Lords Sitting of 7 March 1826

ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.
On the
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motion of earl Bathurst, the order of the day was read for taking into consideration the resolutions of the House of Commons, of the 15th of May, 1823, communicated to their lordships, at a conference, with a view to their lordships' concurrence therewith. The resolutions were then read, as follows:—
"That it is expedient to adopt effectual and decisive measures for ameliorating the condition of the slave population in his majesty's colonies:
"That, through a determined and persevering, but at the same time judicious and temperate, enforcement of such measures, this House looks forward to a progressive improvement in the character of the slave population, such as may prepare them for a participation in those civil rights and privileges which are enjoyed by other classes of his majesty's subjects:
"That this House is anxious for the accomplishment of this purpose, at the earliest period that shall be compatible with the well-being of the slaves themselves, with the safety of the colonies, and with a fair and equitable consideration of the interests of private property."
Earl Bathurstthen rose. The noble earl began b}' observing, that he was happy to say it would not be necessary for him to trouble their lordships at much length, to induce them to agree to the motion with which he meant to conclude. The resolutions of the House of Commons which had just been read had been made the foundation of certain instructions for improving the situation of the slave population in the West-India colonies. Their lordships would recollect that, more than two years ago, he had had the honour of calling their lordships' attention to those instructions which, in point of fact, had been embodied in the shape of orders in council, and sent out to the colonies. In those orders in council provision was made for the execution of all those measures which his majesty's government thought necessary for carrying into effect the plan of improvement founded on the resolutions of the House of Commons. He had great satisfaction in saying, that the measures thus adopted by government had experienced no objection from any quarter in this country, but, on the contrary, had met with general approbation. In consequence of this general approbation, he had felt the more confidence in urging the measures on the

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colonies. What he now proposed was, to call their lordships' attention to what had been done since the period at which he formerly addressed them on the present subject. Since that time two or three communications had taken place between his majesty's government and the colonies; but he was extremely sorry to say, that those communications had not been attended with so much success as might have been expected, and was to be desired. With the exception of some legislative enactments in Grenada, St. Vincent's, and Dominica, very little had any where been done, towards effecting the objects which his majesty's government had in view. In addition, however, to the legislative measures, of the carrying of which their lordships were previously informed, namely, the throwing the onus probandi on persons claiming slaves, and placing blacks on an equal footing with whites as to evidence in courts of law, and which some of the islands had agreed to, a law had been made to protect slaves going to market, and another to legalize bequests in favour of slaves. He was sorry, however, to say, that the legislative assembly of Jamaica had rejected the proposed law for admitting the evidence of the blacks under certain modifications. The bill for that purpose had been thrown out by a majority of 23 to 13. But that assembly, and others which had rejected the measures recommended by his majesty's government, would soon be dissolved, and others summoned. There was reason to hope that these new assemblies would evince a different spirit, and the bill for admitting the evidence of blacks, as well as other measures calculated to ameliorate the condition of the slaves, he trusted would be passed by the assembly of Jamaica. He must, in justice to that assembly, add, that an important measure had been carried through it. Their lordships were aware that provision had been made for an episcopal establishment in Jamaica. The bishop had been fully invested with every power necessary to the performance of his ecclesiastical duties, and the exercise of his spiritual authority. In addition to this, the stipends of the rectors had been increased. In addition to the other measures taken for the benefit of the slaves, several parishes had been enabled to build churches, and to repair and enlarge those already built; and he was glad to observe, that many of the owners of plantations
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had contributed liberally to those buildings; and it was but justice to say, that the same liberal feeling extended to other islands. The government had received a communication from the bishop of Barbadoes, in which it appeared that his lordship had visited several of the West-India islands, in each of which he had received assurances of a disposition to take effective measures for improving the condition of the slaves. From Barbadoes a report had lately been received from nine parishes out of eleven. In these parishes there were 317 plantations. Of these, five were under the religious instruction of the Moravian missionaries, and one hundred and thirty under the instruction of the clergy of the established church. At a public meeting of the planters, slave-owners, and others, in Barbadoes, the destruction of the missionary chapel had been condemned in very strong terms. This showed that the feeling of the misguided persons engaged in that transaction was not extended to the respectable part of the community in that island. His lordship next alluded to the language of some of the petitions for the abolition of slavery, and observed, that they were not at all calculated to attain the end which the petitioners seemed to have in view. In some of them it was broadly asserted, that a state of slavery was forbidden by the Gospel, as wholly incompatible with the doctrines of Christianity. Now, the circulation of such principles amongst the slave population of the colonies must prove extremely pernicious. The doctrine thus laid down he could not admit, and he thought it highly injurious that those who called for the religious instruction of the slaves, should, in their petitions, set forth, that the Christian doctrine was incompatible with a state of slavery. He believed the best foundation on which the treatment of the slave could rest, was on the observance of the principles of the Christian religion. But it would be unfair to say, that pains should be taken to connect the slave to Christianity, and at the same time to teach him that the state of slavery (no matter what the kindness and indulgence of the master might be) was inconsistent with the religion which he was solicited to embrace.—Having thus briefly called the attention of their lordships to what had been done in the colonies towards improving the condition of the slave—but though something had been done, he

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regretted to say, that a great deal had been left undone—he would now state what was proposed by his majesty's government. The resolution of the House of Commons embraced two objects—the first was the improvement of the condition of the slaves; and the other, that facility for the manumission of the slaves which would gradually lead to the total extinction of slavery, without any injury to the interests of the proprietors. The modes by which it was proposed to improve the condition of the slave were, the providing increased facilities for religious instruction—giving greater security to the possession of property—the prevention of the separation of families by sale or otherwise—the admission of slave evidence in criminal cases—the giving an additional day for the cultivation of their grounds, by which they might be enabled to keep a more strict observance of the Sabbath—the abolition of the punishment of females by the whip, and the disuse of the whip as a badge of authority in the hands of drivers, or as a stimulus to labour. And for the second object; namely, the gradual extinction of slavery, it was proposed to establish a regulation, by which, when the slave possessed sufficient property, he might claim his manumission by having his value declared by appraisement, without requiring the consent of his master. Instructions containing these points had been sent to the different governors of the several West-India colonies, by whom they would be proposed for the consideration of their legislative assemblies, and the government would soon be in possession of their opinions upon them. From the earnest manner in which the subject had been recommended to their attention, he did hope that it would have a successful result. But should it prove otherwise, it would then be for their lordships to consider what course it would be expedient to adopt, to carry the measures into effect. The circumstances under which these resolutions were now proposed to their lordships were, he thought, favourable for their object. It would appear that they were not adopted in the heat of the moment, or as the effect of eloquent appeals made to their feelings, on the Subject of slavery, but as the result of their lordships' most mature deliberations. The noble lord concluded by moving, that the resolutions of the House of Commons be adopted by their lordships.
Lord Calthorpesaid, he was ready to
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admit the propriety, in most respects, of the language of the resolutions in question, which had unanimously passed the other House of parliament, and that he should be exceedingly happy if he could conscientiously abstain from making the slightest objection to them. Although he did not mean to offer any opposition to the proposed measures of his majesty's government which the noble earl had described, a painful sense of duty compelled him to throw out some remarks on the resolution in which their lordships were now called upon to concur. It was a subject of sincere congratulation to himself, that he could say, that if the colonial legislatures had manifested a spirit of almost unexampled and unaccountable resistance to the measures proposed for their adoption by his majesty's government, that spirit could not possibly have been excited by the tone and manner in which those measures had been recommended to them by the noble earl. The conduct of the noble earl throughout the whole business had been highly honourable to him. He could not easily forget a circumstance which occurred two years ago, when the noble earl was communicating to that House the measures which his majesty's government were at that time pursuing with respect to the West Indies. When the noble earl came to that part of his statement which related to the intention of his majesty's government to take means for communicating to the negroes of the West-India islands that best of all benefits, the advantages of religious instruction, his voice faltered with emotion. The pause in his words, as the noble earl proceeded to describe the mutually beneficial effect which would be produced on master and on slave, by assembling in acts of religious worship, before their common and omniscient God, did more to secure the cordial and hearty assent of their lordships to the noble earl's propositions, than could have been effected by the most powerful exercise of eloquence. It would be a great injustice to the noble earl if he were not to add, that the same kind and benevolent spirit characterized all the official orders which he had sent to the colonies, on the subject at present under consideration. The resistance made by the colonial legislatures to recommendations in such a spirit was certainly calculated to excite a fear that all-expectations of their sincere concurrence were hopeless. But that was not the chief

