan or another, had not swallowed the bait which had been held out to them; but in this country, there was no project so desperate but found some persons to foster and support it. He believed, that already, a certain part of the amount which Don Pedro wanted had been obtained, and he knew that negotiations were now going on 790 for the hiring of vessels in the Thames, and even for the employment of British officers in conducting an expedition against Portugal. Now, if any respect were to be paid to the law of nations, which ought not to be violated, or to the law of the land, which, on this point was express, and ought to be observed, was it to be tolerated that Government should permit proceedings like these? If they were permitted, they must deprive us of that character for good faith and honour which we had hitherto deserved, and must lead to our forfeiting that respect among nations which had hitherto been our proudest boast. When Don Pedro was Emperor of the Brazils, undoubtedly, we admitted that he had a fair right to make war against his brother, as the guardian of his daughter's rights, and as the assertor of her claims. We admitted that right, and thought it our duty, in such a war, to be neutral. That was the policy which we had all along observed, from the commencement of this unfortunate quarrel. The Emperor, Don Pedro, after various attempts—which were all underhand attacks against Portugal—found, at length, that his case was desperate; and then, in the beginning of last year, made an official declaration, that he would no longer think of hostilities against his brother, but would endeavour to settle their differences by conciliation. For that object, at least professedly, he sent an Ambassador to this country. He began, like some of his predecessors from the Brazils, by endeavouring to raise a loan in this country to attack Portugal. He failed, however, in that object, and then he was disavowed by Don Pedro. The last communication which he had received, whilst in office, from Don Pedro, was a communication of his desire to settle all differences between himself and his brother by means of conciliation. He would not then pretend to enter into an explanation of what those means were—suffice it to say, that they came to nothing. They only afforded a remarkable example of the inconsistency and want of good faith in Don Pedro, whose expulsion from the Brazils was owing to an unanimous feeling on the part of the people, that he was unworthy to be their ruler. That feeling he attributed to the arbitrary and oppressive conduct which the Emperor had pursued. Certain it was, that no human being, civil or military, thought of raising a hand in 791 his defence, and after a fruitless appeal to the military, he was obliged to abandon his children, leaving them at the mercy of his enemies, in a situation which it was painful even to think of. After being driven from the Brazils, Don Pedro was come hither to wage a private war against his brother, by revolutionary means, and, as a first step, he thought it necessary to get money. There was no prince on earth, who had less title to the countenance of the British Government, than this same Don Pedro. If the noble Earl opposite would only refer to the documents which had been filed in the Foreign Office during the last four years, he would see the correctness of this assertion; for no power had ever displayed so offensive and so incredible a spirit of hostility to the commerce of Great Britain as the ex-Emperor of the Brazils. Talk of injury and insult! By him insult was added to every injury, for every injury was justified, and every demand of redress was refused. At last it was found necessary, from the open robbery and spoliation to which Don Pedro resorted, that the Admiralty should give directions to make reprisals upon him, if certain conditions were not acceded to. These conditions, when a squadron was sent out to enforce them, were promptly acceded to. He had not thought it necessary to insert that despatch in all the newspapers, much less to mention it in the Speech from the Throne; for he did not wish to humiliate Don Pedro, his principal object being to protect British commerce. He had, however, to complain, that the Convention, as he was informed, which was then entered into, though signed, was still unexecuted; and he firmly believed, that if the noble Lords opposite performed their duty, they would have to follow up the example of the late Government, and deal with Pedro 2nd as it had dealt with Pedro 1st. The non-execution of the Convention was a consideration of some importance; but hitherto the House and the country had heard nothing of it. Another matter, which grew out of these transactions, and not less important, was the relation which existed between Portugal and the Brazils. The sentiments of the late sovereign of the Brazils, regarding this relation, must be known to his Majesty's Government, and it must likewise be known to them, that the sentiments of the present sovereign of that country, or rather of his guardians, 792 were diametrically opposite to those of the late sovereign. For, whatever might be the real cause of Don Pedro's expulsion from the Brazils, the proximate cause most undoubtedly was, his breach of the pledge which he had given to his Brazilian subjects, not to interfere any more in the affairs of Portugal. The universality of a feeling in the Brazils, hostile to the continuance of all connection with Portugal, ought to alter our situation with regard to the two branches of the royal family of Braganza. There were preparations now making for the sailing of an expedition against Portugal. He did not understand that the expedition was to sail direct from England; he believed, that it was to sail, in the first instance, to Terceira, and that it was then to sail from Terceira to Portugal. These preparations, if continued, must do injury to our interests in every part of the world, and must add to the difficulties hanging over Europe, and which would continue to hang, so long as Belgium and Portugal remained in their present situation of unsettled sovereignty, and exclusion from the great European system. The situation of Portugal was, indeed, at this moment more pitiful than it had ever been before. He was sure that all their Lordships would recollect the transactions which had recently taken place in the Tagus. He could not trust himself to speak of them as he felt, but there was no man who had a particle of English feeling in his heart, that did not share with him in his sorrow and indignation. It was quite impossible, even that the noble Earl should not share in such feelings. In the conduct of the French force before Lisbon, he saw no humiliation to Portugal—it was England only that was degraded. He lamented, that a course of policy should be pursued, which he regarded as at once imbecile and disgraceful. England ought to protect Portugal from injury, insult, and a wanton invasion. In moving for certain papers, and in endeavouring to gain information, he wished it to be distinctly understood, that he was not actuated by a spirit of hostility to the Government. He hoped, however, that the noble Earl opposite would give him leave to ask one question. He would ask the noble Earl to imagine, for a moment, that these events had taken place during the reign of Charles 10th. If that Most Christian King had gone to his Chambers, and made a speech, and 793 if, from that speech, the people of England had first learned, that the white flag was floating either upon or under, no matter which, the walls of Lisbon, what would not their Lordships have heard in that House upon such an occurrence? Would not those walls have echoed with cries of the national degradation and dishonour, to which Ministers had exposed the country? Was it quite certain, that they would have heard nothing about an impeachment? He