HL Deb 04 March 1824 vol 10 cc703-5
Earl Grosvenor

presented a petition which he slated was signed by a great number of respectable persons in Bury St. Edmund's, who prayed that their lordships would be pleased to consider of the means of producing a gradual Abolition of Slavery. In the mean time, they prayed for the amelioration of the condition of the unfortunate negroes in the colonies. They also prayed, that any measures which might be adopted should be accompanied with a due consideration of the interests of those persons who possessed estates in the colonies; in a word, that while justice was done to the slaves, those who might thereby suffer loss should be indemnified. It seemed to be an understanding, that that part of the question which concerned the conduct of the persons who composed the houses of assembly in the colonies should not be brought forward; that their proceedings, whether right or wrong—and as to that he did not then mean to give an opinion—bad better not be discussed. He should therefore at present abstain from entering into that part of the subject but he could not do so without some explanation. If he admitted the propriety of sometimes acceding to such an understanding, he must, at the same time, state, that this principle of reservation was one which ought to be looked upon with great jealousy; for any endeavour to smother or withhold the truth had seldom any other motive than a false delicacy. As a general principle, every thing like secrecy in public affairs was to be avoided. Let their lordships consider how far this system might be carried. A noble friend of his had given a notice respecting the state of Ireland, which involved the restoration of the whole of the civil rights of the Catholic population. Now, how were their lordships to come to a right decision if any circumstance respecting the state of the country was kept in the dark? He trusted, therefore, that when that question came on, the whole facts would be brought before the House. There was another question which might soon be expected to come before the House, to which he could not help alluding; namely, the intended grant for building new churches. He could not, at the present moment, pretend to say whether such an application of the public money was proper or not. It might be right—it might be wrong; but that was the first question to be settled, and that question could not be properly determined, while any secrecy was preserved with respect to the state of the established church. It was the duty of parliament, before this measure should be sanctioned, to inquire into the revenues of the establishment, and to see whether it was not able to build churches, without burthening the public. These illustrations were sufficient to prove the advantage of publicity, and that nothing was so injurious to the public interests as the suppression of facts, and secrecy. Returning to the subject of the petition, he concurred with those who were of opinion, that unless slavery were abolished in the colonies, there would never be an end to the slave trade. Let England but once say, that there shall be no slavery in her colonies, and from that moment the horrible traffic would be put down. Of the atrocities to which that trade gave birth, and the misery which its unhappy victims endured, nothing more would be heard: for slavery, and all its dreadful consequences, would cease throughout the world. Nothing, cer- tainly could be more advantageous to the planters themselves than such a change; for property in the colonies would be benefitted by it, to a degree not anticipated by those who had not paid attention to the subject. He could assure their lordships, that there were persons who had tried the experiment of free labour, and that it had answered to their perfect satisfaction. The instructions which his majesty's ministers had sent out to the colonies, with a view to the gradual improvement of the condition of the negroes, and final abolition, were moderate and judicious. He wished, however, to have it understood, that his silence upon this question would depend upon his opinion, according to the information he should receive, of the sincerity of ministers, in the disposition they had manifested by their instructions.

Earl Bathurst

said, he would not enter into the questions on which the noble earl had touched, but he wished to take that opportunity of informing the House, that to-morrow se'nnight he would lay on the table, by his Majesty's command, certain papers relating to the state of negro slavery in the colonies. He would avail himself of that occasion to give an explanation of the measures which his majesty's ministers had thought proper to adopt, for the moral and religious improvement of the negroes, in pursuance of the resolution of the House of Commons.