Lords Sitting of 1 June 1827

NEW ADMINISTRATION.
The Earl of Winchilsea,understanding that parliament was likely to be prorogued in a few weeks, considered that he should not be acting with courtesy to their lordships, and in particular to the noble marquis, who had expressed a wish to be informed whether it was still his intention to bring forward the important motion of which he had given notice—if he allowed the House to adjourn without giving an explicit answer on the subject. When he gave notice of that motion, he did so with the strong conviction, that his majesty's government, formed as it was, by the coalition of two opposite parties, was such as did not present that uniformity of feeling which entitled it to the confidence of the country. From that consistency and integrity which he had marked out as necessary to the political character of an individual, he certainly conceived it impossible that those individuals could abandon those political opinions which they had for so many years warmly advocated, as the country supposed, from a strong feeling that they were necessary to the welfare of
1084
the country. When he considered, that the settlement of questions of the greatest importance had been avowedly stated by those who were considered the leaders of their party, as tending to the ultimate tranquillity of the country; and when he remarked that those members of the late government, who formed part of the present government, had been strongly opposed to those questions, he had, acting from a conviction that there was not that unanimity in the government necessary to entitle it to the support of the country, given notice of that motion, which he distinctly stated, he now withdrew. When he considered that the notices of motions to be brought under the consideration of the House, and which would fairly have brought to the test the principles of the individuals who supported them, had been withdrawn and abandoned, he must conclude that the unanimity of opinion in the government must have arisen from concessions of principles, upon which it was not for him to enter. It was the business of the noble lords opposite to clear their character; he trusted they would avail themselves of an opportunity before the expiration of the present session, to state upon what consideration they had been induced to come forward to support the government.
The Marquis of Lansdownsaid, that the noble earl had, with a great deal of candour, declared his intention of abandoning, the motion of which he had given notice, and which was to have been brought forward for the purpose of eliciting from him an answer to particular questions, in reference to recent proceedings. It was not for him to inquire what might be the motives which induced either the noble earl or any other noble lord to bring forward or abandon a motion of this description. He was, however, justified in the hope, that, as there was nothing either irregular or unconstitutional in the course which the noble earl had taken, but, as that course was both regular and constitutional, that at least the noble earl saw good reason for abstaining from a proposition which, if his views were adopted, he thought might convey a vote of censure on the government. The noble earl, however, abandoned the motion, and it would ill become him to enter upon a subject which the noble earl himself did not consider as furnishing ground for a parliamentary proceeding. He well knew that, if the noble earl con-

1085
sidered there was any ground for such a proceeding, he would, in his manliness and courage, not abstain from doing that which it was his imperative public duty to do, namely, to call on that House to pronounce its opinion on any thing wrong or unconstitutional in the formation of his majesty's government. He therefore had a right to think that the noble earl saw no just ground for submitting to their lordships the motion of which he had given notice. But, in abstaining from bringing it forward, he had given an intimation, that the unanimity which prevailed in his majesty's government was obtained by concessions which he had not thought fit to name, and had adverted to certain notices of motions which had been withdrawn. Now, he did not know to what motions the noble earl alluded, for he knew of no notices having been given and withdrawn, excepting those which had been given from the other side of the House, and which had been as successively withdrawn, as fast as they were made. He wished, however, to take that opportunity, in the face of that House and of the country, to declare, that no one opinion which he had ever entertained upon any subject had been abandoned or compromised, in forming that connexion, which, upon the grounds of public principle and honour, and upon the grounds of public principle and honour only, he had thought it to be his public duty to form; and, when he should hereafter hear any allusion made to this subject, he should beg the favour of any noble lord who made such allusion, having access to those records of the proceedings of that House which were known to exist, and having the benefit of that diligent attention which the noble lords opposite had given to those proceedings—he should beg the favour, he repeated, of the noble lord availing himself of those sources, to point out that particular opinion, which at any time he had given, which the noble lord might think inconsistent with the course he was now pursuing. He should, when so called upon, be able to appeal to the recollection of their lordships for his repeated concurrence with the measures of government, as little from a view to any official connexion, as at any period of his life, till within the last month, it could be supposed. But he had, from the same public grounds, thought it his duty to give his support to a government with which he had no connexion—a course,
1086
perhaps, unintelligible to some noble lords—publicly and loudly, upon principles which he thought important to the welfare of the country. He had gone still further; and, when he had seen noble lords acquiescing in silence in those measures of policy to which they now made objections, connected with the commerce and navigation of the country, he had thought it his duty to come forward to state his warm concurrence in those measures; warning noble lords, at the same time, of their extent and importance; and, having so warned them, and having so stated his own concurrence and approbation, he had had the good fortune to see those measures unanimously carried. He little thought that the unanimity, revealed in those measures which were adopted with the approbation of that House and the country, would be made the basis of a charge, not only against the king's government, but against those individuals who, in consistence with the principles they had acted upon, continued to manifest, on the one side of the House, that support which they had loudly proclaimed from the other. As that unanimity had been useful to the House before, so it was the foundation of the connexion which, on public grounds, he had thought right to form. As the noble earl had not thought fit to state his opinion in any distinct charge, he should only express a hope, that, if any noble lord fancied he saw in him, individually, any act of inconsistency, he would afford a fair opportunity of explaining the grounds upon which he acted.