had said, on a former occasion, that, after what had fallen from the noble Lord, he should not persevere in moving for the production of those papers which were calculated to explain the progress of these transactions; but he was astounded that the noble Earl had not come down himself, and laid those papers upon the Table. So long as negotiations were pending, he had asked no question regarding them; but, when war put an end to negotiation, then was the time for his Majesty's Ministers to show what had been done to prevent war. There was a parallel case to the present in the invasion of Spain. No doubt efforts were made by the British Government to prevent that invasion; but, when those efforts proved unsuccessful, what had Mr. Canning done? He laid before Parliament an account of the efforts which he had made, and of the causes which led to his failure. That was the very course which Ministers ought to have pursued in this instance, for the case of the French invasion of Spain was weak to the case of the French invasion of Portugal. A new negotiation might have been entered into since the triumph of the French was completed, just as a negotiation had taken place after the invasion of Spain, to get the French army out of it. When the noble Earl opposite had reminded him of his responsibility in enforcing such demands, he had acquiesced at once in the propriety of withdrawing them. At the same time, he must beg leave to warn the noble Earl, that, if there was some responsibility in enforcing, there was also some responsibility in refusing a demand for information. Threatened, as Portugal was at present, by a French force in the Tagus—threatened as it was by the preparations which were making here for the invasion of its territory—threatened, too, as it had been by British vessels engaged in hostile attacks upon its colonies, it was quite impossible, that he could neglect his 794 duty, which required him to call most solemnly the attention of the noble Earl to this question. He must call upon the noble Earl to review again the long series of treaties which existed between England and Portugal. The noble Earl would perhaps say, that he was acquainted with those treaties, and acknowledged their obligation. He had great difficulty in crediting such an assertion. If the noble Earl had been really impressed with the full weight of those treaties, the noble Earl could not have acted as he recently had acted. Let him review that long series of treaties, beginning in the reign of Edward 3rd, and reaching down to the present day, increasing, at every step of the descent, in obligations and friendship of every kind. Let him particularly recollect the Treaty of 1661, in which the King of Great Britain professed and declared, that he would take the interest of Portugal, and all its dominions, to heart, defending the same with his utmost power by sea and land, even as England itself. Those treaties had been confirmed at many subsequent periods, till at last, in 1815, at the Congress of Vienna, all the ancient treaties of alliance, friendship, and guarantee, so long subsisting between the Crowns of Great Britain and Portugal, were again ratified and acknowledged to be still of full force and effect. But, perhaps, the noble Earl, in admitting these treaties to be in full force and effect, meant to contend, that we were bound to support Portugal, but not the government of Portugal. Now, he (the Earl of Aberdeen) contended, that we were bound to support Portugal, in spite of the government of Portugal. With whom were the treaties, to which he had just alluded, made? With Portugal, as represented by her government. From whom did our countrymen in Portugal receive protection, except from her government? To whom did Ministers protest, when the privileges of our countrymen were violated, except to her government? If, then, we were prepared to demand, from that government, the fulfilment of all the onerous duties which the treaties between the two countries imposed upon Portugal, it was mere mockery to pretend that we were not bound to fulfil to Portugal the duties which the same treaties imposed upon us. "But," said the noble Earl, "we are not bound to protect Portugal in an unjust cause," In his opinion, we were not 795 bound to examine into the justice or injustice of that cause, when Portugal was suffering under foreign aggression. He would maintain, that it was the bounden duty of the noble Earl to interfere, when Portugal, our most ancient ally, to whom we were pledged over and over by the most solemn treaty, called upon us for our interference; and he ought to have saved her from the recent catastrophe, so humiliating, not only to her national independence, but, he would repeat, to our honour. But the noble Earl did not interfere, and the chief harbour of our ally—the inlet to the metropolis, and to the seal of the sovereign's power—was taken possession of by a foreign fleet, and that, too, when one word, on our part, would have prevented it. Was our interference not called for, because the government of Portugal was wrong, and had acted unjustly? Did the noble Earl, as a man of common sense and common candour, examine into the grounds of the complaints of the French government, so as to be satisfied that the redress it sought was not disproportionate to the grievance? He feared not, for he could not reconcile the noble Earl's non-interference with such an examination. The original complaint related to the punishment of a French subject resident in Portugal, for what could not be denied, was a beastly sacrilege, so beastly that he dared not name it. Surely that punishment would not justify such a catastrophe. Then as to the other matters of complaint on the part of the French government, on which he would not then offer any opinion, he was sure the noble Earl could not take upon him to say, that they could not have admitted of an easy remedy, without the necessity of a French fleet forcing the passage of the Tagus. Why, he repeated again and again, did not the British Government interfere as the natural mediator between Portugal and her powerful adversary, and that, too, after we had been urged and entreated to do so by the Portuguese government? Portugal had a right to our mediation under those circumstances, and the Government neglected its duty by not promptly interfering: we were bound to interfere in favour of Portugal when menaced by a foreign foe, by treaty, and the closest ties and guarantees that could unite nations together. Without going further back than the reign of Anne, their Lordships would find in the second article 796 of the renewed Treaty of "perpetual alliance" between her Majesty and the king of Portugal, the following provision—That if it shall ever happen that the King of Spain, and the King of France, either or both of them, shall make war on Portugal, or give occasion to think that either one, or both of them, are about to make war on that kingdom, or any of the dependencies of that country beyond sea, her Majesty and the States-general will use their friendly offices with both, or either of them to persuade them not to make war on Portugal." That treaty, so binding, was still in force; therefore Portugal had a right to call upon us to interfere, and therefore the noble Earl ought to have interfered, and that, too, when a single word of remonstrance would have been sufficient. But all this time he was supposing, that the noble Earl was anxious to prevent the recent invasion of Portugal by the French arms. This might be an error. Indeed, it should seem, that such was not the object of the noble Earl, and that, as he had surmised on a former occasion, it might be a matter of congratulation to him that France had thus triumphed over an ancient Ally. This was the more probable, because a single word of timely counsel to France and Portugal, on the part of the British