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object for which he had risen. He would bow state what that object was. He rose for the purpose of expressing his opinion, that, considering the great importance of this subject—considering the general feeling which existed in every part of the country respecting it, and the very little effect which had been produced by the adoption of these resolutions by the other House, it was not a practical mode of attaining the proposed object, to use the cold language with which one of those resolutions commenced. He would have preferred the resolution which had been first proposed in the Commons, and superseded by those now before their lordships. In that resolution it was declared, that a state of slavery was repugnant to the British constitution, and to the spirit of the Christian religion. He would admit with the noble earl, that the sanction of slavery was not absolutely incompatible with the Christian religion; but though it was not forbidden by that religion, still he would contend, that it was opposed to the spirit and genius of that religion, and he could not conceive that any country bound by that religion, and acting on its admirable precepts, and particularly under such a happy constitution as our own, could continue long without an earnest endeavour to get rid of such a pestilence. The resolution to which he alluded went directly to that object; and though he could not dispute the abstract truth of the noble earl's proposition, still he, for one, must wish that the present resolutions had been so altered as to embrace a little more of the spirit of that which had been proposed and rejected in the other House. The intentions of those who adopted the general tenor of that resolution, were, he thought, not fairly explained by those who took a different view of the subject. He was at a loss to conceive how it could be considered, that they who declared a state of slavery to be repugnant to the British constitution and to the spirit of Christianity, must, as a matter of course, be disposed to put aside every consideration of expediency, and all reference to the interests of the colonists, and rush at once to the attainment of abolition—that, having such an opinion of slavery in the abstract, they were not willing to allow its continuance one hour after their resolution was declared. Such was not a fair interpretation of the views of those who concurred in the resolution. The meaning of that resolution, taken as
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a whole, and the opinions of those who supported it, might be fairly stated to be—that slavery being repugnant to the genius of the British constitution, and to the spirit of Christianity, ought to be gradually abolished, due regard being had to the interests of the masters, and to the condition of the slaves themselves. None of the abolitionists that he had heard of were disposed to rush in a fanatical manner to abolition, as a matter which could or ought to be accomplished in a moment. Taking this as the fair view which the abolitionists took of it, and considering the necessity of expressing their opinions in forcible language, he thought their lordships would be acting more for their own character, and more in. accordance with the great importance of the subject, if they were to adopt a higher principle on this occasion than that involved in the cold one of expediency.—The noble earl had complained of some of the petitions presented to their lordships on this subject. He would admit, that some of the petitioners had used language, which, ignorant of metaphysical distinctions, they did not believe improper for the expression of their opinions; yet he would assert, that the principles for which they contended were fair, and that the other House of Parliament had shrunk too cautiously from their adoption. But there were petitions presented to their lordships—he alluded principally to that from Birmingham—which had been adopted after due consideration, and by men not in the habit of coming to hasty decisions on any subject. In that petition it was declared, that a state of slavery was repugnant to the genius and spirit of Christianity. The petitioners did not mean to say by that, that the legislature was to rush on blindly to the immediate abolition of slavery, but in assigning to the Christian religion a love of liberty and a hatred of oppression, and drawing from thence the conclusion that its spirit must be opposed to a state of slavery, they at the same time were not disposed to strip it of that regard to the rights of others, which as much belonged to it as did the love of liberty, or the hatred of oppression. But it was not from the manufacturing classes alone that such petitions had come. There were others of a similar nature, from a high and most respectable body—he meant the clergy of the country—who it would not be said were in the habit of deciding

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hastily, and without due consideration, upon important questions. Yet, from that most respectable body petitions had come, stating that slavery was incompatible with the genius of the Christian religion; and he thought that in so doing, and in the laudable zeal which they showed in support of this important question, they consulted as much the dignity of the church as they did the sacred duties of their profession—The noble lord then proceeded to show, that though the tenor of petitions from various classes of the clergy was as he had stated, yet they never had any intention of calling for immediate abolition, which must be as injurious to the slave himself, as it would be prejudicial to the master and to the general interests of the colonies.—The noble lord next went on to show, that neither he nor any of those who took the same view of this question, were disposed to adopt any hasty step on the subject of abolition, or on the subject of religious instruction. So far from it, he entirely approved of the instructions sent out to the several governors of our colonies, for improving the condition of the slave, by communicating to him religious instruction, and by a more general attention to his personal comforts. But it was, he thought, a lamentable mistake, if any of the colonists thought that by religious instruction, which inculcated obedience to the powers that be, the slave would become more reconciled to his state of vassalage. The improved state of his mind which would follow his religious instruction would, no doubt, impress him with kinder feelings; but, at the same time, it would lead him to a knowledge of his rights, and to a stronger sense of the cruelties to which he had been so long exposed. He stated this, for the purpose of showing, that the improvement of the condition of the slave, and his instruction in religious knowledge must, as they prepared him for a state of freedom, open the way for the termination of his bondage, and that it would be utterly hopeless to attempt to continue him in slavery, when he became possessed of a due sense of the duties of a freeman. For the approach of that period, no doubt, gradual preparation must be made; but he regretted that the tone of the resolutions before their lordships was not of that kind which would expedite such preparations on the part of the colonists and he was sure that their very tardy pro-
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gress since the resolutions had been agreed to by the Commons, was in a great degree owing to the House not having adopted more decisive language. If two years ago, when this subject had been under the consideration of parliament, the abolitionists had anticipated, that the colonial assemblies would have resisted the adoption of the measures proposed for their consideration by his majesty's government, and that little hopes could be placed on their faithful co-operation in effecting the great object in view, would not such an anticipation have been denounced, as an additional proof of the desire in certain quarters to calumniate the colonies, and to deprive them of all merit in the discharge of the duties which belonged to their situation? This course, however, had not been taken by the abolitionists. They had allowed more than the fair time to elapse, for the purpose of enabling the government to try the effect of their own reformatory measures; and the result was, on all hands, now admitted to be most unpromising. He lamented that result; and he the more lamented in consequence of it that the House of Commons had not adopted the original resolution, which two years ago was submitted for their consideration, rather than those in the amended form, which were now before their lordships. He entertained this opinion, because he wished to see slavery abolished, it being a system not only inconsistent with the genius of Christianity, but with the spirit of the British constitution; and he thought they were rather diminishing than promoting the chances of ultimate success, by substituting a lower expression of indignation at the existing stale of things in the colonies, than such a system, in his opinion, imperatively called for. Of the two evils—the resorting at once to a compulsory plan, or the dependence upon this inadequate and ineffectual recommendation'—he would decidedly prefer the former. But the true course would have been the direct adoption of the tone originally recommended to the other House of Parliament, and which he believed to be, not only the best calculated to produce a satisfactory issue in the colonies, but also that most consonant with the general feelings of the people of this country, which were not adequately represented in the resolutions now recommended for their lordships adoption. He objected most decidedly