The Earl of Carlislesaid, that, in accepting the office which he held, he was not conscious of having forfeited any pledge, or abandoned any principle. With this statement he should rest; as he felt it unnecessary to go further after the speech of the noble marquis.

CORN BILL.
On the order of the day, for going into a committee on this bill,
The Earl of Westmorelandsaid, he felt it his duty fairly to take his share of responsibility, however serious it might be, for the principle of this measure. It would not be necessary for him to enter at large into a defence of the bill, as that had been done ably by his noble friend (lord Goderich). It would be extremely improper in him to follow his noble friend in the same line of argument. It would be sufficient for him to say, that he generally

1087
agreed in all that his noble friend had stated, and that he differed as much from all that the noble marquis (Lansdown) had said also, in support of the bill. The ground he took in defence of this measure was, that, with reference to the times and circumstances of the present day, it was right, proper, and beneficial to all classes of the community, agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial, that some settlement should be made of this great question. He contended that, if a settlement of this great question was necessary, it was more particularly so after the late crisis in the financial world, which had done mischief to none more than to the agriculturists. In the course of the recent debate on this bill, it had been said, that a settlement was necessary to all parties, but especially to that interest which their lordships represented; and some insinuations were thrown out, that, if their lordships did not accede to this measure, they were influenced by a prejudice in favour of the landed interests, which might be supposed to be injured by this measure, as they were most interested in the protection of agriculture, and the cultivation of the country. Now, he maintained, in opposition to this doctrine, that however all classes were interested in the protection of agriculture, the classes were to be considered in an inverse ratio, and that the agricultural proprietors should be counted last. The parties most deeply concerned were those classes whose food depended on their daily labour, and who would be the first to suffer in case of famine. The next class interested in the protection of agriculture was the monied and financial party. In support of this opinion, he would quote a writer (Cobbett) who, though he did not look up to him as an authority on all subjects, had undoubtedly the ability of enforcing his arguments strongly. This writer was an enemy to the Corn-laws; but he said, "Let us have wheat at five shillings a bushel, and the thing is at an end." What he called "the thing," meant the financial interests of the country, the funded debt. It was not without some degree of reason that he predicted, that if he could get wheat at that reduced price, the landed interest would be destroyed, and with it all the other interests would fall to the ground, and a different settlement of public affairs would arise from the ruins of the constitution. The third class interested in this measure were
1088
those who represented the agricultural body. They naturally were deeply concerned in the due cultivation of the land, on which the independence of the nation rested. But, although all other interests might be nearly swept away, the land, at least, would remain. Grievous and alarming such a consideration is! All classes should unite to preserve and encourage the cultivation, and protect the country from such a calamity. He trusted the country would never depend for its food on foreigners, as he had heard the noble marquis assert it might with safety. He had read, as all their lordships had, ancient and modern history, and political writers, and he had invariably found a general concurrence on this point, that the strength of a country, either for attack or defence, national independence or internal tranquillity, depended on the cultivation of the soil, and the growth of food sufficient for the maintenance of its population. The first question to be ascertained was, whether a country should grow sufficient to maintain its population. No doubt on this point had been started, until of late years. It was necessary that, with an increasing population, we should have an increasing cultivation; and that object was the intention of this bill. On the total danger of relying on foreign supplies, he would not dwell in his own language. He would give his opinion in a few words from an author, whose sense and judgment had been admired by all men, since his works had been known to the world. He alluded to the historian Tacitus, who, explaining the causes of the decline of the Roman power, ascribed it chiefly to their latter practice of relying on foreign supply for their food. In the early days of the republic, agriculture was encouraged to such an extent, that the Romans exported corn largely; but when the new system was adopted of importing it from Egypt, the state became feeble and degenerate. In the time of Tiberius, by the prevalence of contrary winds, Rome was reduced to twenty-four hours provisions. The words of Tacitus, in concluding this passage, were:—"At Hercule! olim ex Italiæ regionibus longiuquas in provincias commeatus portabant: nec nunc infecunditate laboratur, sed Africam potius et Ægyptum exercemus, navibusque et casibus, vita populi Romani permissa est." He trusted that, after carrying this measure, their lordships would persevere in the principle on