Government, would have prevented that triumph, while the conduct of the noble Earl gave it a negative support. It could not be said, in justification of this invasion, that Portugal had refused proper satisfaction for any complaints of the French government which the latter was warranted in prefering. It was true, that the Portuguese government had refused to subscribe unconditionally and implicitly to the list of arbitrary demands which the representative of the French Consul had submitted to it as the sine qua non of redress; but it was equally true, as the noble Earl knew, that it offered to make every just reparation which a third party—England, to whom it naturally had appealed to mediate—would declare it was in fairness bound to make. But to this appeal from our ancient Ally, made on the faith of endless treaties, each more binding than the other, the noble Earl turned a deaf ear, and, as a consequence, the "French flag now floats in triumph under the walls of Lisbon." It was true, he was bound to admit, that in consequence of the counsel of the British Government,— 797 as the Portuguese Ambassador had stated, in answer to the French authorities—the two French prisoners were released from prison, and compensation was promised for the other grievances ["hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches."] Oh, ay, this was true; but if he had not been greatly misinformed, this counsel was not given till some time after the French fleet had sailed—that is, not till it was too late to prevent the mischief. However, be that as it might, the counsel was acted upon, as it would have been if more promptly and judiciously given. But the fact was—it might, perhaps, be too much to say so with respect to the noble Earl—but the fact was so with respect to the French government, that their naval expedition to the Tagus had far other objects than the avowed one of seeking redress for the" outraged honour of the French people in the person of two of its subjects." Indeed, it avowed as much just now: the French people expressed great disappointment with the result of the expedition, as if it had, in fact, achieved nothing; and by the Parisian Journals most in the confidence of the French government, the whole affair was treated as a perfect coup manqué. The fact was, the French government, and, as it should seem, the noble Earl—had completely mistaken the feelings of the people of Portugal towards their present ruler: they supposed they had only to present themselves in hostile array before Lisbon, for the inhabitants to rise, and, expelling the present government, hail them as deliverers from usurpation and tyranny. But the fact proved a very different state of feeling. For three years now the government of Don Miguel had maintained its hold, and established its authority, though surrounded by circumstances of unusual difficulty to the most regular government; and every attempt from within or without to disturb it had not only failed, but had proved more and more how rooted it was in the affections of the people. The Marquis of Palmella had made an attempt to expel Don Miguel, but had to take to a precipitate flight, though his force and position were much superior to those of his adversary, and that, too, because, as he had himself avowed, it was plain that the feelings of the people of Portugal were entirely on the side of Don Miguel's government. This shewed how idle were all expectations of the overthrow of that 798 government by the people of Portugal, if left to follow their own inclinations; for had those feelings been such as had been represented in that House and elsewhere, they would have evinced themselves, if not on the occasion of the Marquis de Palmella's expedition, at least when the French had got possession of the Tagus. He would not certainly take it upon him to say, that Don Miguel might not fall a victim to some internal conspiracy; he had himself heard of several plots which had been entered into to assassinate him; but he would say, that his falling thus by the hands of an assassin would be no argument against the present popularity of his government. Henry 4th fell by the hands of an assassin; Louis 11th died in his bed; and the manner in which a Sovereign died, therefore, threw no light upon the general conduct or the feelings of his subjects towards him. He repeated, then, that the people of Portugal were strongly attached to their present government; and so little, after three years' trial of its merits, were they disposed to aid in its subversion, that the union of the government and the people, as a consequence of the late French expedition, had become closer and closer; shewing, therefore, that if it had entered into the design of the French government to profit by the supposed disaffection of the Portuguese towards the person and rule of Don Miguel, or if the noble Earl had looked to that disaffection as a means to the permanent triumph in Portugal of the French arms, that both had been signally mistaken, and that all expectations of internal hostility being so awakened in that kingdom were entirely hopeless. Both the French government and the noble Earl, were, he repeated, so far disappointed in their expectations, and both would have to look—as it was by no means improbable they had looked—to a French army as well as a French fleet to effect the conquest of Portugal. In attaining this object, it was to be presumed the noble Earl would not justify his conduct on the alleged character of Don Miguel as an "Usurper;" for he took it for granted, that when the present king of the French had taken possession of the throne of his infant relative, in whose favour Charles 10th had vacated it, the noble Earl had not instituted an inquiry into the previous character and habits of Louis Philip, Duke of Orleans, and would equally have 799 hailed his attack upon Portugal, and recognized his government, even though that character and those habits bore the hereditary stamp of that near relative, his predecessor in the title of Duke of Orleans, so well known by the title of Philip l'Egalité. The character, therefore, of Don Miguel, even though it was as black as the noble Earl might represent it, could have had no influence with the noble Earl in the late transaction. On this point he wished the noble Earl would be explicit. If it were a main object of his foreign policy to overwhelm Don Miguel's government, and expel him from a kingdom, the inhabitants of which were devoted to him, let him say so at once; and above all, if it were his intention to commit the King, his master, in a war for that purpose, let him declare that such was his intention. Pretexts for such a war could not fail to present themselves in abundance; and it would be a more honest course to avow, that such was his object, than to indirectly contribute towards it by refusing to interfere when called upon—as he was by Portugal—between our most ancient ally and our most ancient adversary. The noble Earl concluded with moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, begging that he will be graciously pleased to order to be laid before this House, Copies of Despatches from his Majesty's Consul at the Azores, and of representations from British residents in those Islands, complaining of outrages committed against the British flag, and against the property of his Majesty's subjects, by persons exercising authority in the Island of Terceira: also, Copies of Despatches from his Majesty's Consul at the Azores, giving an account of any expedition fitted out at Terceira, in British vessels, against the neighbouring Islands, and of the capture of such Islands; and also, Copy of any information, received by his Majesty's Government, of preparations made by the said persons exercising authority at Terceira, to transport a military force in British vessels for the invasion of the kingdom of Portugal."
