HL Deb 18 April 1826 vol 15 cc293-8
Lord Callhorpe

rose to present a petition from the merchants, manufacturers, and other inhabitants of Birmingham, praying for an amendment of the Corn Laws. In proposing to lay before their lordships a petition on this important subject from so numerous and respectable a body, he could not forbear from again expressing his surprise and concern that his majesty's ministers should persist in their resolution to take no steps in this question during the present session. With regard to the Corn laws, some persons seemed to look upon them as part of the constitution; as existing by a sort of irresistible necessity; and as something far too sacred to be touched. He, however, was of a different opinion, and conceived it to be the duty of parliament to take them as speedily as possible into its most serious consideration. He regretted much the disposition to procrastination which ministers had manifested on this subject, and he must say, that it was not humane in them to leave the question of the Corn laws in the state in which it now stood; as the consequence of so leaving it was, that it arrayed two great classes of his majesty's subjects in hostility against each other. The intentions and views of the two parties were thus misunderstood; and the longer the investigation of the subject was delayed the stronger the delusion became. The conduct of ministers was, in this point of view, most invidious towards the landed interest. It was plainly saying to them—"You are so obstinate and so ignorant, that it is quite impossible for us to hope to convince you of what is fair and just; we are therefore obliged to delay a measure which we consider necessary." He did not consider this slur cast on the landed interest just; but such was the inference to be drawn from the conduct of ministers. He wished the noble earl opposite to reflect on the mischief which might arise from procrastination, if the quantity of corn in the country should prove deficient. For himself, he did not pretend to know what the state of the supply of the market was; but, according to all the accounts he had heard, it was not abundant. What, then, might be the consequence of a bad harvest? If such an event were to occur, the country would be involved in a crisis infinitely more calamitous than that which had recently been experienced, which he believed was yet far from being past, and for which ministers had proved themselves to be by no means prepared. If, however, a crisis of the kind to which he had alluded should arrive, ministers could not pretend that they had not had full opportunity for preparing against it; for the number of petitions which had been presented took away all excuse of the evil not being foreseen. He admitted that the noble earl had thrown out some observations on the speculations which were going on last year; but the impression on his mind was, that what the noble earl said was intended to guard persons against the hope of receiving any assistance from government if their schemes should fail. He recollected nothing which could be regarded as a warning against a crisis of the kind which had occurred. The petitioners declared, that in calling their lordships' attention to this subject, they were not actuated by the desire of promoting merely their own advantage, but by a wish for the welfare of the whole community; and he concurred with them in opinion, that there was no greater fallacy than that which supposed that any two parties in the state could constantly have conflicting interests.