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to recognize expediency as the highest principle which they were to call into action on such a subject as this, involving as it did the honour and character of the country.
Lord Ellenboroughthought that the House was placed in rather an extraordinary situation by having had now for the first time submitted to them resolutions passed elsewhere nearly three years ago, and which they had had the opportunity, in the intervening time, of knowing were proved to be useless and inadequate for the accomplishment of their intended object. The true question before them was, ought they to adopt resolutions thus proved to have been ineffectual or to adopt others more likely to promote a salutary result? He agreed that the colonial system ought to be greatly ameliorated; he agreed that the odious system of slavery ought to be abolished; but his doubts were great, that either purpose would be attained by the line of conduct now proposed. The true question then was, in what manner could they most easily, surely, and rapidly diminish the sum of human misery which must exist so long as slavery was tolerated? If these resolutions were alone to be adopted, accompanied with a vague hint, that if they failed in their intended effect, the legislature would proceed to ulterior measures, without avowing what the nature of such measures would be, he not only doubted that the anticipations of the government would be realised, but inclined to the opinion, that such a course, instead of diminishing, would tend to aggravate the existing evil. He confessed, that as the subject was now placed before him, he could not see his way through the difficulties which on all sides encompassed it. The noble earl had said, that if the present step were not effectual, the government would resort to other means. What were those means? What objection could there be to supply a description of them? He desired to know what their nature would be, before he was implicated one step in such a system of legislative interference. The noble earl was obliged to admit that the colonial assemblies had disappointed the expectations of his majesty's government; but he nevertheless went on to state, that they had shown a disposition to amend their practice, that they had made a large provision for the clergy of the established church, that they had taken steps for the education of slave
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children, and that therefore there was some prospect of their promoting the remedial measures of the government, and departing from a contumacious course. Now, he could not give the colonial assemblies that degree of credit for such acts, because the better education of their slaves, by making them more enlightened christians, tended rather to ensure their most patient submission to the condition of slavery, than to encourage insubordination and the throwing off their yoke. It was therefore good policy of the planters to concur in a measure which was calculated just as much to secure the continuance of slavery, as to effect any thing else; while at the same time it necessarily went some way to conciliate prejudices at home, which would otherwise be put in action against them, in stimulating a perseverance in harsher measures. He, however, could foresee no beneficial result from adopting the course now proposed, with the experience before them of its total inadequacy. Let them, by putting a parallel case, for one moment consider the argument, and they must be at once struck with its futility. Suppose that the noble earl opposite and his right hon. friend were walking in the metropolis, and had their attention arrested by seeing a man ill-treating his horse in a barbarous manner—supposing the noble earl's right hon. friend to have said to him—"Two or three years ago I saw that very fellow committing the same outrage, and on that occasion I forewarned him, that if he persevered in the same course, I should take such measures as must secure the better treatment of the animal. Do you now go up to him, and say, that if he continues to practise such brutality, I will certainly fulfil my intentions." Would not the noble earl say, "No, go up to him yourself. I could understand your asking me to knock the fellow down for his incorrigible propensities; but would he not laugh at me, were I only prepared to repeat threats which he had already so entirely disregarded?" He was sure that such would be the language which the noble earl would use on the occasion he had supposed, though he wished their lordships to act differently in a parallel case. In fact, their common experience ought to tell them, that nothing was more calculated to excite contempt than the use of threats, without evincing the power and determination of enforcing them. As, to the idea that the local assemblies were

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likely of themselves to take measures for the abolition of slavery, he thought it quite idle to dwell upon it, and equally so to infer from what they had done in providing for the clergy, and for education, that they seriously contemplated to promote the main object which the government at home had in view. They might just as well suppose, that were parliament to pass a resolution recommending the general education of the Roman Catholic population of this kingdom as a preparatory step, by their progressive improvement, to qualify them for their complete emancipation, and that it was left to the bench of bishops of the established church, to bring in a bill for effectuating such an object—they might just as well expect the practical attainment of the one thing as the other, by depending upon such executive means for its fulfilment.—In looking at the state of the colonies, they must always bear in mind, that there were two classes of West-India proprietors, one residing in this country, and governed by different feelings from the other, which resided on the spot. One class was exposed to the operation of local influence and opinion of a very different character from that by which the other was affected; and what, in fact, was fit to be directed against the one, would not apply to the other. There were many difficulties in the way of the adjustment of this system, which required that the government should, at the outset, proclaim intelligibly to all, what their real determination was. Suppose, and he thought it probable, that several of the colonial legislatures should resist the proposed course, what then was to be done? They might, he was aware, alter the duties upon sugar, so as to bear upon the colonial interests. Now, to that course he would most decidedly object; for it must inflict great injustice upon some of the islands, which were ready to go a certain way with the mother country, and ought not therefore to be put on a footing with those which were wholly refractory. Suppose another course—namely, that parliament were determined to legislate for the colonies quoad hoc—that again, they could not do, for if they once interposed their strong arm between the colonial authorities and the colonial population, there would be an end to the influence of the former; and then, what plan could they devise for the future government of those islands—what means could they provide for the due
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execution of their enactments? It was perfectly impossible to work any good system in those colonies, without in the first instance establishing some system for the better administration of justice for the slaves, independent of the control of the masters. At all events, he would not commit himself in the present proposition, without, as he had before said, seeing his way through the future intentions of the government. He regretted, under such circumstances, that if unanimity were desirable, he could not contribute to it, as the case now stood. He could not help remarking before he sat down, that there was at least one right rev. prelate opposite who could not vote for these resolutions, because, when presenting the petition of the county of Stafford, he had declared his concurrence in the view of the petitioners; which view was, that it was hopeless to expect any thing from the colonial assemblies, and that therefore parliament were bound to act decisively for the suppression of slavery.
The Earl of Liverpoolsaid, that if the noble lord's speech meant any thing, it would go the length of recommending that parliament should do nothing at ail in this momentous question. And was this a decision in which they could for a moment acquiesce? If all (as he believed was the case) were prepared to agree in the abstract, that slavery ought to be abolished, if all were agreed that immediate steps should be taken to ameliorate the condition of the slave, and qualify him for eventual enfranchisement, then how was it that any noble lord could consistently call upon them to take no step in the accomplishment of their professed object? If the noble lord asked him, why had these resolutions been so long in their passage from one House of Parliament to the other—he had little in the way of explanation to offer, and would fairly admit that he had no satisfactory reason to assign why such a delay should have arisen; but he would nevertheless add, that if their present appearance before their lordships was calculated to show that government were serious and determined in the course which these resolutions implied, and would thereby give another chance of success to the experiment, he, for one, was not sorry that such an opportunity had been afforded of putting on record the determination of parliament and the government. The question, was not, however, why these resolutions had

