Lords Sitting of 3 February 1824

THE KING'S SPEECH ON OPENING THE SESSION.
This day the Session was opened by Commission. The Commissioners were, the archbishop of Canterbury, lord chancellor Eldon, and the earls of Westmorland, Harrowby and Shaftesbury. The usher of the black rod having been ordered to require the attendance of the House of Commons, he withdrew. In a few minutes after, the Speaker, accompanied by several members, having appeared at the bar, the Lord Chancellor opened the Session with the following Speech to both Houses:
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"We are commanded by his majesty to express to you his majesty's deep regret, that, in consequence of indisposition, he is prevented from meeting you in parliament upon the present occasion.
"It would have been a peculiar satisfaction to his majesty, to be enabled in person, to congratulate you on the prosperous condition of the country.
"Trade and commerce are extending themselves both at home and abroad.
"An increasing activity pervades almost every branch of manufacture.
"The growth of the revenue is such as not only to sustain public credit, and to prove the unimpaired productiveness of our resources, but (what is yet more gratifying to his majesty's feelings) to evince
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a diffusion of comfort among the great body of his people.
"Agriculture is recovering from the depression under which it laboured; and, by the steady operation of natural causes, is gradually re-assuming the station to which its importance entitles it, among the great interests of the nation.
"At no former period has there prevailed throughout all classes of the community in this island, a more cheerful spirit of order, or a more just sense of the advantages which, under the blessing of Providence, they enjoy.
"In Ireland, which has for some time past been the subject of his majesty's particular solicitude, there are many indications of amendment, and his majesty relies upon your continued endeavours to secure the welfare and happiness of that part of the United Kingdom.
"His majesty has commanded us further to inform you, that he has every reason to believe that the progress of our internal prosperity and improvement will not be disturbed by any interruption of tranquillity abroad.
"His majesty continues to receive from the powers his allies, and generally from all princes and states, assurances of their earnest desire to maintain and cultivate the relations of friendship with his majesty; and nothing is omitted oh his majesty's part, as well to preserve general

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peace as to remove any causes of disagreement, and to draw closer the bonds of amity between other nations and Great Britain.
"The negotiations which have been so long carried on through his majesty's ambassador at Constantinople, for the arrangement of differences between Russia and the Ottoman Porte are, as his majesty flatters himself, drawing near to a favourable termination.
"A Convention has been concluded between his majesty and the emperor of Austria, for the settlement of the pecuniary claims of the country upon the court of Vienna.
"His majesty has directed, that a copy of this Convention shall be laid before you, and he relies on your assistance for the execution of some of its provisions.
"Anxiously as his majesty deprecated the commencement of the war in Spain, he is every day more satisfied that, in the strict neutrality which he determined to observe in that contest (and which you so cordially approved), he best consulted the true interests of his people.
"With respect to the provinces of America which have declared their separation from Spain, his majesty's conduct has been open and consistent, and his opinions have been at all times frankly avowed to Spain and to other powers.
"His majesty has appointed consuls to reside at the principal ports and places of those provinces, for the protection of the trade of his subjects.
"As to any further measures, his majesty has reserved to himself an unfettered discretion, to be exercised as the circumstances of those countries, and the interests of his own people, may appear to his majesty to require.
"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"His majesty has directed us to inform you that the Estimates for the year are prepared, and shall be forthwith laid before you.
"The numerous points at which, under present circumstances, his majesty's naval force is necessarily distributed, and the
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occasion which has arisen for strengthening his garrisons in the West Indies, have rendered unavoidable some augmentation of his establishments, by sea and land.
"His majesty has, however, the gratification of believing, that, notwithstanding the increase of expense incident to these augmentations, it will still be in yourpower, after providing for the services of, the year, to make arrangements, in some I parts of our system of taxation, which may afford relief to certain important branches of the national industry.
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"His majesty has commanded us to acquaint you, that he has not been inattentive to the desire expressed by the House of Commons in the last session of Parliament, that means should be devised for ameliorating the condition of the negro slaves in the West Indies.
"His majesty has directed the necessary information relating to this subject to be laid before you.
"His majesty is confident that you will afford your best attention and assistance to any proposition which may be submitted to you, for promoting the moral improvement of the negroes, by an extended plan of religious instruction, and by such other measures as may gradually conduce to the same end.
"But his majesty earnestly recommends to you to treat this whole subject with the calmness and discretion which it demands.
"It is a subject perplexed with difficulties, which no sudden effort can disentangle.
"To excite exaggerated expectations in those who are the objects of your benevolence, would be as fatal to their welfare as to that of their employers.
"And his majesty assures himself you will bear in mind, that, where the correction of a long-standing and complicated system, in which the fortunes and the safety of large classes of his majesty's subjects are involved, that course of proceeding is alone likely to attain practical good, and to avoid aggravation of evil, in