The Earl of Liverpool

was sure their lordships would excuse him for troubling them with a few words in reply to an attack so unprovoked and unjust as that which had just been made on his majesty's government The noble lord, alluding to what had passed last session, had misunderstood him, and did not represent his opinions correctly; but he had no difficulty in referring to any document in which any account of the opinions he had given was to be found, for a more accurate representation of them. With regard to the present subject, he had in the course of last session stated, that the Corn laws ought to be reviewed by parliament. He not only expressed this opinion, but stated why he thought parliament would have to consider the propriety of making some alteration in the state of the law. He referred to the report of the committee of 1822, to show that some change was then thought advisable; for that committee had stated, that they looked to the regulations they recommended as to a present measure, and that the subject was one which required further legislation. He would not now enter into any discussion of the question, but would merely say, that what had since passed tended to confirm him in his opinion that the Corn laws ought to be considered with a view to some alteration. When, however, he had said this much as to his opinion of the propriety of revising those laws, he must be allowed to add, that he had lived long enough to know the necessity of looking to times and circumstances in bringing forward any particular subject. In this way he had looked at the Corn laws, and had, at an early period of the present session, no difficulty in saying, that he did not think this a time in which that question could be with propriety brought under the consideration of parliament. This was an opinion in which those who acted with him concurred, and which was very generally acceded to by all parts of the House at the time it was stated. He had seen enough of public life to know that no greater injury could be done to any cause than to press it forward at an inconvenient and improper moment. He was aware that other persons might entertain very different views on this question. They might think the present a fit time to bring it forward; and, to their prudence and discretion, must be left the option of trying that course. It was obvious, that, with regard to this, as well as any other subject, there might be times in which it could be conveniently agitated, and others in which it would be better to allow it to rest. It was his duty to consider what was fittest to be done, with a view to the general interests of the community. He and those with whom he acted thought that the present was not a proper time for the consideration of this question. If the noble lord thought otherwise, it was for him to exercise his discretion. It was said, that, as ministers had acted on liberal views, in giving the country the advantages of free trade, it was extraordinary they should not have commenced with the Corn laws. But the argument of the connexion of the Corn laws and free trade might be applied in two different ways. The noble lord might be of opinion, that the Corn laws should have been brought forward first; while others would be of opinion that it was better to begin with those measures which had already received the sanction of parliament. This was a point upon which different views might be entertained; but it certainly did not necessarily follow, that those who approved of the principle of free trade should think that, in carrying that principle into practice, the experiment should first be made on the Corn laws. It was his wish to bring this subject under the consideration of parliament at the time at which he thought it could most advantageously be discussed. That the real interests of the different classes of the community could not be opposed to each other was an opinion in which he concurred; but nevertheless, when this question should come to be considered, the noble lord would find himself very much mistaken if he supposed that much argument would not arise out of apparently clashing interests. But this would be matter for consideration at the period when it should be thought advisable to bring the subject forward. The noble lord had made an allusion to the probable supply of corn, which was a question into which he did not mean to enter. He should only observe, that those who had the best means of information would find it very difficult to come to any conclusion one way or another on such a point. He therefore thought that the less conjecture exercised on such a subject the better. He would not discuss the opinion of the noble lord, but this he might say, that if the noble lord's notion were well founded, no immediate advantage would be gained by the introduction of any measure on the subject of the Corn laws at the present moment. He would not then inquire whether the Corn laws had aggravated the evil of high prices; but he must repeat, that it was for him to exercise his discretion as to whether this was a time when the interests of the country required him to propose any measure relative to those laws.

Lord Calthorpe

said, he had been induced to appeal to the noble lord on the danger which he thought must result from leaving the corn question in its present state; and on that point his opinion remained unaltered. The noble lord had told him that he might exercise his discretion in bringing the subject forward, but he well knew that no peer could expect a successful result to any attempt of that kind, unless he made it under the auspices of the cabinet.

Lord King

observed, that great distress was experienced by the manufacturers, and that the approach of that distress must have been foreseen for some time. Yet, if any one asked what had been done, he would find that not the slightest step had been taken towards their relief. Last year a very limited bill, for a limited object, and a limited time, had been brought in. It would have been well if the noble earl had brought forward this limited bill again, and had given to its operation a more extended period; as that would induce the growers of corn in Canada to take measures to ensure a future supply. But, then, the noble earl ought to have done that at an earlier period of the session, before the arrival of a noble lord (Malmesbury) from the country. It had once been said, that there was a power behind the throne greater than the throne itself. In the same manner it might be said, that there was now a power in that House greater than the minister—"Multa gemens ignominiam plagasque superbi victoris—" of the conquering hero who won the field of the Canada corn bill. So great had been the exultation of the landlords in consequence of this victory, that he understood they were about to institute a club which would quite out-do the Pitt club. It would be called the Malmesbury club; and it was intended to commemorate the great event by anniversary dinners far more splendid than those of the rival association.

The Earl of Malmesbury

admitted, that the present was not a proper time, for discussing the Corn laws, but regretted that the landed interest suffered from the question hanging over them so long. He would oppose any alteration in the Corn laws; but though he had objected to the Canada com bill, he had not opposed the bonding bill; and the bonding of corn was now a part of our system.

Ordered to lie on the table.