§ Earl Greybegan by observing, that any man who had heard the first part only of the noble Earl's speech, could never have anticipated the other three-fourths, and that any man who had heard but these three-fourths, could never have conjectured that the avowed object of his motion was the mere production of the papers 800 just moved for. The noble Earl set out with professing his intention to confine himself to the particular case to which these papers referred, but soon departed from his avowed purpose; and after dealing in assertions, as unfounded in fact, as they were confident in tone, with respect to the recent revolution in Brazil, the transactions between Portugal and France, and the conduct of the British Government in reference to these transactions, and other topics equally foreign from his nominal object, at length abruptly returned to his innocent purpose, of procuring documents wholly relating to the recent expedition from Terceira to a neighbouring island, so far as it applied to British vessels employed in it. Now he must say, that this artful digression of the noble Earl from the direct object of his motion, was not only the most unprecedented, but he would say, under the circumstances of the case, the most unfair proceeding he had ever witnessed. For how did the matter stand? The noble Earl, professing himself to be precluded from moving for such documents as might throw a light on the recent transactions between France and Portugal, and on our line of conduct with reference to them, by the observation which he had on a recent occasion made to their Lordships—namely, that the production of these documents just now would be detrimental to the public service and in which the noble Lord acquiesced—professing his desire to abandon those particular documents, and the discussions involved in them, and confine himself to the single isolated case (which, however, he said, was of so pressing a nature, that he could not defer bringing it forward a single day) of the transaction at the Azores, to which the paper moved for by him directly applied, and professing himself excluded from all discussion about Portugal; the noble Earl, notwithstanding this declaration, so judicious in its spirit, if acted upon, had nevertheless made a long and most elaborate speech on the very subject thus admitted by him to be precluded, and which he (Earl Grey) had emphatically declared, and again repeated, could not be then prematurely discussed without inconvenience, and most probably serious injury, to the public service, and concerning which the noble Earl could not speak positively without further information than it was possible he could possess. Such conduct, after such a profession, and after 801 what had occurred on a former evening, was, to say the least, unfair—and the more unfair, because, for the very same reasons as those which he had stated on that evening, he was precluded by a regard to the public interests, from following the noble Earl through the several topics on which he had hazarded so many confident and unfounded assertions. All, therefore, he could say, generally was, that when the subject should be, at a proper time, formally before the House, he would undertake to convince their Lordships, that the conduct of Ministers, in the transactions referred to by the noble Earl, was that best adapted to maintain the honour, and promote the best interests, of the country. The noble Earl asserted, with his usual confidence, that he was convinced, that reparation had not been refused by Portugal to France in the first instance. The noble Earl was in error; the Portuguese government not only refused redress, but left the French government hardly any other course to pursue, than to demand that redress in the manner it had done. This would be seen at the proper time, as also the unfoundedness of another assertion of the noble Earl—that the counsel which he admitted Ministers had given to Portugal, had been given too late. He most emphatically denied, that it had been proffered at too late a period of the transaction, and he should be, at the proper time, prepared to show, that not only the British Government had early counselled the Portuguese authorities to make reparation to the king of the French, but had early been assisted by the Spanish government in their co-remonstrances to that purpose. But both had failed, and the Portuguese government, by turning a deaf ear to our early-urged counsels, brought upon its own head all the subsequent consequences. The noble Earl had, in his usual manner, sneered at what he was pleased to designate his (Earl Grey's) predilection for the "liberal form of government established at the Azores, and objection to the opposite form of government now existing in Portugal." To the implied sneer of the noble Earl he would give this answer:—"I know not," continued the noble Earl, what "censure or sneers the declaration I am about to make may elicit from the noble Earl, and those who, like him, hold despotic governments, just now, in such particular esteem; neither do I much care. Neither shall 802 deter me from stating, fearlessly and explicitly, that I have, and ever had, and ever shall have, a predilection for a form of government founded on right and justice, and that, on the contrary, I have, ever had, and ever shall have, a feeling of aversion from governments founded on usurpation, and supported by cruelty and blood." In making this declaration, he trusted it would be seen, that his own personal feelings never diverted him for a moment from pursuing the strict path of policy and justice—calculated to promote the permanent interests of the country. The noble Earl had strangely, all at once, become enamoured of Don Miguel and his government in Portugal. That personage, it appeared, from the noble Earl, was a most injured and amiable individual; beloved by his subjects—indeed, no monarch so much so, or who so wholly reigned in the affections of his people. This discovery was, at least, modern; for he had some recollection, that when the noble Earl was in office, an individual still higher, and more influential than himself, in the then Administration—one, too, who was generally considered to be as well acquainted with our foreign affairs, particularly of Portugal, as the noble Earl, and whose opinions, once expressed, were moreover received as those of his colleagues on most questions of policy, and which opinions, moreover, with great deference be it said, were usually listened to with as much attention and respect as if they had fallen from the noble Earl—he recollected hearing that noble person saying in his place. "I admit Don Miguel to be an usurper. I believe him to be perfidious and cruel, because cruelty belongs to cowardice. I will not attempt to deny, that his government is an usurpation, and that he has himself broken all ties, pledges, and oaths, which bound him in alliance with this country and in allegiance to his brother." These were the sentiments of the noble head of the Administration of which the noble Earl was a member; they were at the time, it is to be presumed, also his own—at least, he was very cautious to suppress different ones if he entertained them. But it seemed that the noble Earl had now discovered Don Miguel to be a "marvellous proper man," and that the portrait so true, so graphic, of his ex-commander, did not apply to him. Such were the wonderful discoveries men made who were anxious to be 803 restored to office. Though he (Earl Grey) felt, that if there was a ruler of whom the character he had just quoted could be more truly predicated than another, it was Don Miguel; still his feelings, he repeated, should not influence him in the discharge of his public duty—though, indeed, he must add, he could not, like the noble Earl, very readily select him as an object of his enthusiastic attachment. The noble Earl, however, admitted, that notwithstanding the violence of the attachment of the Portuguese people to their ruler, it was not impossible that he might be assassinated, but contended that if ever he should suffer a violent death, it would prove nothing against his character, as Henry 4th, the popular king of France—oh, thrice happy comparison!