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which due regard shall be paid to considerations of justice, and in which caution shall temper zeal."
The Commons then withdrew. After which, the Speech being again react by the Lord Chancellor, and also by the clerk at the table,
Earl Somersrose to move an Address of thanks to his majesty, in answer to the Speech from the throne. The noble earl expressed his conviction, that every member of the House would share with him in the satisfaction he felt at the state of public prosperity which prevailed on their present meeting, as described in his majesty's Speech. The recollection of this state of things, compared with that from which the country had recently recovered, must be most gratifying to their lordships' minds. This pleasing subject of congratulation was, however, accompanied by one circumstance which all their lordships would concur with him in deeply regretting: he meant the lamented indisposition of his majesty, which had prevented him from opening the session in person. The expression of their lordships' regret would on this occasion be felt to be the more particularly called for, when they considered the earnest terms in which the Speech described the peculiar satisfaction his majesty would have experienced, had he been enabled to congratulate their lordships in person on the prosperous condition of the country. He was certain, that on this topic their lordships would not neglect to avail themselves of the opportunity which the address afforded, of expressing to his majesty their sentiments of attachment and gratitude.—He hoped he should be excused if he now recalled to their lordships' recollection what had been the situation of, and the difficulty and peril in which the country had been placed, and if he also reminded them of the short period which had been required, since the conclusion of the peace, to enable it to recover from its embarrassments. The country had been involved in a tremendous conflict with a people in a state of revolution, with a new republic naturally of great power, but which had acquired an immense additional force from the proclamation of the liberty on which it was supposed to be founded, though that pretended liberty was soon found to be the worst of tyrannies. Under all the circumstances of the principles adopted by France, and the obstinacy with which
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those principles were maintained, the struggle had been most awful, and it was necessary to call forth all the resources of this country to oppose it. After a few years the whole power of this hostile state was concentrated in the hands of one man, who set no bounds to his ambition, and soon showed himself to be the greatest enemy of the liberties and rights of mankind that the world had ever produced. The part of the war which came under the conduct of this man continued for a long period and was carried on with such inveterate fury on the part of the enemy, that our very existence as a nation was put to stake. This man, however, who, like the Cæsars of Rome, grasped at the whole world, and had got nearly all its power into his hands, was, by the spirit and perseverance of this country, hurled from his throne, and thus our peace and security had been at length firmly established. In this arduous struggle, he was proud to say, England never succumbed. We had, it was true, once made peace, but it was concluded on honourable principles, and watched over with a determination never to yield to any of the encroachments of the enemy. At last, when, by the efforts of this nation, Napoleon Buonaparte was overthrown, peace, as he had already said, was secured; but the efforts which the country had made being almost beyond her powers, left her in a state of exhaustion. Accordingly, instead of obtaining those comforts which peace was usually expected to bring with it, the sudden revulsion had produced great distress amongst the agricultural and manufacturing interests; in short, the whole country might be said to have groaned under peace. The effect of this state of things was a very great degree of dissatisfaction and discontent, the evils of which had been wisely guarded against.
Now, however, a very different picture presented itself. Our manufactures were reviving, our commerce was flourishing, and our credit had risen to a state of unprecedented and unparalleled greatness. Agriculture, which, of all the great national interests, had sustained the severest shock on the return of peace, he was happy to say was now rapidly recovering. He was glad to bear witness to the correctness of what was stated in the Speech from the throne on this subject—that agriculture was recovering from the depression under which it had laboured. It had, indeed, been gradually improving

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for some time past; but, within a very recent period, its improvement had been singularly great. On this point, his majesty's Speech certainly held out a most encouraging prospect for the landed interest, by assuring them that "agriculture was re-assuming the station to which its importance entities it among the great interests of the nation." It had been predicted, that the land would change masters; but, notwithstanding all that had been said on this subject, he thought it a very great mistake to suppose, that if the landed property of the country were to change hands, things would go on equally well [Hear, hear]. This was a, proposition to which he never could assent. He was perfectly aware, that, in a great commercial country, changes of property would frequently occur. He was among those who rejoiced that the great feudal institutions, by which property was tied up, and which prevented the passing of land from one family to another, had been done away with; but the removal of these obstacles to the transmission of property, was quite a different thing from a change which would have the effect of making the whole of the land pass from the hands of its present owners. This he thought would be an alteration of a most fatal kind; for it would be quite impossible that the persons now engaged in agricultural labours could feel the same happiness in a connexion with strangers, as they now did under landlords to whom they had been attached from their infancy. All the accustomed sympathy between the parties would thus be annihilated. Such a change, too, would be an ill return for all that the agricultural interest had already suffered for the benefit and salvation of the state.—He had already alluded to the exertions which had been made during the war; and, in looking back to those exertions, it would be found, that no interest had done more towards securing the safety of the country than the landed interest had done. The noblemen and country gentlemen had always been ready to act in any military or civil capacity in which they could serve the state. In their capacity of magistrates, they executed a great portion of the judicial business of the country; and they had zealously formed themselves into military corps to resist the threatened invasion. To them, then, the statement in his majesty's Speech must afford great consolation.
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Having said thus much, it was scarcely necessary for him to suggest to their lordships, that, since their situation was now changed from the melancholy state which they had so recently experienced, they were particularly called upon to acknowledge that his majesty's government, under which this improvement had taken place, must have been wisely and steadily and ably conducted. The next topic of his majesty's Speech to which he should allude was one which could not fail to be as satisfactory to all their lordships as it was to himself. It was stated, that "at no former period had there prevailed throughout all classes of the community in this island, a more cheerful spirit of order." Certainly to that spirit of order, and to the just sense entertained by the great body of the people of the advantages they enjoy, this country was much indebted. That spirit was one great cause of the happy result of the contest in which the country had been engaged. He was sorry that circumstances had existed in the sister country, which rendered the statement in the Speech from the throne less applicable to it; but he was happy to learn, that Ireland, within the last few months, was greatly amended, both in its condition and in its temper. He had himself once been for some time in that country with his regiment, and might, therefore, pretend to have some knowledge of Ireland. He, therefore, would have dwelt more upon that important subject, were he not confident that the noble lord who, he understood, intended to second his motion for an address, would not fail to call their lordships' attention to it, and would discuss it much better than he could be expected to do. He must observe, however, that he was happy to hear that the measure which had been adopted last session, relative to tithes, had, upon the whole, done much good.
Their lordships would, with him, be happy to hear from his majesty's Speech, that there was little apprehension of the prosperity of the country being disturbed by any interruption of tranquillity on the continent of Europe. With respect to the differences between Russia and the Porte, it appeared that they were likely soon to terminate favourably, in consequence of the active exertions of our ambassador at Constantinople. Their lordships were also informed, that a convention had been concluded between his majesty and the emperor of Austria, for the settlement of