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been delayed, but what ought to be done with them, now that they were formally brought under their lordships' consideration? It would be in vain for him to deny that the question was surrounded by immense difficulties. They had, however, on all sides admitted, that it was desirable that the condition of the slave population should be ameliorated, and that slavery itself should be abolished, as soon as was consistent with the respective interests of all who were concerned in that condition. If that were so, their only consideration was, as to the course to be taken; for something was clearly to be done, or they roust be prepared to abandon their declared opinions. It was generally admitted, that the first step ought to be, to disseminate a religious education among the colonial slave population, to get rid of their badges of thraldom, such as the whip, the Sunday-work, and those other degradations which mark the inferiority of the man. They must also establish a better system of justice for the slave trials; and something must be done to regulate their valuation on the plan of the order in council, or some other mode. But the noble lord called for all these details at once, and asked, what will you do, should the colonies prove refractory? To this he would reply, that that had better remain to be determined until necessity called for its declaration. The colonies were directly under the authority of this government, though it was true some of them possessed independent legislatures for local purposes. Under these circumstances, he had no difficulty, as a question of policy, in saying, that if he looked with absolute despondency, instead of comparative confidence, at the prospect before him respecting these colonies, he should hold it to be the wisest course for parliament to try the effect of leaving to the colonies the adoption of the practical measures necessary for executing the main object, because by the colonies could it be more effectually accomplished. One great object undoubtedly would be, to teach the slave to look up to the colonial governments, as well as to the parent authority, for their ultimate enfranchisement, for without the aid of the former, the latter object would be rendered ineffectual. The colonies ought to be allowed the grace of preparing these arrangements, and the opportunity of preparing them in their own manner. When the progress of this great question was considered,
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must not be surprised that those whose interests were to be acted upon through the medium of passion, and who were exposed to the influence of prejudice and this inveteracy of particular habits, were not likely to travel quite so fast as others who were removed from exposure to such associations, and were therefore better able to proceed with a cool and steady judgment. That they were bound to call upon the colonial assemblies to do what was right, he readily admitted; but allowances should, at the same time, be made for the common infirmities of human nature, and a reasonable time ought to be allowed for the growth of reason, when heated feelings had unfortunately become excited. At all events, he would say, that whether the result of the resolutions should realize or disappoint their expectations, wisdom and good policy alike pointed out their present adoption. In the event of their failure, it would be for parliament to determine upon the course which they ought eventually to pursue, and he did not think it prudent to say more on that point at present. If he was anxious for the success of this great measure, he was necessarily averse from using any language which might be productive of injury to his object. That parliament when called upon would do its duty, he could not hesitate for a moment to think—that it would assert its paramount authority when necessary, was, he thought, equally clear; but this was not the moment for precipitating so grave and momentous a consideration. The noble earl concluded by calling the attention of the House to the real import of the resolutions before them, which, he repeated, must, under any view of the question, be entitled to their general approbation.
The Duke of Gloucestersaid, he felt it incumbent on him to say a few words on the present occasion. He was ready to agree with those who regretted that these resolutions had not been sooner submitted to their lordships. He was ready also to agree with those who thought it would have been better if they had been expressed in stronger terms; but still as they were here, and must be taken in their present form, he was ready to give them his cordial support. He confessed also, that he did not think they were called upon to state by anticipation what course they should determine to pursue in the event of their resolutions being disregarded. But he thought that, waiving for the present this ulterior consideration, the more

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prudent course would be, to send forth these resolutions with the full sanction of their unanimity. The delay, at all events, in bringing to the test the sincerity of the colonies, could not be prolonged beyond another year; and if the consummation to which they now steadily looked forward should not then be realized, the time would undoubtedly have arrived when his majesty's government would be imperatively called upon to enforce the paramount authority of parliament, and to carry into execution the proposed measures. He placed entire confidence in ministers in this business, and relied upon their unequivocally urging the adoption of these resolutions upon the colonial authorities, who would not do their duty to themselves, their country, or their God, if they declined to fulfil the beneficent wishes of the legislature. He regretted that any further interposition of parliament was called for to quicken the action of the colonial authorities; but he hoped the appeal was now finally made, and that no further steps would be necessary to achieve the great object which they had all in view, and which must be in the end accomplished.
The Lord Chancellorsaid:—My lords, if I understand rightly the course which we are called upon this evening to pursue, it is to give additional effect to resolutions transmitted from the lower House of Parliament. But it has been objected by one noble lord (Calthorpe) that in the first place these resolutions state no stronger ground for the measures proposed than that of expediency, and that expediency is no sufficient ground. Another noble lord (Ellenborough) contends, in the second place, that the effect of these resolutions, if your lordships should even agree to them, would amount to nothing at all. A further objection has been made as to the late period at which they are brought up hither. Now, with regard to the communicating to your lordships these resolutions at so late a period, after their being passed elsewhere, I will take the liberty of saying, that I cannot help thinking it would be an infinitely better plan to go upon generally, that when either House of parliament adopts resolutions or measures of an important character, affecting great political or private rights, it should forthwith communicate such measures or resolutions to the other House of Parliament; and I shall say nothing more on that subject. The resolutions in question are here, at last, that is
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certain. But if these resolutions contained any term stronger than that it was "expedient" to adopt such measures as it adverts to, I, for one, my lords, should feel great difficulty in giving my assent to them. And so much for what has been urged as to the inadequacy of the term "expediency." A great deal has been most unnecessarily said with respect to a state of slavery being contrary to the genius of the British constitution, and contrary to the spirit of the Christian religion. Now, in the first place, with respect to a state of slavery being contrary to the genius of the British constitution, I must say, my lords, that when I find this system of slave-trading was fostered, encouraged, and almost instituted by the British constitution, and I might add, under the auspices too of so great a constitutional authority as my lord Somers, I should hesitate a long while before I ventured to say that slavery was contrary to the genius of the British constitution.
With respect to a state of slavery being contrary to the genius of the Christian religion (whatever maybe my own opinions about slavery in the West Indies), when I recollect that a state of slavery had for centuries existed; that the legislature of this country had encouraged it, not only by the countenance afforded to it by the ablest laymen who had figured in the history of the country, but also by a bench of bishops, as learned, pious, and respectable, as that which their lordships now saw before them, who must have known what was, and what-was not, contrary to the genius of Christianity; I own I cannot easily bring myself to say that a system which has heretofore received such a sanction, is so clearly contrary to the genius of Christianity, as some noble lords seem to think it is. I cannot help thinking that we are bound, my lords, in ail these cases to look at the opinions of those who have gone before us.
I cannot help saying, that while I feel most anxious, in common with your lordships, for the amelioration of the condition of the slaves in the West Indies, and for the entire abolition of slavery, whenever that abolition can be accomplished, or (in the very language of these resolutions) "at the earliest period that shall be compatible with the well-being of the slaves themselves, with the safety of the colonies, and with a fair and equitable consideration of the interests of private

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property; yet, my lords, my fixed opinion is, that these great and desirable objects have been more retarded by the intemperate zeal of those who have been the advocates of such measures, than they had, or could be, by any direct opposition on the part of those who have opposed them.
If your lordships will be so good as to look back to what has been said and done by the highest authorities in this country, upon the subject of slavery and slave-trading, I think you will agree with me in saying, Let us now (however altered may be the universal feeling of the nation in these respects) hold the equilibrium fairly, and deal justly between the parties who dealt in slaves, and those who have, during so long a period, encouraged this state of things in our West-India colonies.
I have heard of books with which this country has been lately inundated; amongst them, one entitled "England enslaved by her own Slave Colonies." Why, my lords, you might rather say that her colonies were enslaved by England; for you will find that some of those colonies which had independent legislatures, on more than one occasion, proposed to limit the number of slaves to be brought into them by ships of this country, and that this country herself would not allow of any such limitation. Why, then, my lords, it is both absurd and unjust to lay the whole blame of the existence of slavery on the West-India planters, as if they alone had been responsible for the existence of slavery.
All that is now asked is, that slavery should be extinguished "at the earliest period that shall be compatible with the well-being of the slaves themselves, with the safety of the colonies, and with a fair and equitable consideration of the interests of private property." Now, my lords, this would be only justice, even supposing that the transactions to which I am alluding, as having been so highly encouraged at a former period in this country, had happened only ten years since; even supposing that the same high authorities had not encouraged, by every possible means, individuals to embark their property in buying slaves, instead of having done so for centuries; for, from the time of Elizabeth, in fact, down to the period of the interference of parliament for the abolition of slavery, this country was, as a country, as much engaged in
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carrying on the slave trade, as any individual in the colonies, or any country in existence could be said to be. It was carried on to such an extent, that whilst the Crown had an interest in it, it would not allow the planters to import any other slaves but those which were imported by virtue of its own treaties; and these it compelled the planters to take, in every case insisting upon their accepting those only which had been the subjects of the British trade. For God's sake let the system be abolished! I entirely agree, that slavery should be abolished as soon as it can be safely and practically effected.
I certainly think, that in effecting the abolition of slavery, care must be taken that persons who have embarked their property under the sanction of law should not sustain any injury. In the mean time, where is the man who can hesitate to ameliorate the condition of those unhappy persons whom their policy has consigned to such a doom? I repeat, that I most heartily concur in these resolutions, which go upon the ground of expediency, and which is the only principle upon which your lordships can act safely. I would advocate any measure which would go to ameliorate the condition of the slave population.
The noble lord (Calthorpe) has objected to the term "expediency," and declared his readiness to go much further. To be consistent in such a determination, he ought to be prepared to call on this House to rescind all their resolutions for the last twenty years; for in every one of their resolutions the same term has been used. I see no necessity for departing now from the same course, as I cannot anticipate the resistance of the colonies to measures, having for their object the amelioration of their slaves. As little can I anticipate any permanent opposition to the final adjustment of the question, when it can be effected with benefit to the slaves themselves, with safety to the rights of their masters' property, and with advantage to the general prosperity of the colonies. If the colonial legislatures shall accede to the suggestions now proposed, there would not exist a necessity for further interference; but, on the contrary, should any obstacle or impediment be thrown in the way, then it would be for the wisdom of a British parliament to consider the course to be adopted for the benefit of the slaves, consistent with the security of the colonies, and the interests of those individuals