—had fallen by the hand of an assassin. This allusion to assassination, however remote or contingent, was to him painful. He detested assassination in every form, and under every pretext; indeed, he could never make up his mind to view with feelings of approval the assassination of Cæsar, notwithstanding the plausible arguments which had been adduced in its favour, and the lofty motives of its chief agents. With these feelings he need not say he should regret if even Don Miguel fell by what, perhaps, might be considered an act of retributive justice. Be his character and conduct what they might, he trusted that such would not be his fate. No, his notions of moral justice were of another character. Of Don Miguel he would rather say—
——nec lex est æquior ullaQuam necis artifices, arte perire suâ.He must repeat, that no personal considerations of Don Miguel's character and government should induce him to view either, as a Minister, except as far as they interfered with, or promoted the general interests of the country. He appealed to the noble Earl whether his observations with respect to the transactions between Portugal and France, could have any effect, particularly in the present excited state of the latter, other than prejudicial? He would not follow him in his very indiscreet—he used the mildest terms—allusion to the king of the French, and to the Duke of Orleans, his father. Surely the noble Earl's partisan zeal in defence of despotism could not blind him so effectually to a regard for the public weal, as to prevent the noble Earl from seeing 804 that such indecorous insinuations could only be irritating, without any single compensating advantage? Indeed, such language, coupled with the general tenor of the noble Earl's speech, struck him with astonishment. Before that evening he was not aware, and could not believe, that anxiety to re-occupy office could have so influenced any noble Lord, as to make him so blind, or negligent, or indifferent—for it must be one of the three—to the general interests of the country, as to make use of language so calculated to produce national mischief—and this language, too, with reference to a monarch whom the noble Earl and his colleagues had—to their credit be it said—promptly and judiciously acknowledged as the king of a great and free people. As he had already stated, he was precluded from then entering into an explanation of the conduct of the French government towards Portugal, further than to observe, that that government had sought for redress of its grievances from Portugal, precisely in the same manner, and with the same result, as we had ourselves just before demanded and obtained redress under somewhat similar circumstances. After this previous conduct on our part, how, he would ask the noble Earl, could we presume to say to the French government—"It is true, that Portugal has committed itself in certain cases against you, just as she did towards us; but you must not seek redress as we did, but submit to such terms of arbitration as we, her ancient ally, shall think fit?" What, he need not ask, would be the effect of such dictatorial language upon a high-spirited and independent nation, particularly in such a state of excitement as that in which France just now was? After all, the noble Earl said the French expedition was a failure, a coup manqué if so, how could he consistently taunt us with its being not only a national humiliation to Portugal, but to England? But it would be, perhaps, sufficient to state, that the French only sought redress for an admitted injury, and that, having attained that object, they made no attempt whatever to proceed further; that, in fact, if the French fleet had not actually as yet left the Tagus, it was preparing to do so immediately. Here he would leave that part of the subject, having, perhaps, gone further into it than might be expedient. But the noble Earl was not content with this, for he went into 805 the conduct of the Emperor of the Brazils, and what he alleged to be the cause of the Revolution there. The noble Lord, too, had justified that Revolution, and commented on the severity of the Emperor's conduct, which he said had justified the people in rising and expelling him from his Throne—["No, no," from the Earl of Aberdeen]. Let there be no cavilling about mere phrases; what else could the noble Earl mean, when he stated, that never was sovereign driven so unanimously from a throne by his people? We had, therefore, a proof in this, that the noble Lord was ready enough to justify a revolution when it suited his own political feelings. And now, supposing that Don Pedro was using every nerve in his power for the restoration of his daughter to the Throne of Portugal, he would merely ask, if what the noble Earl had said over and over again were true, that Don Miguel was a usurper, and a perfidious oath-breaker; then he (Earl Grey) would ask, was not Don Pedro justified in using every exertion to do justice to his daughter? Could he blame Don Pedro if, after the usurpation of his daughter's kingdom by Don Miguel, he should adopt every expedient in his power to restore his daughter to her rights, and, par consequence, to deprive Don Miguel of his usurped authority? He, for one, certainly could not blame Don Pedro, and therefore, so long as the British Government observed strict neutrality between the parties, there was no occasion for the noble Earl's censure. If the noble Earl meant to insinuate, that Don Pedro's attempts had compromised, or would compromise, our strict neutrality, he gave the assertion the most unqualified denial. Ministers had heard nothing, with reference to the loan which the noble Earl alleged Don Pedro had contracted with certain monied gentlemen in the City, which could justify their interference, as a breach of neutrality on the part of Don Pedro. He had certainly to learn the fact of the Government having the power to prevent Don Pedro from raising any loan here which the monied men chose to grant him, on any security he could offer. As far as the Government was aware, Don Pedro had done no act which could be construed into a violation of our neutrality. With respect to the expedition from Terceira, for the purpose of extending the just dominion of Donna Maria 806 over the Azores, he would ask the noble Earl, where was the ground of our interference?
§ The Earl of Aberdeen.—The forcible use of British ships.