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the pecuniary claims of this country on the court of* Vienna; and that a copy of this treaty would be laid before parliament. Thus it appeared that the attention of his majesty's government applied itself in all directions for the advantage of the country—a circumstance which could not fail to be very gratifying to their lordships. The next topic which occurred in the Speech from the throne was that of Spain. With regard to Spain, the fact was, that this country had with great propriety avoided entering into a contest in which, had she engaged, she would have had to be the principal. Considering the great weakness of Spain, if England had opposed the French invasion, she must have sustained all the burthen of the war. His majesty's ministers, therefore, had acted most wisely in the caution they had exercised. They did not feel that the internal affairs of this country were in such a state as to warrant their involving it in a war. But, independently of the difficult situation of the country, what would have been the object of such a war? Why should England have attempted to maintain a constitution, of which the great bulk of the Spanish people disapproved? Was it not a constitution with a nominal king at its head—a frame of government which could not stand? He was not contending that a good republic could not exist, but such a constitution as that of Spain with a king at its head, was one not likely to last. He was convinced their lordships would agree with him in thinking, that his majesty's government had done right in refusing to sacrifice the interests of this country to a mere phantom. Spain was at present in a very unhappy state. The government had run from one extreme to the other; but their lordships could not accuse themselves of causing its misfortunes. It would have been contrary to every principle of prudence to have plunged this country into a war for the protection of Spain. He was, however, no ultra, nor did he defend ultraism. And here he could not help remarking, that one great cause of the evils which afflicted Spain was the court system, by which the nobility were discouraged from living on their estates: and when he said this he need not remind their lordships of the great advantages which were to be derived from the intimate connexion which subsisted between the higher and the lower orders in this country; the maintenance of which he hoped would never be neglected.
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With respect to what was stated in the Speech on the subject of the provinces of South America, he trusted that the conduct which his majesty's government had pursued on that delicate and important question would meet with their lordships' full and unanimous approbation. For the provinces separated from Spain, everything had been done which ought to be done consistent with the commercial interests of this country: but further his majesty's ministers had not as yet thought it advisable to go; and most certainly they were right in refraining from positively pledging themselves to any future measure. They had appointed consuls to the provinces which had declared their separation from Spain; and further than that it would have been wrong, under the present circumstances, to have gone.—Their lordships were informed by the Speech, that some augmentation of the land and sea forces was intended; but that, notwithstanding the increased expense which would thereby be incurred, it would still be in the power of parliament to make some reduction of the public burthens. One of the circumstances which called for the intended increase was the necessity of strengthening the garrisons in the West Indies. The mention of that quarter of the world, naturally led him to the last topic in the Speech, namely, the conduct which had been observed by the government, on the state of negro slaves in the colonies. This subject was one which required to be handled with great delicacy; but with respect to it their lordships were not placed in the same situation as the other House, since they had adopted no proceeding respecting it. The Speech held out an intention of ameliorating the condition of the slaves. The situation of these unfortunate creatures was one which their lordships must lament; but, while every thing ought to be done for the improvement of the negroes, the greatest' care ought to be taken not to infringe on the just rights of the planters; who, as well as their lordships, were British subjects, and had been encouraged by acts of parliament to acquire this species of property.—He was now about to conclude; but he must beg leave to recur to a topic to which he had already alluded. If the country had so rapidly recovered from the state of distress into which it had fallen, their lordships might conclude that the government had conducted itself wisely. Ministers had acted under the influence

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of the constitution; and the advantages which their lordships had, in this instance, derived from it, afforded them a new motive for resolving to maintain it in all its purity. They knew that it was the principle of their legislature to improve in every case in which improvement was requisite. It was by following that practical course, and avoiding vain theories, that so much benefit had been conferred on the country. He therefore trusted that their lordships would always remember the lesson taught by the excellent old fable, and never, like the dog, lose the substance by grasping at the shadow.—His lordship concluded by moving an address, which was, as usual, an echo of the Speech from the Throne.
Viscount Lortonsaid:—My lords, it is with extreme diffidence, but at the same time with very sincere satisfaction, that I rise to second the Address so ably moved by the noble earl. The several topics in his majesty's most gracious speech, are truly of an exhilarating nature, and such 88 to demand our warmest gratitude. The flourishing state of our finances, and the activity so apparent in the various branches of our extensive manufactures, and all our commercial pursuits, together with the improvement in our agricultural concerns, are subjects of high consideration, and sufficient to authorize the most sanguine hopes and expectations, that all the difficulties which naturally followed the late most arduous and successful war, have been happily brought to a termination, and that the time has at length arrived for congratulating your lordships and the country upon that glorious era which has been so impatiently looked for.—Thus, my lords, we see in our domestic; affairs, all that is prosperous; and if we take a view of our foreign relations, we: have as much reason to be satisfied. But, my lords, these subjects have been so well animadverted upon by the noble earl, that it becomes unnecessary far me to occupy your lordships' time with what must be a repetition.
However, there is one topic in his majesty's most gracious speech, which it may be permitted me to say a few words upon, as being more immediately connected with that portion of the empire to which it alludes. Ireland, my lords, I imagine, has always been considered difficult to govern; and I am aware that in speaking on the subject, some caution is requisite; but, I trust, that in undertaking to make a
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very few observations, no feeling of party spirit will operate upon my mind; and I would take this opportunity of exhorting noble lords, when the affairs of Ireland are under discussion, to preserve their understandings unshackled from all prejudice. It is quite obvious, my lords, that there are existing causes for the melancholy state of Ireland, and that many of them are far beyond the control of any ministers that ever yet guided the political helm of this great nation. The first grand evil is, perhaps, to be found in the moral state of the people; a people, I may here observe, without speaking too much in the superlative, who are capable, from their natural endowments, of being made a strength and an ornament to any country: but, my lords, this fine population does not possess the advantages which the more happily circumstanced peasantry on this side of the channel have for centuries enjoyed; and therefore great allowance should be made for my unfortunate countrymen, who have many difficulties to encounter. It has often struck me, how much aware they are of their own deficiencies and wants, and how much alive they are to the advantages that must arise from a liberal system of education and a free circulation of the Scriptures; but, my lords, this last blessing, I lament to say, is prohibited nearly throughout Ireland; and consequently the grossest bigotry and most abominable superstitions prevail in every part, paralyzing both the body and mind, and leaving the wretched creatures a prey to the machinations of every designing man, hostile to British connexion and the established religion of the realm.
However, upon these points, it is not necessary to say any more at present. Though it may be allowable here to remark that the noble marquis at the head of the Irish government, has more obstacles to surmount than perhaps he ever could have foreseen, but from which he has never flinched; on the contrary, he has devoted his splendid talents and his utmost exertions to overcome them, and I trust in the end may succeed. Your lordships cannot be aware, I apprehend, of the power which is brought forward to thwart the constitutional efforts of the government, and to pervert the understandings of the people. In fact, my lords, there is to be found in Ireland, what may be fairly denominated an imperium in imperio, which must be got under, before we can expect to see that