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who had embarked their property on the recommendation and under the sanction of the British legislature. I conclude, by repeating my hearty concurrence with the motion.
Lord Redesdalesaid, he gave his cordial assent to the resolutions, being firmly convinced of their justice. If any thing was calculated to defeat the measure, it would be the violence which was manifested in many of the petitions which had been laid upon their lordships' table. In the island of Trinidad, the colonial government had taken upon itself to make some enactments on the subject, and the system was working extremely well there. Of the mischievous effects of a sudden emancipation from slavery, the island of St. Domingo afforded a fatal example; he was, therefore, in favour of a gradual abolition of the system. It was well known, from history, that slavery formerly existed in this country, but the number of slaves was comparatively few. In the reign of Richard, the whole number was 180,000; but what proportion did that bear to the whole population? What proportion also did the slaves in the Roman establishment bear to the population? It might be asked, why was Jamaica more backward than any of the other colonies, in conforming to the already expressed wishes of the British legislature? Probably because she had the example of St. Domingo before her, and dreaded a repetition of the horrible scene of massacre and bloodshed which succeeded the simultaneous emancipation of the slaves on that island. Should we not, then, allow for the feelings of the white inhabitants of this particular colony? and, however we might wish that they would forget the past, was it not excusable in them with such an example to refer to, to look on their sable neighbours with distrust and alarm? With respect to the measures proposed, if they were proceeded in with calmness and temperance, there was little doubt of their ultimate success. There could not be a second opinion as to the improvement which the adoption of these resolutions would introduce into the colonies. Both masters and slaves would feel their benefit, and the former would find a sensible difference in having slaves by wages, instead of holding in bondage a feeble and degraded race of men, whose obedience could only be purchased by the terrors of the lash. If the slaves were allowed to purchase their own
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freedom, their industry would receive a stimulus which would operate to the advantage of the master, as well as to the benefit of the slave. The resolutions ought to pass. The colonists should be made aware of the feeling of the mother country on the subject of the amelioration of slavery. They should be taught to respect that feeling, and be prepared to second it. The state of slavery should be improved; but nothing should be rashly attempted. A gradual amelioration should be adopted, in order to render improvement permanent and effectual; but if measures were hastily adopted, the contrary effects would certainly follow. Having stated his sentiments so far, he would conclude by giving his hearty concurrence to the proposed resolutions.
Lord Dudley and Wardsaid, that in rising to deliver his sentiments on the question of West-India slavery, he felt that the subject was one from which he could willingly have abstained altogether, and which few could approach with any thing like satisfaction. He well knew, and it had been a matter of boast among the abolitionists, that, for some time past, and especially of late, public attention had been earnestly drawn to the state of the negroes in the West Indies. From every corner of the kingdom, from every city, corporation, town, and village, parliament had received the almost unanimous expression of disgust, not only against the hateful means by which men were reduced to that condition, but against slavery itself. Such an expression of strong feeling was at all times entitled to respect, independent of the merits of the case; and there could not be a shadow of doubt that this increase of interest among so large a portion of our fellow subjects, was to be ascribed to the increase of knowledge, humanity, and religion. So far there was good reason to rejoice; but having admitted it, he hoped he might add, without offence, certainly without the desire of offending, that the fervent zeal lately manifested was in part to be attributed to other and far different causes. The present was a period of great public tranquillity, although it had been subjected to a temporary interruption—he hoped he might also say of great national prosperity—it was also a period of great intellectual activity and enterprise; and while the means of employment were below their usual average, the desire of obtaining it was more than ordinary: in other words,

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there was a great surplus of talent and energy in the country; and in such a state it was natural that such a subject should excite a strong feeling of interest.
It was natural that a subject which afforded splendid topics of declamation to every class of speakers, from those illustrious statesmen that had espoused this cause down to the itinerant philanthropist, who, having invested part of his property in the trade of the East Indies, went about lecturing at fairs and on market-days, on the horrors and enormities of the West—it was natural, he would repeat, that such a topic should occupy, not more interest than it deserved, but more than it would have received at any other period. At these anti-slavery meetings, the result of which was before parliament in so many petitions, the view that was taken of the subject by all the parties present, men, women, and children, was pretty nearly the same.
It was not surprising that in this struggle for the prize of vituperative eloquence, to be awarded by pious men and sympathizing ladies, misrepresentations should have gone abroad, and that the state of the negroes in the West Indies should have been exhibited in a light more odious than it appeared to less partial observers. He did not pretend to justify what he knew to be wrong; but he would venture to say, that the ordeal through which the West-India system had been made to pass, was somewhat too severe, even for the trial of things indisputably less defective. He did not wish to insult those institutions which had laid the foundation of civil society, by comparing them with slavery; but any man would see, that if the stores of private anecdote, and the records of public justice, were ransacked for instances of the cruel, nay, the merciless exercise of conjugal or parental authority, even the people of this purely moral and severely religious country might be made to appear in no very enviable condition. If these instances were afterwards chronicled and blazoned by the historians and philanthropists of other nations, a strongly unjust picture would be exhibited to the eyes of posterity; such a picture as he remembered a French general (Pillet) had drawn, when, after spending six months in a prison-ship, he had made extracts from the crim. con. trials, and the Newgate Calendar, and then exposed the whole to the view of the natives of his
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own country, as a faithful representation of the virtue of the women, and of the honesty of the men, of Great Britain. He did not mean that in the case of the West Indies the exaggeration had been equally gross; but, as a proprietor, it afforded him great consolation to reflect that too much stress had been frequently laid upon cases of individual oppression.
Whatever might be the defects of the West-India system, it did not exhibit that uniform picture of relentless cruelty on the one side, and of despairing misery on the other. But the good people of England had been taught to contrast the situation of a labourer in the West Indies with that of a labourer in England. Such a comparison was quite unfair; and there was far less difference between the condition of the negro and the labourer, than between the condition of the slave in the West Indies and the slave under his legitimate master and owner, the king of Congo, or Ashantee, by whom he had been originally kidnapped and sold. The comparison ought not to be instituted between a bad condition and a good condition, but between two bad conditions, in order to ascertain which was the worse. In religion, it might be said that we had been guilty of a most grievous omission, in not taking earlier and more effectual steps to impart to these unfortunate beings the blessings of Christianity. It was to be recollected, however, that if they had never been brought from home, they would have been at least in equal darkness—slaves in body to their savage and tyrannical masters, and slaves in mind to a revolting superstition, it ought not to be forgotten, besides, that what might be considered the natural inclination of the public mind had received a strong impulse from the exertions of a numerous and respectable sect, who had engaged in this cause the most powerful of all human motives. In their view of the case, slavery was not merely a defect in society—not only a grievance that ought to be redressed—but it was actually contrary to Christianity. He was not disposed now to discuss a theological dogma, which had received the sanction of the common council of the city of London, but he must avail himself of this opportunity of protesting, with all respect, against this attempt to force religion into the service in merely civil matters. He agreed entirely with what had been so well said by the noble earl opposite (lord Bathurst)