1089
which it was founded. On looking at the tables that had been drawn up, it appeared to him, that no great quantity of foreign corn could be brought with a profit to market, except, perhaps, from a few distant ports. There still was danger, he was aware, from the operations of corn-dealers. They might enter upon great speculations, and having their capital embarked, would prefer losing ten or twenty per cent to get out of their difficulties; and, by this means, a large mass of foreign corn might be thrown on the market at a cheap rate, to the great injury of the home-grower. There ought, therefore, to be some regulation, by which the importation of corn could be prevented, until the price had risen to a certain pitch. On all hands it was admitted, that the home-grower could not be adequately protected under 60 s. In the former legislation on this subject, care had always been taken, that corn should not come in too hastily, but only at certain times, and in certain quantities. In like manner, he thought some period should be fixed before which this bill should not begin to operate; and, when it did, the bonded corn should be admitted under such regulations as his majesty's government might deem it proper to impose. Those who had come with an early supply, when the country was in want of food, had a just claim to be preferred to later arrivals. Supporting the principle of the bill, he nevertheless should feel himself at liberty in the committee to propose a regulation to that effect. He did not wish to see too great facilities to the importation of foreign corn, to the prejudice of the home-grower; and he could not view without alarm, any prospect of the country becoming dependent on foreigners for its supply of food.
The House having resolved itself into a committee,
Earl Stanhopemoved, that the words "meal" and "flour" be omitted.
Lord Goderichsaid, with reference to the amendment, that the law as it now stood between Great Britain and Ireland, prohibiting the importation of flour, was an act of the Irish parliament. That prohibition had not been altered by the acts of 1804, 1806, 1815, or 1822, and the amendment, if adopted, would not be beneficial to any class. By documents, it appeared that the importation had never amounted to any degree of importance, except when the harvests all over
1090
Europe were bad. In 1801, a quantity of flour had been imported from the United States, but the advantages derived from it were inadequate to the risk. If that was the result, when the temptation to introduce it was so much greater, there could be now no danger from the measure. The amendment would only have the effect of throwing into the hands of a few opulent millers in the neighbourhood of town a monopoly of the supply of flour.
Lord Ellenboroughsupported the amendment, as an Englishman looking to the interests of Ireland. There was a large capital sunk in that country in the corn and flour trade, and he would give Ireland a monopoly, up to a certain extent, to protect the capital invested in that trade.
Earl Stanhopewas at a loss to know on what principle they could refuse the benefit to the people of that kingdom, which they derived from the existing laws. Their lordships were well aware that, if flour was in a good state, it would bear the longest voyages.
The Earl of Harrowbycould not think that, for the sake of the millers of Ireland, their lordships ought to exclude all foreign meal and flour from this country. The principle of the Corn-laws had always applied equally to flour as to wheat. But even were it otherwise, would their lordships, particularly under present circumstances, impose a prohibition on the importation of that article which constituted the most considerable of the exports of the United States, and thus deprive them of the principal means by which they were enabled to purchase our manufactures.
The Marquis of Salisburysupported the amendment. It had always, he said, been the object of the legislature to encourage the Irish miller.
The Earl of Malmesburysaid, he wished to see Ireland a wheat-growing country, and there was no expectation of seeing that, unless it became a consuming country. He could not agree that flour and wheat ought to be placed on the same footing. Flour was a manufactured article, and, as a manufactured article, it ought to be protected beyond a raw article. As to the United States, their conduct towards us had exemplified any thing rather than a feeling of sympathy.