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portion of the empire what it might become from its natural advantages, and the fine qualities of its inhabitants. My lords, the population of Ireland is immense, and generally speaking, without employment; which tremendous evil, for tremendous it is in its effects, is mainly to be attributed to a want of resident landlords. The property annually drawn from Ireland amounts, upon a calculation, to about two millions, and the absentees who occasion this enormous drain may be considered under two heads. The one (if I may be allowed to use the expression) legitimate, and the other illegitimate: the first possessing large hereditary properties in England, together with their Irish estates, have a fair apology for non-residence, but they should consider that they have a duty to perform, and should therefore make occasional visits to Ireland, and lay out a portion of their Irish revenues in giving employment to their poor tenants, by a variety of works, and by the encouragement of manufactures, which in the end would materially benefit themselves by the improvement of their estates; but, above all, my lords, they should be most particular in the selection of those persons whom they appoint to the responsible situation of agents, who have so much within their power, and to whom their employers must look for information upon all points. By some few these matters are attended to, and in that very small number I feel happy in recognizing some noble lords, who require no advice from me; but I could wish it were in their power to prevail upon any of their friends who are in similar circumstances with themselves, to act as they do. We now come to the second description of absentees, who from not possessing hereditary properties in England have, in general, no fair apology for deserting their country, and should therefore be exhorted to return and lay out a part at least of their incomes among those from whom they derive them; thus making themselves useful and of more consequence than ever they can expect to be while resident in a distant part of the empire, or perhaps altogether out of it. By the way I could here state, and I do so with very great pleasure, that a short time previously to my leaving Ireland, I heard of the return of some, who had not been resident on their estates for many years, I trust their example may have a beneficial effect.
Having said thus much respecting our
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absentees, I would here observe, that of late much has been done for Ireland, much is doing, but much, very much, remains to be done; and I am free to confess, that I feel the utmost confidence in the good wishes of his majesty's ministers, and in their anxiety for the improvement and amelioration of Ireland; but here I must decidedly repeat, that much is beyond their control, and must depend upon our being true to ourselves, and attentive to the wants of our tenantry. My lords, it is a most pleasing and encouraging circumstance to observe the very general spirit of inquiry which now prevails throughout England, as to the state of Ireland, and the best mode for effecting a radical change in the habits of the people. This appears to have been particularly excited by the visitation which it pleased the Almighty to inflict upon the land in the year 1822, and which, though at the time a most severe scourge, must be considered as a blessing, in as much as it has called forth the philanthropic feelings of England, in a manner never to be forgotten, and has done more to eradicate old and inveterate prejudices than any act of the legislature ever could do. Indeed, my lords, were it not for the inflammatory speeches of certain orators, scarcely a shade of them would remain. However, one lasting benefit has arisen from this spirit of inquiry, in the formation of several most useful institutions, and among the number, I shall beg leave to mention one, as being likely to have much influence; it is designated, the British and Irish Ladies Society for improving the condition of the female peasantry in Ireland, and is under the patronage of two of our illustrious princesses, and a most amiable and noble lady, whose example I trust will stimulate the exertions of those ladies, who have influence on both sides of the channel. The principal object of this society, my lords, is to give employment to the female peasantry in the spinning and manufacturing of flax, and in attention to personal and domestic cleanliness and economy: the first will much benefit our great staple manufacture, and both together must rapidly improve the condition of the poor creatures, for whose relief this society has been established, and who have heretofore been nearly, if not altogether, neglected and more degraded in their domestic habits, than can be imagined in this happy land.—But, my lords, as civilization advances, this must cease, and

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the women will have their proper station in society.
Having thus, ray lords, taken a very cursory view of the state of some matters in Ireland, I would again entreat noble lords to meet all questions upon Irish business with candour, and studiously to avoid in their speeches any expressions that may tend to induce the people to imagine, that their wretchedness proceeds from the government under which they live; which, in truth, is not the case, but must be looked for nearer home, and will continue until we find it our own interest, independently of higher principles, to cherish our peasantry, to place them on a level with their British fellow-subjects, and thus to rescue them from the power of those demagogues, who would urge them into acts that must eventually bring destruction and perdition on themselves and their families. My lords; it now becomes my duty to apologise for having encroached upon your lordships' time by the introduction of matter that may not appear altogether relevant; but I trust some allowance will be made for the feelings of an Irishman, who has taken the opportunity to speak upon a subject that he knows is constantly misrepresented, and too frequently brought forward in the spirit of party.
The Marquis of Lansdownbegan by expressing his entire concurrence in the congratulations contained in the address from the throne on the prosperous state of the country. It was, he observed, a great satisfaction to him to find that an improvement had taken place in our trade and commerce; but it was a still greater one to perceive that that improvement had been the result of the very excellent regulations which had recently been adopted with respect to both. He looked with the greater pleasure upon these results, which had been dictated by the voice of reason, because he was one of those who never desponded of the power of the country to rescue herself from her difficulties, if her resources were properly directed, and her commerce relieved from many of the absurd restraints under which it had long laboured. He now, therefore, saw with unmixed satisfaction, the adoption of a more liberal commercial policy, producing its natural consequences—the improvement of our trade, and of course the increase in our financial resources. In this view of our situation, he agreed with the noble mover in the two-fold cause of congratulation; the first, that the in-
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crease in our resources proceeded from a remission of taxation; and the second, that it arose from a material improvement in our trade. On both these points he had frequently had occasion to deliver his opinion before their lordships, and he now rejoiced that the frequent discussion of such topics had produced that renovation in circumstances which must always be proportionate to the increased freedom of trade. Long had the shackles under which a great portion of our trade laboured been opposed in that House; and now that many of them had been removed, and that the others were likely to follow, if was but justice to the individuals who contended for their inutility to state, that many of those who had been foremost in supporting their continuance were not less conspicuous for their zeal in endeavouring to procure a removal of the whole. Some of those ill-founded regulations had long existed in many branches of trade between this country and Ireland, and being upheld by the prejudices of those who did not sufficiently understand their own interest, were countenanced by his majesty's ministers. They had long been adopted by the noble lord opposite (Bexley), while chancellor of the exchequer; but, when last year they bad been partially removed by his successor in office, petitions came from many of those persons whose previous prejudices had contributed to maintain them, praying for their removal altogether. So sensible were the parties made of the disadvantages attending the former system—so much did they become alive to the benefits, resulting from the operation of the new regulations—that they were now ready with petitions to the legislature, praying for the total abolition of those which remained. Upon this important subject he agreed with the noble mover of the address, that there was ample ground for congratulation; and he trusted that at an early period of the session, they might become again the subject of their lordships' deliberations. As to the other point which had been touched upon—the remission of oppressive taxation—there could be but one opinion. As far as the experiment had hitherto been tried, the result was in all cases the same—an increased consumption. Every attempt of the kind went farther to remove the error into which some statesmen had fallen—that taxation afforded a support to government by the increase of consumption caused by it in