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—nothing was prescribed. Religion, indeed, generally enforced humanity aid justice, but it was wholly silent as to the degree of power one man was to possess over another. This was not only an erroneous, but a dangerous application of the doctrines of Christianity; and twenty different interpretations might be put upon the same words, to suit twenty different purposes. Scarcely a century had passed, since divines, the professors and oracles of Christianity, had ceased to assert that kings reigned jure divino; in other words, that it was agreeable to the doctrines of Christianity that all men should be slaves. The doctrine of the divine right of kings, and the doctrine of slavery, were in fact the same; yet it was now urged as strenuously by divines also, that it was contrary to Christianity that any men should be slaves. This alone was sufficient to show how scripture could be applied for any purpose; and there was nothing in the resolution he approved more strongly than that which had been left out of it—the assertion, that slavery was contrary to Christianity; which was nothing but the perversion of religion to civil purposes. Where then vanity, and the eager thirst for reputation, were united with the stronger motives of religion and humanity, and so closely united and Wended as to be scarcely distinguishable by those who acted under their influence, great allowances ought to be made for exaggerated statements, arising from heated feelings. But after every possible allowance, he was willing to admit there still remained a great deal of positive evil, that could neither be denied nor palliated.
He trusted he should not be considered as influenced by too great a partiality for the body to which he belonged, if he said that, in his opinion, the system of the West Indies ought never to have existed at all; it was morally, politically, and economically wrong. The problem, then, which parliament had to solve, was, how it could undo what had been unwisely and unjustly done by our forefathers, without fresh error and still greater injustice? He did not desire it to be thought that he Concurred in any view of policy which treated the West-India system as permanent; it must be changed^—it ought to be changed* and the care was not what the change ought to be, but how it was to be effected. Were the public feeling right or wrong, it was too powerful and too
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united to be disregarded; and the continuance of unmitigated slavery was impossible. Monopoly was unpopular, slavery detestable, and the united odium of both was more than the colonies could bear. It was unfortunate that this truth had not been more clearly perceived by the colonists, who, by an obstinate and ungracious resistance, might substitute a dangerous crisis for a gradual change, and lose the benefit of that protection they would otherwise obtain from the justice of the mother country. Although he did not mean to justify the conduct of the colonists, it might in some measure be accounted for and explained.
It was within the memory of not very old men, that formerly another battle had been fought: the question was then, not whether slavery should exist, but whether the slave trade should continue. He had voted in the majority against it; and within thirty years, noble lords and illustrious peers who might one day not improbably sit under that canopy, on whose heads the crown of England might devolve, had stood up in their places and vindicated that traffic. He did not blame them for doing what they thought right: he neither blamed nor commended them; he only stated a fact, adding an observation, that, under all the circumstances, it was a little hard upon the colonists not to receive any indulgence for their impetuosity. They were, in truth, now in the situation which the illustrious personages to whom he had alluded had occupied thirty years ago. No man, however eager in the cause, however heated by the struggle, would assert that slavery was not a less evil than the slave trade, by which the wretches were torn from their native land, and exposed to all the horrors of the middle passage. The colonists had now arrived at the conviction that the slave trade ought not to exist, and this country ought not to complain, or to think thirty years too long for a moral position to find its way across the wide Atlantic. He regretted, but was not surprised, that the voyage had been so long. The planters had been brought up in the midst of prejudices; they had been so surrounded all their lives by slavery, that they hardly thought human society Could go on without it: they looked upon it in the same light as the relation's of master and servant were viewed in this country; and they looked upon the abolition of slavery as just as great an absurdity as we should

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consider the abolition of servitude. The anxiety for improving the condition of the negroes had only of late become so intense in England, and the planters had coupled with it the late grievous oppression of West-India property, and the heavy fall in the price of the staple commodity of the islands; both of which had ruined so many families, solely dependent upon their possessions there. Was it to be wondered, then, that they were not in the best possible humour? that they were not inclined to receive very favourably any propositions which seemed calculated to reduce still lower their already fallen fortunes?
The abolitionists, in the warmth of their zeal, had drawn a most unflattering likeness of the whites of the West Indies. It was true that the parties had not been brought into contact—that they had treated only with the British government, in returning their ill-judged answers to the orders in council. But the planters fancied that they saw their ancient enemy prompting the ministers from behind, and that though the voice they heard was that of the noble earl, the hand they saw was that of their persevering antagonist. Still the conduct of the whites had not been that of men desirous of exercising unnecessary power, or of inflicting unpunishable cruelty; they acted like men who, having lost part of their property, trembled for the remainder, and smarted under the misrepresentations of calumny.
On the subject of delay, he would observe, that on some accounts it might be desirable to proceed with greater rapidity; but the sacrifice proposed did not seem too great for the advantage to be purchased by it: a year might seem long for the continuance of a bad system; but it was short, indeed, compared with the time generally required to remedy a bad system. The condition of human nature would, indeed, be far better than he supposed it to be, if such a deep-rooted, wide-spread, inveterate evil as slavery, so interwoven with the whole frame of society in those countries, could be removed by a single act of legislative benevolence. There was no such magic in legislation; the omnipotence of parliament could work no such miracles. Evils far leas extensive than slavery, required far more time to be eradicated. They are sometimes, indeed, prematurely rapid in their growth, but they never fail to spin out their appointed time; they never
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abate one whit of their full demand upon human patience and human suffering in their decline and decay; they never finally disappear till they have visited the sins of the fathers upon the children, even unto the third and fourth generations. He did not concur in the delay, because he wished to stave off the result, but because he knew that it could not be avoided.
He did not wish to enter into the delicate question of the power of the mother country over her colonies: he was most ready to admit the right of parliament; but the exercise of that right might be attended with the utmost inconvenience and danger. If they dared, the effect would be a rebellion; but as they did not dare, it would occasion profound discontent and a rooted dislike. Besides, no man could deny that the best intended and best concerted measure of emancipation might be misunderstood by the negroes, and mischief thus occasioned. The chance of that mischief would be much increased by forcing the measure upon them. He did not say that the risk ought not to be incurred; but if the slaves saw power suddenly withdrawn from those hands where it was accustomed to reside, and transferred to those on the opposite side of the Atlantic, who they imagined would go all lengths in their favour, the danger might be imminent. He perfectly agreed with his noble friend, that we were not to be too sanguine as to the extinction of the power of the West-India legislature: all that was wanted of the colonists was to agree among themselves to the enactment of some good and wholesome law, by which the objects would be accomplished without the interference of the parliament of this country. The execution of the law, be whatever it might, must at all events be in the hands of the white population; and ignorance and reluctance on the part of the colonial assemblies, and others, might both be called forth to impede the progress of a compulsory measure. It had been often said, that in Ireland, with a population of the same blood and complexion, and differing only in religion, it was difficult to secure the due execution of the law. How much greater then would that difficulty be in the West Indies, where the distinction was between master and slave, white man and negro? The law transmitted for execution might be looked upon in our islands as a code of injustice to the whites, even