§ Earl Grey—But what were the facts? An expedition was fitted out from Terceira, which for three years had acknowledged the authority of Donna Maria, and the noble Earl said, this was merely for plunder, which the Government did not know. But he would ask the noble Earl what would he have the Government do? would he have them prevent it?—["Yes," from Lord Aberdeen] He said "No;" and though he would not revert to our Government having permitted the French government to enter Spain with an army, avowedly to interfere with the people—though he would not further touch these blots in our history—yet he knew of no duty that existed upon our parts to prevent any incursion on the part of Donna Maria; and, if he had any doubt upon the point, he should appeal to the authority of the noble Earl (Aberdeen) himself. He should not either revert to the cruelties, of which so much had been said, nor allude to cruelties, as the noble Earl was accustomed to do, only, however, when the partisans of absolute governments were the sufferers. Why, he wished to ask, should we interfere in this case of Donna Maria—we who, during the administration of which the noble Earl was a member, refused to interfere when Don Miguel sent an expedition (unsuccessful in the result) of 1,600 men to effect the conquest of Terceira? Which case was more obnoxious to the charge of violated neutrality? He was confident the conduct of Ministers with respect to Donna Maria was more just, and more consistent with the principle of neutrality, than the conduct of the late Ministers in favour of Don Miguel, in the case he had just alluded to. But to come to the facts of the present case. It was true, that a vessel, named the Coquette, belonging to a Mr. Dart, a merchant in the City, had been seized by the government of Terceira, and used on the expedition to which the noble Earl's Motion referred; but it was equally true, that compensation was offered to that gentleman, either to pay him the value of the ship, or for its use, by the authorities of Terceira. Mr. Dart's application to the British Government was made on the 24th 807 or 25th of May; on the 31st an order to institute the fullest inquiry into the matter had been forwarded to the Consul-General at the Western Isles, who had not yet made his report. Till, therefore, that report had been made, he would not offer any opinion on the transaction; and, for the same reason, must negative that portion of the noble Earl's motion which referred to it. Then with respect to the other case, the facts were these:—Mr. Hoppner, the consul at Lisbon, a most excellent officer, thought that, under the relations then existing between Portugal and France, he was bound to prohibit the use of two British vessels, which Don Miguel's government had employed to aid him in his contest with the French fleet; but the case having been referred to the King's Advocate here, and he having given it as his opinion, that the relations between the two kingdoms did not authorize the prohibition, Mr. Hoppner expressed his regret for his error, and permitted the vessels to act according to their charter. Upon the subject of chartering English vessels, the case had been referred to the King's Advocate, who had reported, that it was not contrary to the law of nations, or to any treaties between Portugal and Great Britain, but he had added, that if the vessels were captured in the service, the owners would have no claims on the English Government. There was nothing in the case to justify the severity of imputations and censures which the noble Earl, in his zeal to throw blame upon the English Government, had thought proper to indulge in. Their Lordships would agree with him, that the papers ought not to be produced, and that he was justified in giving his decided negative to the Motion. With respect to the third motion of the noble Earl, it was, that Ministers should lay before the House all the official information which they had received respecting an armed force being prepared in the Azores, for the attack upon Portugal. Upon the very first blush of such a demand, the House, he was convinced, would not consent to give any such information. This was the first time he had ever heard of such a demand being made; but he could give to the noble Earl a most satisfactory answer. Whatever means the noble Earl might have of acquiring his very extensive knowledge, most certain was it, that no information of the nature which he had described had been received 808 by any of his Majesty's Ministers. He had therefore to give a short answer to the point, by saying that no such information had reached Government. The return, therefore, would be nil; but, under the circumstances, and from the manner in which it was put, he did not think the House would agree to it. He would never object to Ministers being censured upon proper grounds, and on the most searching inquiries; but, in the present instance, no case had been made out for Government to put itself on its defence, or that would justify the Ministers in supplying the information which the noble Earl had called for. Having thus gone through the three divisions of the noble Earl's motion—though to follow all the divisions of the noble Earl's speech was an absolute impossibility, he should conclude by giving a direct negative to the Motion.
§ The Duke of Wellingtoncould not but think, that the censure cast upon his noble friend (the Earl of Aberdeen) for the manner in which he introduced his Motion, was unfounded. It was impossible for his noble friend to make out the case, which he had so completely done, without entering into the whole history of the unfortunate events which had occurred in Portugal. His noble friend had said, that he entertained suspicions—suspicions, which, in his (the Duke of Wellington's) mind also, were well founded—that the French expedition had an object ulterior to the mere demand of reparation. Their Lordships all knew what was passing in Paris, and his noble friend had quoted one of those authorities, which he was afraid weighed too much with the Governments of both France and England, he meant one of the newspapers of Paris. He must do the noble Earl at the head of the Government the justice to say, that the same document which had given the information alluded to by his noble friend, also stated, that the noble Earl opposite had endeavoured to prevent these demands from being made by the French government. It was positively stated in one of the French newspapers, that the French Admiral had been instructed, as his second object, to inquire whether there was any prospect of revolutionizing Portugal; that he found there was not, and that he therefore desisted. This was the substance of the intelligence contained in this document; and yet it was said, that there was 809 no reason to infer that the French had any design to bring about a revolution in that country. He would do the noble Earl the justice to say, that he believed the Government here did endeavour to prevent the interference that had taken place, and of which there was proof in the demand that Fort St. Julien should be given up; and yet it was said, "Oh! you must not refer to any such designs being entertained." Then his noble friend had been taunted, because, in former Debates in this House, he had spoken severely of the conduct of the king of Portugal. He did not mean to deny that; but what he wished to know was, were we, or were we not, to protect Portugal against this revolutionary invasion, because his noble friend had once disapproved of the course pursued by the king of Portugal? He blamed this Government, not for neglecting to interfere to prevent this invasion, but for not having placed Portugal previously in such a situation, that no such circumstance could have taken place. He thought, that the noble Earl had no reason to find fault with his noble friend for what he had stated respecting the conduct of Government as to the Emperor of Brazil. In this country, and as long as the Emperor of Brazil remained in this country, he could never regard him otherwise than as an individual, He would, of course, regard him as a member of a distinguished family—as one who had held a high situation—but still, as an individual, who had no more right than any other to violate the laws of this country. He was no more at liberty than was any one else, to occupy himself, while in this country, with the planning expeditions to the Azores, or from one island to another. He did not mean to insinuate, that the King's Ministers were any parties to this; but yet, from the speeches which some, at different times, had delivered in that House, he could not but suspect them, or, at least, say, that they gave grounds for a suspicion, that they might have mixed themselves up with such proceedings. Whether they had done so or not, of this, at least, he felt perfectly assured, that it would ill become the Ministers of King William 4th, a monarch bred up in the Navy, to advise their royal master to make use of any ships but his own, for warlike purposes. If it unhappily became necessary for our gracious Sovereign to adopt any hostile proceedings, it would be most unfaithful indeed to recommend 810 him to carry them on in any mean, shuffling manner, through the agency of the ships or the arms of the subjects of another state. It was therefore that his noble friend, and the noble Lords at that side of the House, had a right to inquire what course had been taken in reference to the transactions in the western islands? what