Lord Redesdalesupported the amendment, and argued against the principle of the bill. The system on which it proceeded was, that the farmers were not to receive a

1091
greater price for their corn than 55 s. Now, in bad seasons, that, so far from being a remunerating, would be a ruinous, price to the farmer. With respect to ground corn, whenever the country imported an article in a manufactured, instead of a raw, state, she threw away an advantage which she ought to retain to herself. The general effect of the bill would be, to produce a regular importation of foreign corn, and thereby the British farmer would be ruined. Whenever a season came, which yielded him but half a crop, being obliged, nevertheless, to sell this half crop at the same price as if it produced him a whole one, he must be a loser that season. By diminishing the price of corn, the farmer would be obliged to diminish his stock; and, by diminishing his stock, he would be unable to manure as much land as before. Thus the operation of the bill would be, to defeat its own object; for, by throwing land out of cultivation, it would, of necessity, render corn dearer.
Lord Ellenboroughsaid, that many Irish lords seemed disposed to vote for this bill under a mistaken impression. They thought they derived an advantage under this bill, in having a concession made to them with respect to oats. Now, he entreated them not to separate the interests of that country from those of England; for, whenever they did so, it would turn out to their prejudice. But did this bill afford them an advantage over the bill of 1822? It was true that, under the present bill, when oats continued for three months at from 28 s. to 29 s. there would be an advantage of 9d. over the bill of 1822; but, except when that contingency occurred, there would be a loss. He entreated the people of that country to look more to the export of wheat. Just now oats constituted a more important object with them than wheat; but let them look at the history of their agriculture, and they would find that wheat was a new invention in Ireland. It was not long since there was not a loaf of wheaten bread to be had in Belfast; and those who first attempted to sow any wheat were looked upon as making a most extravagant experiment; yet now they produced wheat of the finest quality. He entreated the noble lords connected with that country to afford every encouragement to the cultivation of wheat.
The Amendment was negatived.
Earl Bathurstobjected to the words "at all times." He contended, that these
1092
words were in contradiction to the principle of the bill. It stated, "that it was expedient that corn, &c., should at all times be allowed to be imported" upon payment of certain duties. Now, these duties were prohibitory duties. Was it common sense, then, to say, that at all times these articles should be imported at prohibitory duties? He denied that the principle of the bill was prohibitory. The duties were partly prohibitory, partly restrictive, and partly nominal. When the price of corn was under 60 s. they were prohibitory; when it was at 65 s., they were restrictive; and when it reached 70 s., they were only nominal. When he first read those words, they appeared to him to be of great importance; but they appeared still more so, since he had heard the noble marquis (Lansdown) declare, that this country should be dependent on foreign nations. Now, he denied that such was intended to be the principle of this bill. With respect to the principles of free trade generally, he denied that the measures of the late government were founded on principles of free trade, any more than this bill was founded on the principle of a free trade in corn. It proceeded on principles of prohibition, regulated by restrictive duties. They might as well talk of a free press under a censorship, as of free trade in grain under graduated duties. He concluded by moving for the omission of the words "at all times."
The Earl of Harrowbysaid, that the chief merit of the bill lay in fixing the prohibitory duty at such a point as would satisfy all parties.
The Earl of Malmesburydisliked the bill, because it was a clumsy plan of prohibition. He pointed out the hazards with which the native growers were threatened by speculations in foreign grain; and asked, why the government should not, instead of the bill, protect the agriculturists by a plain prohibition? He would move the substitution of 64 s. instead of 60 s., which was proposed as the remunerating price, at the proper opportunity.
The Marquis of Lansdownsaid, it was impossible for him to have stated that it was desirable for this country to be dependent upon others, for any considerable portion of her grain. What he had said was, that it was in the nature of things that a rich country should be so dependent on others, and that this tendency could not be checked, without injuring the wealth

1093
of the richer country, and, consequently, in our case, without injuring the capital which was to remunerate the agricultural interests. But it was utterly impossible for him to agree with those who thought that the country ought to be wholly independent of foreign countries for any portion of the food of the population. He thought it was highly desirable to get rid of the word prohibition from our commercial code; and, though there were many restraining duties which acted as prohibitions, and which, in the present artificial state of the affairs of the country, could not immediately be done away, yet it was something to get rid of the term prohibition.