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if it were considered in England a code of justice to the blacks; and, amid all the difficulties attending it, but little of the expected relief would be afforded to the unfortunate.
The Marquis of Lansdowncondemned the conduct of the colonial legislatures in neglecting to give effect to the resolutions then on the table of their lordships House, and hoped the length of time that had elapsed since those resolutions had been agreed to by the House of Commons, without the concurrence of their lordships in them having been obtained, had not been understood by the colonists to have been caused by any difference of opinion on the subject. He had at all times endeavoured rather to abstain from discussing the subject himself, than to enter upon it, from the deep sense he entertained of its difficulty. He felt that it was a question which ought to be discussed without passion, and with reference also to the opinions and the interests of those with whom it was most desirable, if possible to co-operate. He had hoped that ere this, the time would have arrived, when the West-India planters, and the colonial legislatures would have been awakened to a sense of humanity and religion; and from humanity he would contend religion never could be separated. But he bad been disappointed; and he felt particularly disappointed in the refusal of the West-India proprietors to secure to the slaves the means by which they could acquire property. He had entertained a hope that the colonial legislatures, would have at least so far entered into the views of the parliament of Great Britain; but he repeated his regret at his disappointment. He was the last man who would recommend the adoption of the course mentioned by his noble friend who spoke last, namely, to seize upon individual cases on which to found arguments against a system. It was not upon partial anecdotes, or isolated instances, that he founded his opinion, that it was time for the legislature of this country to interfere. That opinion was founded upon the proceedings of the colonists themselves in their houses of assembly; and on that ground he would call upon their lordships to give effect to the resolutions, by exhibiting a determination to see them adopted. It was essential to the character of the British nation; it was essential to the dignity of the British parliament; it was essential to the
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safety of the colonists themselves, that the amelioration of the condition of the slave population should take place with all possible despatch. He was afraid that he could not be contradicted, when he stated that, up to the present time, with the exception of one island, no steps had been taken in the West Indies to give legality to marriage. The only attempt to adopt a measure of this nature had taken place in the Bahamas; and the fact was lamentable, that every other island was without any regulation to govern this the most sacred of human ties. Could the West-India population be happy under such circumstances; and what were we to think of the legislature that could refuse its sanction to the introduction of a measure of this nature? He would wish to call the attention of their lordships to-another point on which the local legislatures had been equally remiss. There had been no law passed for facilitating the manumission of slaves who might possess the means of purchasing their own freedom. Could there, he would ask, be a more satisfactory mode, both for the master and slave, than that the latter, should obtain his freedom in this way? An example would thus be held out to other slaves to persevere in habits of industry, in order to effect their freedom at no very distant day. The good to be thus produced would be infinite; and the absence of such a law was much to be lamented. There was another point to which he wished to draw the attention of their lordships; namely, that no means, had as yet been taken to prevent the punishment of women by means of the whip. He could go further in the dreadful catalogue, but he did not wish to enter upon it at present. He was however, free to confess, that he was not very sanguine in his expectations of the effect to be produced by the proposed resolutions. He quite agreed with the noble and learned lord on the woolsack, that we should endeavour to blend the safety of the planters with the freedom of the slaves. He also begged leave to agree with the noble earl opposite, in admitting that those measures should be carried into effect by the local legislature. Yet he never would consent to the principle, that the British parliament should with-hold its power or right to interfere. He trusted that, if not among the colonial legislatures, at least in the colonies there would be found some among the white

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population who would lend their willing assistance in bringing about that change m the condition of the slaves which the wisdom of parliament had thought proper to recommend. He was confident in his hopes that the subject would not rest where it was, and that if nothing was effected by the colonists in the current year, it would be brought before the House at the earliest period of the next session; and, in order to prevent delay, he wished to ask the noble earl whether directions had been given to the local authorities to call together the colonial assemblies at such an early period as would enable parliament to be in possession of the necessary information, soon after its next meeting? If this were done they would be enabled to judge what had been done in our colonies, and what further steps it would become the duty of parliament to take. He thought it right that some such course as this should be adopted by the noble earl, in order to give to the country some evidence that the proposed measures would at length be carried into effect. They had already waited three years, and they were now adding another year of doubt and delay, and it was the duty of ministers to show a desire to inquire into existing abuses in all their bearings, and a determination to enforce the resolutions adopted by parliament. He did not mean that they should lose sight of the interests of individuals; but he was then, and should be hereafter, prepared to contend, that those interests were most endangered by the present system; and if that system was not altered, the most disastrous consequences might ensue to those who thought themselves aggrieved by the proposed interference of parliament. There had been a general burst of feeling throughout the country upon this subject, and that feeling must be attended to, else the local governments, which at present resisted innovation, would be altogether overturned. He hoped that their lordships would cautiously but firmly persevere in the resolutions of that evening.
Earl Bathurstsaid, that he had already given instructions, that in Jamaica the house of Assembly should be convened as soon as the season would permit; and the same instructions had been given to all the other colonies.
The Bishop of Bath, and Wellssaid, that after all that had been said and written on the subject of slavery, he little
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expected to be called on at that time of day, to prove that a system of slavery was incompatible with the Christian religion, of which he was a minister, and the British constitution, whose free and willing and obedient subject he professed himself to be. He did not mean to say—for he would not be borne out in the position—that there was any one positive precept in the religion of Christ which forbade slavery; on the contrary, it was undeniable that slavery was prevalent at the time of the first promulgation of the Christian faith; but this he did say, because it was true, that no man could take up the book of divine revelations, and read a page of it, without being convinced that the evils of such a practice were at variance with every principle of religion, and contrary to all the dictates of justice and humanity. On this point he might appeal to the law which was written on the heart of every one. Neither could the evils of slavery be reconciled to the true principles of political economy. Free labour must, in every sense, be more productive than the labour of slaves. The man who was actuated by the thought that he was toiling for his wife, his family, and himself, must use more strenuous exertions than he who was stimulated only by the taskmaster, who was goaded to work by the application of the whip, and who relaxed his exertions as soon as the humiliating incentive was withdrawn. Although, however, such were his opinions, he was not an advocate for precipitate and premature abolition. The evils of such a course would, he felt, be more noxious than the evils of slavery itself. It had always been his opinion, that the emancipation of the mind should precede the emancipation of the body. Religion and education should prepare the way for the approach of freedom. It was therefore with much pleasure that he had witnessed the resolutions brought forward by the government in 1823, for those resolutions were drawn up in the spirit of humanity and justice. They went to establish schools in the Colonies, and to give to the slave population the benefits of our own form of church government. He was sorry, however, to observe, that those resolutions were not received by the colonial legislatures in the manner which they deserved; and hence arose the petitions upon which the noble lord who had lately sat down commented he thought with rather too much