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different branches of our commerce. In the allusions which had been made to these gratifying topics he fully concurred, because he thought the matters connected with them not uninstructive in themselves; and because a strict attention to the principles from which they arose would be productive of the most important benefits to the country. He agreed that there was a material improvement in the condition of the agricultural interest; and (excluding that portion of it which arose from a partial failure of the crops in some districts) he thought it a fair subject of congratulation, as it showed an increased consumption and demand.
He had thus briefly adverted to the more gratifying topics of the Speech from the throne, which related to the state of commerce at home; and he felt he could not pass over those which related to our situation as connected with foreign powers, and particularly with the powers on the continent of Europe. He was rather surprised and disappointed at the silence of the Speech on many interesting topics connected with our foreign relations, and at the slight allusions to others not less important. He thought it did not become the king's ministers, when they deprecated the origin of the late war in Spain, to conceal their regret—if regret they felt—at the manner in which that war had terminated. He regretted, and he was sure the majority of the country concurred in the regret, that his majesty's ministers should appear so inattentive to the right of free nations to govern themselves by such laws as they thought proper, as they had shown themselves on this occasion. He regretted to see them treat so lightly a practice (for it now unfortunately had become a practice in Europe) so subversive of the peace of nations, as that of one state interfering, by an armed force, to alter the constitution of another. When he saw last summer a nation sending forth a numerous army to destroy, by force, a constitution established in another, with which it was till then at peace—when he found that such interference had ended in establishing a complete despotism over the whole country—and when he found ministers deprecating the origin of that war, he confessed he did not expect that they could have passed over the result in such courtly silence as they had observed on the present occasion. He did expect that they would at the least have stated,
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whether the military occupation of Spain by France gave satisfaction or not. It would not, he thought, have been unbecoming in the advisers of the Crown to have put words into the mouth of the Sovereign of a free people, expressive of regret at the violent subversion of the hitherto sacred principle, the right of nations to govern themselves by a constitution of their own choice—of regret, that the country of an ally should have been plunged into the horrors which now reigned throughout Spain. The noble lord who moved the address had expressed himself unfavourable to Ultraism of any kind; but he would ask whether Spain, at the present moment, was not the seat of the most disgraceful Ultraism? Was she not in the hands of a great military nation whose power it was not our interest to see thus increased? Were these matters of such trivial import as not to be deemed worthy of notice in the Speech from the throne? He would repeat to their lordships, that, in the present state of Europe, when the opposition to the great principle before mentioned was brought to its climax, it did not become his majesty's ministers to be silent. Let them not think that, when the law of Europe and of other nations, had once been departed from—when that fundamental principle upon which national freedom rested, had been violated with impunity, matters would rest there; for it was the character of such aggressions to produce repeated violations, if any one of them were suffered to be successful. Let ministers not think that the balance of power, as they call it, being once broken, the state of things would be such as not to call for their most vigilant attention.
Let their lordships look back for a short period, and see what had been the state of Europe, and what changes had taken place within a few years—what had happened since the termination of that war which had ended by the overthrow of the power of Buonaparte? Immediately after that event, there came forth a declaration from several of the great powers, that the peace and independence of nations were in future to be placed on the most solid footing, by which the natural rights of each would be respected and preserved. But, how had that declaration been observed? Why, since then, he would ask, had not almost the whole of Europe come under the domination of three or four great military powers?—powers acting