The Earl of Lauderdalesaid, that the object of the bill was to lower the prices of grain; and, as high prices argued an increased state of enjoyment, and a better remuneration to all the operative classes, low prices were any thing but desirable.
Viscount Goderichsaid, that they were justified, by the experience of a century, in concluding that this country must, from time to time, be dependent upon others for a supply in times of scarcity. He admitted that, in some sense, they must have prohibition; because, for reasons of state, the native grower could never be allowed to have the full benefit of high prices, and therefore he must be protected from the effects of very low prices; the supply of the food of the population having to depend upon the agricultural classes. He had never contended for an entirely free trade, even in other commodities, without paying any duties; but he thought it desirable to modify the duties, according to the reduction of expenses in manufactures, especially as many of those duties had operated as prohibitions, though never intended to be such by the legislature. The House had only to reflect, that many of those duties were mere exigencies, to which the government had been driven by the expensive operations of the war.
Lord Ellenboroughadvised ministers to hold several cabinet councils, and agree upon some understanding of certain terms of political economy commonly in use, such as those of prohibition and free trade. He thought that the view held out by the noble marquis, and those who acted with him, was the most mischievous that could be entertained. Were there no other considerations besides wealth, in the practice of government? This country was an agricultural as well as a commercial coun-
1094
try. Great and superior wealth did not imply national strength. Let their lordships look at the growth of mercantile wealth in this country. Had the happiness and morals of the people been increased?—on the contrary, had not misery and crime increased with their increased numbers? A wise government should no more devote all its energies to the increase of wealth than a wise man. He preferred either of the bills of 1815 or 1822 to this; which he declared to be an anomaly in the law. It was impossible ever to effect a free trade in corn; and it was absurd to talk of putting food upon the same footing as commodities which were not of prime necessity. The noble marquis had said, that the country ought to be; or must be, dependent upon others for some portion of the supply. What portion would the noble marquis name, as that which it was desirable, under the present arrangements of capital, for the country to draw from abroad? The country could not prosper when the prices of grain were very low. The noble lord went on to object to the fixing a maximum of corn in England, and especially to the fixing it at such a point as must be below a remunerating price in seasons of scarcity. If the price of corn was not to rise when the crop was deficient, how was it possible for the farmer to be paid? He was perfectly ready to call into immediate action the bill of 1822; and even to attach a graduated scale of duties to that bill. Or he would make an alteration in the importation prices of 70 s., fixed by that bill. But to the bill before the House he was decidedly adverse. The former bills had been bills of compromise between the two interests, which were supposed to be opposed to each other; but the present bill was one of capitulation, and it should never have his consent. He saw no reason for departing from the provisions of the bill of 1822, unless it were to introduce some measure of increased protection to the agriculturists. The price of gold in 1822, when that bill was passed, had been below the Mint price. The distress of the country had been greater in 1822 than it was at present. The only difference was, that the agriculture of the country required more protection now, because it had been longer in a state of depression; and yet, here was a call at once upon the landed interest to reduce their corn 10 s. a quarter.

1095
The motion for omitting the words "at all times," was negatived.
Lord Ellenboroughthen rose to move an amendment to the effect which he had just stated. The words which he wished to have inserted were taken from the bill of 1815. His motion was, that after the words "for home consumption," should be inserted the following words—"whenever the average prices of the several sorts of British corn, made up and published according to law, shall be at or above the prices herein after mentioned."
Viscount Goderichwas desirous to know to what price the noble lord's scheme of prohibition was meant to extend.
Lord Ellenboroughsaid, that if the House sanctioned the principle of his amendment, the question of price could be settled afterwards.
The House then divided: Not-Contents 82; Contents 39; Majority 43.
The Earl of Farnhamproposed an amendment, by which the prices of Irish and Scotch grain should be embodied in the averages. It was difficult, he said, to know how to deal with the measure before the House, from the uncandid manner in which it had been introduced, detached from another bill which was now in progress through the other House, and with which it was closely connected.
Lord Goderichsaid, that the introduction of the prices in Ireland and Scotland would alter the rate of duties affixed by other parts of the bill.
Lord Ellenboroughspoke in favour of the amendment.