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severity. But in consequence of the petitions from different quarters, and the voice of the English people being raised on the subject, new propositions were about to be submitted to the colonial governments, which, he trusted, would lead to favourable results, and render petitions no longer necessary. He hoped that the resolutions brought forward that night would be passed without opposition, and that they would be received by the colonial legislatures in the manner which they were justly entitled to otherwise, the voice of England would again be raised, and she would wipe out that dark and foul spot which at present stained her annals. These were the opinions which he entertained, had ever entertained, and were avowed in the petitions which he had presented, and these opinions he had always maintained with a view to the security of the colonies and the happiness of the slave population.
Lord St. Vincentstated, that, though not able to give the noble marquis opposite the satisfaction of hearing that the slave, when prepared with the means of purchasing his freedom, could demand it as a right, nevertheless, in the island of Jamaica, with which he (lord St. Vincent) was connected, he had been credibly informed that nearly four thousand slaves were voluntarily emancipated between the years 1820 and 1823., This was the more satisfactory, as well as the more honourable, as it arose from the mere spontaneous act of the master. In addition to what he had stated, the legislative body of the Island of Jamacia passed an act, by which slaves, under certain forms, notwithstanding any limitation, entail, debt, or ether legal difficulties, might be emancipated. It was but fair to conclude, that the same feeling which had produced so considerable a manumission under many existing impediments, now that such impediments were removed, would operate in a much greater ratio. He (lord St. Vincent) had no doubt that the same generous impulse had equally operated in the other colonies; but not having the same means of information as to their local transactions, he could not state it as a fact.
With respect to the charge of contumacy which had been made by one or two of the noble lords, something was to be said in consequence of a prevalent understanding in the colonies, and most assuredly in Jamaica,, that the example
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proposed by ministers was to be tried first as an experiment in those colonies, which were immediately under the control of the Crown. Whether that impression was right or wrong, it certainly did exist, This example was not set till 1824, and could not, therefore, if regarded as an experiment, be considered as an object of imitation, till its practicability was ascertained. On the meeting of the assembly of Jamaica, in 1825, a committee was appointed to bring in a bill for the admission of slave evidence, and that bill was not thrown out till after much discussion. Where there was full and fair deliberation, it could hardly be said there was contumacy.—He would beg leave to trouble their lordships a little further in consequence of the gross misrepresentation and delusion that prevailed, not only amongst the ignorant and inferior ranks, but amongst the higher orders; nay, even amongst their lordships. It was reported, and he believed truly reported, that a noble duke, whom every one regarded who did know him, and every one respected who did not know him, that this noble duke (Devonshire) should have said, at a recent county meeting, that he considered the claims of the West Indian to compensation, if his property were destroyed as the claim of a receiver of stolen goods. Had he been present at that meeting, he would have asked that noble duke, who stole those goods—who sold them—who pocketed the money for them?—who, but the people of England. The ancestor of that noble duke had taken a conspicuous part at the memorable era of the Revolution—at the passing of the Bill of Rights—but the Bill of Rights was the bill of wrongs to the sons of Africa. It was in consequence of a doubt whether the Bill of Rights opened the African trade, that the act of 9 and 10 of William and Mary (cap. 26) was passed. Before that period, the African slave trade was exclusively limited to a few chartered companies. But after the Bill of Rights this was deemed too precious for a chosen few, and was extended to all the good people of England. So precious, indeed, was it deemed, that whereas all other articles of that trade were subject to a duty of five or ten per cent, gold, silver, and silver ore, and slaves, were alone exempted from any. In fact, slaves were put on the same footing as gold and silver. He (lord St. Vincent) was descended from one of the receivers of that period. The

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noble duke was descended from one of the licencers of the thieves. Had the noble duke been in his place, he (lord St. Vincent) would have called upon him to support him in his title to that estate which the ancestor of the one had bought under a system not only sanctioned but encouraged by the ancestor of the other, He begged leave to recommend that act of William and Mary to the consideration and attention of that noble duke and the other members of that House, and hoped that it would not be lost sight of by a learned member of the other House, who was said to be writing a history of that period.—Without troubling their lordships with a recital of further acts, he would just remind them of the period of 1774, when, upon an application from the colonies to abolish the slave trade, the answer was, by the mouth of lord Dartmouth, one of the ministers, "We cannot allow the colonies to check in any degree a traffic so beneficial to the nation."—It was too much, then, that those who had so largely contributed to produce the system which is now complained of, should turn round on those who had built up the superstructure, of which they had laid the foundation—that the "artifices necis" should dare to "charge the participes criminis" with the consequences of their own act. If the ear was distressed by sounds, or the -eye offended by sights, which are not in unison with the present sensations of those acute organs, the West-Indian, when reproached with these, may reply, "Scelus exitiale Lacænæ, illa hæc monutnenta reliquit." If the offspring nursed by such a parent has not in some rare instances yet acted as she ought, let England recollect that she is that parent, and that it is her own offspring of whom she complains. But, did he therefore mean to contend that England, as the parent, should not endeavour to wipe off the stain that attaches to herself and offspring—that she should not endeavour to correct the deformities of the system of her own creation? No; but let her not do it at the expense of the blood and treasure of that offspring, and add the injury of reproaches.—He regretted exceedingly that, in justice to themselves, in confirmation of the claim which the colonies have long since set up, and fairly set up, to a kind and humane system of management of their slaves, they did not yield to the wishes of the mother country, as expressed in the orders of council; that they did not
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ratify by law, what their own generous feelings had long since sanctioned in practice. He chiefly referred it to the irritation produced by the uncandid and unjust attacks of their enemies at home. But he sincerely hoped they would not confound friends and foes: let them not mix up in the same feeling those who hold out the hand of a friendly assistance, and those who may be suspected of very different motives—He had, for the last twenty years, done every thing in his power to act up to the spirit of the resolutions, of all of which he approved. Nearly as far back as that time, he applied to bishop Porteus, to assist him in procuring a clergyman for his estate. Another West-India proprietor joined him in the same application. The bishop, however, distinctly stated, that there were not sufficient funds at command for that purpose, and that, owing to the heavy burthens of a most expensive war, it was impossible to look for assistance from government.
It had been said by a respectable gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce) that the cup (meaning the cup of liberty) had been dashed from the eager and thirsting lips of the negro as he was about to drink. But the cup offered to the negro was in fact the cup of Circe, which would have intoxicated and disordered his head, and have only introduced confusion and bloodshed in the colonies. The cup of which he could drink, the cup containing the living water, was not dashed from his lips, but presented to him willingly by his master's hand, on a branch from the stock of our inestimable church establishment. In conclusion he stated, that he approved of the resolutions, and had every hope that the colonies would carry them into effect.
Lord Suffieldexpressed a hope, that the noble earl would give some more definite answer with respect to the expected early meeting of the different colonial Assemblies. It was of the utmost importance that parliament should be put in possession, at the earliest possible period, of the proceedings taken by the local legislatures, upon these resolutions, otherwise two years might elapse before further measures were adopted in this country.
Earl Bathurstsaid, he could only repeat that instructions had been sent out to the different islands to convene the Assemblies at the earliest possible period; and those instructions, no doubt, would be complied with.
The Bishop of Fernssaid, that he should not have risen at that late hour, if, it were not to obviate the impression which might prevail, from the circumstance that no petitions had been presented on the subject from Ireland, and that therefore his country did not participate in the feelings of the people of England. But, in fact, the feelings of the people of Ireland had been evinced on the subject long ago. When the restrictions on the trade of that country were first relaxed, an attempt was made to form companies for the purpose of carrying on the African slave trade; but that attempt had been put down by a single sentence from one individual. A meeting was called at Cork, and the persons who called it stated the great advantages of the trade; but an old man rose in the midst of those assembled, and in terms too coarse to be repeated, he uttered a malediction on the head of the first man who should contribute the least assistance in promoting so infamous an object. The imprecation (he hoped it was heard in mercy, and forgiven) had the desired effect. The project was abandoned, and from that time, which was forty years ago, to the present no man had been found to revive the subject. Thus the opinion of the people of Ireland upon this question might be said to have been long since practically declared. He thought it necessary to state these particulars, in order to obviate any imputation that might arise, in consequence of no petition having been presented from Ireland against the slave trade at this particular juncture. For himself, he had only to say, that the resolutions before their lordships had his most cordial concurrence, embodying, as they did, the solemn advice of both Houses of parliament to the colonial governments. He thought that they were, in their present shape, as well calculated as possible to produce a good effect; and that if they were accompanied by any threat, they would only tend to create intemperance and ill-will, instead of amicable acquiescence.
The Resolutions were agreed to.