had been done to prevent the invasion of St. George's island? and what had been done respecting the seizures effected under the directions of the regency of Terceira? and further, had the Ministers demanded compensation for the injury done to the property of British subjects? Had they demanded and obtained that, compensation in the same manner as in the case of the Portuguese government in Lisbon? It was, of course, no part of the duty or the business of this country to interfere between one branch of the House of Braganza and another; but surely we were bound by treaties to prevent any further invasion of the rights and independence of that part of the Portuguese territory to which he alluded, namely Terceira. It appeared to him necessary to preserve the relations between Portugal and this country on the ground of policy. The situation of the Azores islands was of great consequence. If a piratical Power was seated there, he need not point out to their Lordships how much the commercial interests of this country would suffer, for the ships which passed them were exceedingly numerous. Their Lordships might rely upon it, if they allowed the occupation of those islands by a Power such as he had designated, it would become necessary to employ a British force, for nothing but a British force could effect it, to take possession of them. He thought, that his noble friend, who had asked for the information, had established a case. What he wanted was, the official information, which must have been received, as to the seizure of vessels at Terceira, and the forcible hire of them. If, however, that information could not be conveniently given, he would not insist upon that part of the Motion, being as unwilling as any one to embarrass his Majesty's Ministers, by the production of papers which might prove injurious. Upon a review of the whole subject, he must say, that he thought his noble friend had acted with candour and fairness in bringing forward his Motion. It was the duty of his Majesty's Ministers to take care and prevent Portugal from falling into the hands of parties 811 over whom they had no control, and whom they could not prevent from sowing revolutionary measures, which would prove so baneful to its own interests, and to the interests of this country.
Lord Hollandcommenced by stating, that when he heard the speech of the noble Lord who had introduced the Motion, and when he afterwards heard the words of the Motion itself, he confessed he felt great difficulty how to connect many of the topics introduced into the noble Earl's speech with the Motion. But it was unnecessary for him to follow the noble Earl through all his details, to show the difficulties which would arise by granting the Motion—to point out the evils which would accrue by adopting it—these having been so ably stated by his noble friend near him, in his answer to the noble Earl's Motion. The noble Duke who had just sat down, felt the force of the observations of his noble friend (Earl Grey), or, rather, he felt that the impression made upon their Lordships' minds was, that the Motion was of so extraordinary a description—he might almost say unparliamentary—that the House could not consistently grant it; and, therefore, the noble Duke threw his shield over his noble friend (the Earl of Aberdeen) as a protection. The noble Duke had said, that the Motion ought to be granted, because, in the newspapers of France—because, in a French newspaper, "the gentlemen of the Press" had stated, that France had some ulterior object in sending a fleet to the Tagus. But that intention, it appeared from the same source, had been defeated by the representations of the Government of this country; and yet, from another part of the noble Duke's speech, we did not, nor, indeed, ought we if we could, according to the noble Duke, prevent these circumstances from taking place, upon which these supposed ulterior proceedings were to be founded. But now, mark the logic of the noble Duke upon that particular point. The Motion ought to be granted relating to that head, because, forsooth, "the gentlemen of the Press" of France had speculated that their government had some ulterior object, which ulterior object, they believed, had been defeated by the representations of this Government; and, therefore, what must be done was, an account given to the House by Government, of what had happened at Terceira; and, strange to say, this newspaper had been called a document. The 812 experience that noble Lords had in that House, would lead them at once to the conclusion, that never had the noble Lords, who now sat upon the Ministerial side, made such a Motion for documents. This he would venture to assert. The three motions—for they were so divided—of the noble Earl, calling for such papers as he asked by the words of the motions, were moved for without any parliamentary ground for the production of the papers having been made out. But, it would seem, that these three notable motions were nothing but pegs upon which to hang inchoate suppositions of what the intentions of the French government were; which intentions, too, were founded upon facts arising out of the speculations of a newspaper writer. The noble Lords who sat on the opposite side of the House, were not wont to set so high a value on a newspaper statement as they now appeared to do: probably a new light had sprung up in that respect upon them. "Oh, but," argued those noble Lords, "we have strong suspicions of you (the Ministers), because we have heard you say, when on this side the House, what you would do when you were not Ministers." Then the noble Duke, in another part of his speech, had in effect said (and the noble Earl had begged the question, by calling these outrages, respecting which he wished to have papers laid upon the Table: nor was it very clear how these outrages, supposing they were so—about which he would not here give an opinion—were connected with the French expedition to the Tagus), "You could not," meaning the Ministers, "after acting as you did to Portugal, in fairness and injustice deny to France, that which you have been guilty of yourselves." But the noble Duke said, "You ought not to have interfered yourselves." He admitted, with the noble Duke, the necessity of carrying on war in an open manner. There was no objection to produce all the papers alluded to in the Kind's Speech; but these, it seems, were not enough, and, under cover of a miserable motion, on supposititious facts, further information was sought. He would not believe, that the noble Duke really wished the production of these papers. It was only a piece of gallantry on his part, to support his noble friend, which made him step forward to arraign his Majesty's Ministers for the part they had taken. The noble Earl who had introduced 813 the Motion, had assumed, that his Majesty's Ministers had not considered the Azores of that importance they really were, and had read a lecture upon the subject. But he begged to inform the noble Earl, that they were, in his opinion, of great importance. At the same time, he could recollect Debates in that House, in which noble Lords who sat on the opposite side, did not seem to value the Azores so highly as at the present moment they estimated them. He remembered a strange metaphysical nut being thrown out to crack, in which the House was told, that not each of the islands was to be considered by itself, but that they were to be taken as a whole, and Portugal, it was also urged, was to be taken as a whole. But now the Azores were to be taken as of great importance. And why? Because of the number of ships which passed; and lest a piratical power should there exist, injurious to our commerce. A great part of the noble Earl's speech, who had introduced this subject to the House, was a philippic against that unfortunate Monarch, the Emperor of the Brazils; but the noble Duke had described him as a man of great respectability, and whose character was not of that nature which his noble friend had insinuated. He would leave the matter to be settled between the noble Earl, and his protector the noble Duke. He would not discuss the personal merits of the Emperor of the Brazils, about which, the noble Duke and the noble Earl entertained adverse or different opinions. In his opinion, that House had nothing to do with the personal character of the members of the house of Braganza; and he never said otherwise, when at the opposite side of the House; and if, inadvertently, he could have so spoken, he should then most readily retract any such expression; but then, they were told, that Don Pedro must not be allowed, in any respect, to compromise the peace of this country. Did any rational being suppose, that the present Motion would tend to prevent his doing so? The noble Duke had said, "You must not allow Don Pedro these means, which may lead to war." He (Lord Holland) denied that such means had been resorted to. But, admitting for argument's sake that it was so, had this Motion any thing to do with that subject? "We have found out," argued the noble Earl, "that the Council of Terceira has interfered with foreign ships." But what had that to do with 814 Don Pedro? The noble Duke had called the Regency of Donna Maria, a self-constituted one, and had also described the government as piratical. The legitimate right of Donna Maria, had been acknowledged by this country, and even in the papers of the noble Earl he had gone further, and described her as the Queen of Portugal by the law of nations.