The Earl of Stanhopesaid, that the course pursued by ministers had been neither fair nor candid. The measure which was fraught with such bitter consequences to the agriculturist, appeared to him to be merely the precursor of other measures of a similar tendency. It would have been more frank to have embodied at once all that was meant to be proposed.
The Earl of Roseberydefended the mode of taking the averages; which was conformable to the system of 1815 and 1822.
The Earl of Lauderdaleobserved, that the proposed mode of taking the averages would be a fraud upon the public.
The Bishop of Bath and Wellswas of opinion, that the effect of the bill would be to throw a large portion of poor land out of cultivation, and thus to deprive numbers of the labouring classes of occupa-
1096
tion and bread. This consideration induced him to express his disapprobation of the present bill; and he was anxious that their lordships should rightly appreciate the motives which actuated him in the discharge of a painful duty.
The Earl of Malmesburysaid, that, whenever an importation should take place, foreign corn would be sold in our markets. How, then, could this be called "British" corn? It would be better to leave out this word.
Lord Goderichsaid, he had no wish to set up his opinion against the sense of the House.
It was then agreed, that the word "British" should be struck out.
The Earl of Rosslynmoved, "That the several rates of duties specified in the table to be affixed to grain imported into the United Kingdom should be charged and collected at the time of such grain being entered for home consumption."
Lord Goderichobserved, that the effect of this amendment would be, to annihilate the warehousing system. Now, if corn were not warehoused here, it would be warehoused at the nearest foreign ports. The state of the markets here could, by the rapidity of the present communications, be conveyed to Ostend, Flushing, or Antwerp, in little better than twenty-four hours; and this would lead to a sudden and enormous glut, which would be better guarded against by the preservation of the warehousing system in this country.
The Duke of Wellingtonsaid, he must object to the clause proposed by the noble earl, because he should always feel disinclined to place the warehousing system—a system in which property to a considerable amount was embarked—on any other than a secure foundation. Having attended the committee on the corn trade, and having carefully read over the evidence taken before that committee, it appeared to him absolutely necessary, that something should be done, to prevent the warehousing system from being made a pretext, and converted into a means, of practising those frauds which, it not only appeared from the evidence, were carried on, but which he challenged any noble lord who had attended the committee to say how they could possibly prevent while the present system was continued. He had reason to believe that his noble friend (lord Goderich) would not be indisposed to accede to another measure which he

1097
intended to propose to the committee—a measure which would have the double effect of placing the warehousing system on a secure footing, and of remedying any frauds which might occur in taking the averages. He should therefore oppose the clause of the noble earl, and propose, by way of amendment, that "foreign corn in bond should not be taken out of bond, until the average price of corn shall have reached 66 s." [hear].
Lord Goderichsaid, that his noble friend had very much misunderstood him, if he supposed that he had ever expressed himself in favour of such a clause. The fact was quite the reverse; for he was of opinion, that if the clause of the amendment were adopted, its introduction must, as a necessary consequence, lead to the rejection of the bill altogether [Cries of "no, no," and laughter, from the Opposition benches.] He was somewhat at a loss to know what noble lords intended by these expressions of merriment; but this much he would say, that those noble lords should not laugh him out of his opinions. He felt it his duty to oppose the amendment of the noble duke, because he felt that it was at direct variance with the principles of the bill, and would tend at once to encourage that prohibition which the bill was calculated to remove. It was somewhat singular that his noble friend, who had had ample opportunities, should not have discovered the imperfections of this bill until the present occasion [hear, hear].
The Duke of Wellingtonexplained. He had never been a party to the framing of the bill, which he never saw until it was printed. He had supported its general principles, with a view to the good of the country, but without pledging himself to support all its clauses.
Lord Goderichsaid, he wished to stand fairly with his noble friend. He understood his clause to be this—that no corn in bond, in warehouse, or on shipboard, should be taken out of bond, until the average price of corn amounted to 66 s.
The Duke of Wellingtonexpressed his assent, and added a few words in explanation, which were inaudible below the bar.
Lord Rosslynwithdrew his amendment. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw; and shortly after, the result of the division to which their lordships had come to was announced by the loud cheers of that side of the House in favour of which it had taken place. Their lordships continued in
1098
debate for some time after; and, when the doors were again opened, we found the numbers to be:—Contents 78; Not-Contents 74; Majority in favour of the duke of Wellington's Amendment 4.
The chairman reported progress, and asked leave to sit again on Wednesday.