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under a pretence of moderation and justice, but, in reality, exercising a complete tyranny over states which they still affected to call free and independent? [Hear, hear]. It was absurd to use the terms, when it was known that those states had not the power to refuse the absolute dictation of those despots, or the means to protect themselves from the consequences of such refusal. Where was the small state on the continent of Europe which had not since the period he had mentioned, come under the domination of some one or other of those great despotic powers, by whom they might be called upon to alter, to change, or to modify their form of government according to their capricious dictation? The system had now been carried to such a height, that the most unqualified interference was entered upon without even an explanation being given beyond this—that such was the will and pleasure of the despot interfering. It was seen that neither the monarchical character of the government of Wurtumberg, nor the monarchical character of that of Bavaria, nor the independent form of the ancient republic of Switzerland, could preserve them from an interference in their internal government, which, if offered to this country, would be resented as a wanton insult. And why an insult to us, more than to those other countries? What difference was there between the application of this principle of interference to one or to the other? The only difference was this—that we possessed the power of resistance to such interference. Were we, then, to admit the despotic principle sought to be established by such interference? Were we to be told that there was to be no law between the states of Europe but that of force—that one nation might be destroyed, or its independence outraged, at the will of another; and that there was to be no rule by which the weaker state was to be supported against the aggressions of the powerful? Let it not be imagined that such despotic principles ought not to affect us unless they were applied to ourselves. We were deeply interested in preserving the peace of Europe; but it was utterly impossible that that peace, or that the independence of nations, should be rested on solid grounds, while such principles were allowed to be acted upon with impunity. When he saw, that, upon the changes which had taken place in the political
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state of Europe, in consequence of the assertion of this monstrous principle, ministers were silent, he could not but express his regret at their apathy, and his fears for the consequences.
He also observed with regret, that the affairs of South America, teeming as those affairs did with importance to the commercial interest of this country, were touched upon so very slightly in the Speech from the throne. The civil, political, and commercial improvements which were becoming daily manifest in that part of the world, were, he knew, an object of fear and of jealousy to some of the despots of Europe; as if no improvement were to be allowed to creep forth, or not to be considered as such, unless at the will of one of the corporation of kings, who arrogated to themselves the power of dictating what they thought proper for the rest of mankind. It was, however, a satisfaction to find, that there was a part of the globe where very different feelings and principles prevailed, and were likely to prevail still more extensively—where the principles of free government and free trade were beginning to be understood and practised. He was glad to find that his majesty's ministers had made a recommendation which would tend to improve those principles. He was not prepared to say whether, at the present moment, they ought to have gone further, but he hoped they would be disposed to do so at the proper time. When it was known that a disposition existed in Europe to check the rising powers of South America, he thought that we ought to have taken the step which we had now taken at an earlier period; but still he trusted that we should be found ready to avail ourselves of every opportunity of increasing the advantages which that step was calculated to give us. But if we had been tardy, it was a satisfaction to find that America had, on this occasion, taken that decisive step which so well became its character and its interest. As that; important decision was of the utmost consequence to every portion of the world where freedom was valued, he could not grudge to the United States the glory of having thus early thrown her shield over those struggles for freedom, which were so important, not merely to America herself, but to the whole world. This great question should be viewed by us, not merely with reference to its advantages to South America, but to the British

21
empire; and particularly as there might exist a disposition to exclude, as much as possible, our manufactures from the European markets. Let their lordships look to what had happened in the United States. There a population of three millions had, in the course of forty years, been increased to ten millions. In the united provinces of Spanish America, there was at present a population of sixteen millions, exclusive of about four millions in the Brazils; and, assuming the same ratio of improvement in the course of forty years to come, we might have an intercourse with a population of from fifty to sixty millions, and that, too, a population of a consuming character; for from recent calculations it was estimated, that each person consumed to the value of 2l. 10 s. of British manufactures annually. He trusted, therefore, that government, viewing the magnitude of the relations which might, by timely cultivation, be brought to exist between this country and the Spanish provinces, would neglect no opportunity of improving the advantages which were now thrown open to them. When it was now ascertained that the South American provinces were in that state which precluded all hope of the mother country ever regaining any power or influence over them, he trusted that ministers would neglect no occasion of improving every circumstance calculated to give so vast an extension to our commerce; and thus, by serving the best interest of their, own country, they would let in that of those upon whose freedom and prosperity so much depended.
There were other topics in the speech from the throne, which could not be fully gone into on the first day of the session, but which he could not pass over altogether. One, which had been alluded to by the noble mover, was the question of our West India colonies; and a most important one it was. Upon this topic lie fully concurred in what had been said, that a great deal should be done, for a great deal was required to be done, but that as little should be said on it as possible. This was a question upon which it was better to act than to speak. He hoped that every thing which could be done to relieve the negro population would be effected. With regard to the state of Ireland, he would freely admit that much had been done to remove some of the evils which oppressed that country; but he could wish that government would
22
hold out a hope, that some further and more effectual methods would be tried to remove the evils of that country, the roots of which, he thought, lay deeper than was believed by many. There were two instances in which attempts at improvement had been made; one was in the forming a new police, and the other in the collection of tithes. Upon the former, great difficulties had always occurred; but he thought they had not been fully met by the late regulations. A good deal yet remained to be done; and he had hopes that the evils arising from the want of an effective police would be fully met at last. As to the tithe system, he agreed that the late measure on that subject had made a great approximation towards an adjustment of the many differences to which the system had given rise. The measure which had been adopted as a partial remedy had been successful in many instances; but still there were some important points on which it required revision. That revision would be made, and he was satisfied that in the able hands in which it would be placed, every attention would be paid which its great importance demanded. He had now touched upon the leading topics of the Speech from the throne. It was not his intention to offer any amendment to the address which had been moved, though he confessed there were some parts of the Speech in which he could have wished that a more liberal, frank, and explicit language had been adopted; and particularly with respect to South America. However, one step had been gained in the appointment of Consuls, and he trusted it was only a prelude to measures which would at once remove all doubt with respect to the light in which we wished those colonies to be viewed.
The Earl of Liverpoolsaid, that after the very able manner in which the address had been moved by his noble friend behind him, and seconded by his other noble friend, he did not think he should have been called upon to offer any observations to their lordships upon the present occasion. The noble marquis having, however, thought it right to touch upon, and advert to, the leading points in his majesty's Speech, he should be sorry that the House should come to a vote, and their lordships separate, without his offering a few observations in answer to what had been stated. He was the more anxious to do this lest his silence should