§ The Earl of Aberdeeninterposed, and said, it was Don Pedro whom he had designated as king of Portugal.
Lord Hollandcontinued:—What the noble Earl had said was, that Don Pedro was king of Portugal by the order of nature. Terceira had acknowledged as a Queen de facto, her whom the noble Earl had acknowledged as a Queen de jure. Were treaties binding on every part of Portugal? If they were, Terceira had the same rights and claims under those treaties as Don Miguel. But the noble Duke had said, that the will of the people was to be consulted. He would no longer confide in the Old Sarum and Gatton system; oh no! Don Miguel had got rid of all that was rotten in the State; he had given his people a Reform, and all the people of Portugal were for Don Miguel, the Reform-king. England, therefore, was to respect the government that was founded on the popular will. He would not comment upon such a topic, but when the noble Duke and his political friends talked thus of the revolution in Portugal, and stigmatized the recent popular revolution in France, he would only beg them to compare the number of persons imprisoned in the two countries. What was the proportion of property confiscated in Portugal and France? Let these subjects be reflected upon, in order to estimate the comparative spoliation and misery of the two revolutions. If Ministers were driven to choose between the power which had been pronounced legitimate, and that with which England had had no diplomatic relations for the space of three years, and the Sovereign of which had given us a cause of war, by violating a solemn promise, to which he had made Great Britain a witness, and in some measure a guarantee, he should never have the slightest hesitation which of the two to choose. He very well saw the interest which England had in the independence of Portugal; but in his opinion, there was no power on earth so hostile to the interests of Great Britain as that power in Portugal, and 815 out of Portugal, which supported the pretensions of Don Miguel. The noble Lord concluded by saying—"The noble Duke has more than once alluded to my opinions on Portugal, and to my persuasion that English interests are deeply involved in her independence. He has not misstated me—he has not magnified the importance I ever have and do now attach to that point. No man is more deeply impressed than myself with the necessity of maintaining the independence of Portugal, and cementing her connexion with this country. Reasons, however—natural, physical, geographical reasons, and, therefore, beyond human control—prevent Portugal from being permanently and substantially a separate and independent State, without leaning for support, either upon England or upon France, or upon both. I deeply and deliberately regret, that affairs for some years back should have been so managed, that she is less likely to lean exclusively upon us than she has done, than, if we had supported our natural connexions in that country, she would still have continued to do, or than we at all times must wish her to do. This is a great evil; but I must tell the noble Lords opposite, it is not one of our creating. My withers are unwrung. The reproach is not with those around me, or those with whom I am connected."
Lord Ellenboroughthought it inconsistent in the noble Baron to admit that it was the interest of Great Britain to preserve the independence of Portugal, and yet to declare, that England was in such a situation, that she could offer no advice to which the Portuguese could listen with any confidence. He much feared, that by throwing off Portugal, Ministers would force that unfortunate country to have recourse to France. Were they, he would ask their Lordships, to forget the spirit of all the treaties which they had made with Portugal, and were they to truckle to those who were desirous to deprive them of their most faithful and most ancient Ally? Was that the line of conduct—was that the kind of policy which should be adopted by a British Government and a British Legislature?
§ The Earl of Aberdeenreplied. The noble Lord said, that the appearance of the French fleet in the Tagus, and the transactions which had subsequently occurred there, had given a new character to the condition and to the danger of Portugal, 816 and had sufficiently justified him in bringing forward his Motion this day.
§ Motion negatived without a division.
The Marquis of Londonderrywished to put a question to the noble Earl opposite, to which he hoped he should get a satisfactory answer. He wished to know, whether the Protocol for which he had moved, and which had been laid on the Table of that House, preparatory to his (the Marquis of Londonderry's) motion on Tuesday next, was an exact copy of that Protocol which had been signed by the Plenipotentiaries, or only an extract from it?
§ Earl Greysaid, that the printed Protocol on their Lordships' Table was a perfect paper. There had been a draft, which had been signed by the Plenipotentiaries, but it was subsequently cancelled.
The Marquis of Londonderrywished to know whether, after the arrival of the son of M. Casimir Perier in this country, there had been any communication with him on this subject, beyond a verbal or oral one, as had been already stated by the noble Earl?
§ Earl Greydid not feel bound to enter into all those explanations, for the eliciting of which the questions put by the noble Marquis were so frequently intended. He begged, however, to reiterate his statement, that there had been nothing beyond a verbal communication with the French Ambassador on the subject alluded to.
Lord Ellenboroughsaid, that as he understood the noble Earl, the case stood thus—that a draft had been prepared in the first instance, which was afterwards cancelled, and that they had now before them the exact copy of the Protocol which had been finally adopted by the Plenipotentiaries.