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for a moment be considered as an admission of the justice of the noble marquis's observations. Taking the first part of the noble marquis's speech, namely, the internal state of the country, he was happy to find, that even the noble marquis himself admitted it to be most prosperous. He believed, that, with a very few exceptions, there could be found in the country but one opinion upon this point. Indeed, he might venture to say, without one word of exaggeration or inflation, that at no former period did the country enjoy a more general state of internal happiness and prosperity than it did at present. This, he believed, would be found to be the universal feeling of all the great interests of the country. And here he joined the noble marquis in expressing his satisfaction at finding that a result so beneficial had been brought about by natural causes. Their lordships well knew—the other House of parliament well knew—the executive government well knew—the applications made day after day, and session after session, for relief from the various distresses under which the country laboured. Every consideration was given to these complaints, but nothing was, because nothing could be, done for their relief. That relief was now afforded by the operation of natural causes; the distresses of the country were effectually, and he trusted permanently, removed; and he rejoiced to say, without any tampering interference of parliament. This, he had repeatedly stated in the course of former discussions, was the remedy, the only remedy, which could be applied to the distresses under which the different branches of our industry at that time laboured. It had been said by the noble mover of the Address, and in the assertion he fully concurred, that it would have been impossible for this country to go through the arduous struggle in which it had been engaged, both for our preservation and the preservation of Europe, except by making efforts by which we must, at one time or other, suffer. Let their lordships look to other countries: in every state in Europe the effects of the war were more or less felt during its continuance; but they were more felt after its close, because, though he did not pretend to compare the prosperity in a time of war to the prosperity in time of peace; though he did not mean to compare an artificial with a natural prosperity; yet it would be found, that the profuse expen-
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diture of war frequently counteracted the effects of taxation. This would appear from the accounts which were laid upon their lordships' table, showing the immense increase in our manufacturing and other branches of industry during the last war. This had been found to be the case in former wars, but in a less degree, inasmuch as former wars were conducted upon a much more limited scale. But when markets, which had been created by the war, were closed by peace—when the immense demand for our produce was, to a certain extent, at an end, it was the natural result that a great proportion of property should remain on hand, and that the parties engaged in its manufacture and sale should suffer. This was the difficulty which the several great interests of this country had to encounter—a difficulty mainly arising out of a transition from a state of war to a state of peace.
But, there was another difficulty, and that too a most serious one, which the country had to encounter; he meant the change from a paper to a metallic currency. It was not now necessary to enter into a discussion upon the policy or impolicy of passing the Bank Restriction act. Whether that measure was a sound or an unsound policy was not now the question, though for himself he might be allowed to say, that upon it he had never concealed his opinion; which was, that without such a measure Great Britain could never have made her way through that arduous, that glorious struggle, out of which she had so triumphantly come. At the same time it was always his invariable opinion, that as soon as possible after the war we ought to return to a metallic currency. It would be remembered, that certain classes in the country had denied the possibility of this return: some predicted from the measure a national bankruptcy, and others declared that, if carried into effect, it must strike at the root of our national prosperity, and render necessary a change of all our social relations, and a new adjustment of all contracts. But, what had been the result? We now enjoyed the benefits and the security of a metallic circulation without any national bankruptcy, without any adjustment of contracts, and without any violation of the rights of the national creditor. We had suffered for a time from those causes, from the exhaustion of the war, and from a change in our currency; but things had now resumed their natural

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course; and we had recovered our former prosperity, not by temporary expedients, by artificial means, or by violations of our engagements, but by the natural course; of events, and a strict adherence to public faith. We had thus learned by experience, that firmness in adhering to a course of action which least interfered with the sources of public prosperity was better than temporary expedients for relief; that honesty, in states as well as in individuals, was the best policy; and that all classes of society were best served by refraining from violations of the rights of some for the benefit of others. He alluded more particularly at present to the subject of the currency, because too much could not be said in praise of the wise and temperate course pursued by parliament in effecting the change, in spite of the clamours of some, and the fears of others; and because, next to the deliverance of Europe, he regarded it as one of the greatest efforts of legislative courage and firmness.
The next topic to which the noble marquis had alluded, was our foreign relations, and particularly the invasion of Spain; and here the noble marquis did not concur, as he had done on the internal state of the nation, with his majesty's ministers. Into the details of the question respecting Spain he (lord Liverpool) would not now enter, because in defence of the policy pursued by this country, in reference to it, he had nothing to add to what he had stated last session, except that every thing he had then said had been confirmed by the course of events. He never had hesitated to declare that, in his opinion, France had no right to invade Spain. He had disapproved of that interference, and deprecated that attack—not on abstract principles of non-intervention, and the right of every nation to frame its own constitution and arrange its own internal affairs, because he was aware that every general principle admitted of exceptions—but because France could make out no specific case which gave her any title to interfere with the internal regulations of Spain. It was always his opinion, that Spain should have been left to herself, and that the factions which were alleged to be agitating her, should have been allowed to settle their differences without foreign intervention. At the same time he felt the danger of the attack, and was desirous that the evil might be averted by some concession—not a concession to France,
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which had no right to demand one—but a concession of Spain to herself: in short, by a compromise which might have taken away the motive for invasion. The British cabinet had advised this, and could do no more. He might now ask, whether the most zealous advocate of the constitutional party which then held the reins of government, did not regret that it had not followed this advice? This view was resisted by the Spaniards; and what had followed? The French army entered Spain, and the case with which they obtained possession of the country, showed the wisdom of our having abstained from interfering in the policy of a divided nation. Could their lordships look at the present state of Spain, and recollect the manner in which the French were every where received, and say that the constitution—even allowing it to be a model of perfection—had fixed its roots in the minds of any considerable body of the people, or that it was the object for which any large portion of them was disposed to contend? On the contrary, was it not evident, not only that the great majority, but a majority so great as to leave the minority an object of surprise with us, hailed the French as friends who came to overthrow that constitution? What did this arise from? Was there a country on earth more jealous of foreigners than Spain? Was there a country on earth that had greater reason to resist the French than Spain? Yet, notwithstanding this jealousy of foreigners, and this dislike to Frenchmen, they hailed the French army as deliverers, and thus showed that they hated the constitution more than either. Would it have been wise, then, in this country to have engaged in a war to support a form of government which was detested by the great body of the people, and only supported by a very small proportion of the Spanish people? The noble marquis had alluded to an expression of the noble mover, and had stated, that the Ultraism which he disliked had now been established in Spain. But, by whom had that Ultraism been established? Not by the illustrious prince who commanded the French army; for here he must say, that however much he (lord Liverpool) had at first deprecated the invasion of Spain, he could not withhold his praise from that illustrious prince, whose wise, firm, and moderate conduct had been conspicuous during the whole campaign—who, instead of encouraging Ultraism

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among the Spaniards, had done every thing to check it; and who gave fair promise, in that mission, of what might be expected of him, when he should ascend the throne of his fathers [Hear, hear]. The Ultraism complained of was the sentiment of the Spaniards, and not of the invaders; and he (lord L.) had no more idea of sending British bayonets to make people free against their will, than to enslave them against their will.
He had arrived now at a topic of great interest—the policy pursued by this country in regard to South America. On this subject the noble marquis testified his regret at what he termed the reserve of the royal speech, and wished for further information. In a general exposition like that of the speech from the throne, he did not know what more could have been said. In explaining the words made use of, he was prepared to speak with the utmost frankness. If their lordships remembered the various discussions that had taken place, and the different proposals that were made upon the first invasion of Spain by Buonaparte, they would not require to be reminded, that two courses were recommended by their respective partizans, as fit for this country then to pursue. The first was, to send troops into Spain, and to assist the Spaniards in expelling the invader; the second was, to leave the ruler of France to do what he chose in Spain, and to direct our efforts to the establishment of South American independence. Those who despaired of success in Spain, made no doubt that we could succeed in detaching from her the colonies which she then possessed, and therefore pressed the prosecution of this measure as our only rational policy. This, however, was not the policy of the government; and for this, among other reasons—that our efforts, however successful, could not thus have terminated in the deliverance of Europe. The sword was therefore drawn in Spain, and by the great exploits of hi6 noble friend (the duke of Wellington) the invader was expelled, and Europe freed from his yoke. When the contest was brought to a close, and the government of Ferdinand restored, the state of the colonies, which during the continuance of the war had thrown off their allegiance, presented great difficulties. We then offered our mediation, not for the purpose of restoring those which had declared themselves independent, and were determined to maintain
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that independence, but to reconcile those that were still willing to be reconciled to the mother country. That mediation was rejected; but, had it been accepted in time, Spain might have saved half her Trans-Atlantic possessions. She had now seen all her colonies separated from her, and in the new circumstances in which they were placed, we had proceeded openly and frankly. The noble marquis had said, that we had taken the first step in acknowledging their independence by sending consuls; and he had asked, what further steps had been taken? The speech from the throne was explicit on this head. Its object was, to announce to the House, to the country, and to Europe, that we were wholly unfettered by engagements, either to Spain or to our allies, and perfectly free to take that course which our own prudence or policy might dictate. But, while he made this explicit declaration, he was free to confess, that practical difficulties would present themselves in our relations or intercourse with those possessions, until Spain should have renounced all claim to their obedience, and recognized that independence de jure which they enjoyed de facto. If a recognition of them, therefore, could be obtained from Spain herself, he should think it a great object gained. This was, however, what could not easily be expected; but we were not bound either by the concession or the refusal of Spain. It was an important fact to know, that this government was perfectly free and unfettered in her policy towards South America, whatever course it should in future pursue.
He came now to a topic on which the noble marquis had not touched, and which he hoped would be treated with temperate care by others—he meant the state of our West-India possessions. On this subject he hoped their lordships would do what was right—that they would obey the dictates of duty, both in consulting the improvement and protection of the slave, and the security and rights of the planter, who had acquired property under our laws; but that they would avoid all angry discussion—that they would use no intemperate language—that they would avoid all topics of inflammation, not knowing to what evils intemperate or imprudent language might lead.
On another important point to which the address alluded, he meant the state of Ireland, he would not at present say much,

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as it was a subject which frequent opportunities would arise of discussing. He could not, however, refrain from expressing the pleasure which he felt in hearing what had been said with regard to the improved condition of that country, by the noble viscount who seconded the address; every opinion from whom on that subject was entitled to the greater weight from the circumstance of his having been so constant a resident there. He would confine himself to the declaration, that the attention of his majesty's government had been, and would continue to be, most anxiously directed to the means of diminishing, if not of wholly eradicating, some of those which might be considered not merely the most crying, but at the same time the most practically tangible evils with which Ireland was afflicted. He said this, because it was well known, that some of the evils, and of the great evils too, under which Ireland laboured, were of such a nature, that they were not tangible by legislative interference, but must be in a great measure left to the operation of time and circumstances. Among those, however, to which the vigilance of government, and the wisdom of parliament, might advantageously be applied, were the state of education, and the state of the police in that country. There was another point of infinite importance—the question of tithes in Ireland. It was one, to the arrangement of which every effort ought to be directed; bearing constantly in mind, that church property was as much entitled to respect as any other property, and that any insecurity in the tenure of church property, would naturally lead to similar insecurity in the tenure of every other description of property. The measure which he had last year had the honour to introduce into that House was founded on a most anxious consideration of the subject, on the part of those whose duty it was so to consider it. On introducing it, he had stated to their lordships, that it might not produce any immediate or extensive effect; that it could not possibly be expected to be a perfect measure; but that he trusted it would be found to proceed on a sound principle. He had contended that, when the principle came to be tried, its excellence would manifest itself. He had now the satisfaction of being enabled to inform their lordships, that the success of the measure, under all the difficulties and obstacles which it had encountered—some of a na-
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tural character, and others artificially created—had far exceeded his most sanguine expectations. By documents which would be submitted to their lordships, it would appear, that, in 966 parishes in which endeavours had been made to carry that measure into effect, in 216 it had been completely successful; and that during the very few months which had elapsed since it had received the royal assent. This was a result which, he owned, he did not anticipate; and it was the more gratifying, as it appeared that the measure had been the most completely executed in those parts of Ireland, in which the evils which it tended to alleviate had been the most oppressively felt. Much having thus been already effected, there was every reason to hope that a great deal more would ultimately be accomplished; and it would be for their lordships, and for the other House of Parliament, to consider what further legislative proceeding might be beneficially adopted, in aid of those already in operation;—whether there was a prospect that the existing measures would work their way, advantageously, through Ireland; or, whether it would be wise and expedient to give them the assistance of others, conformably to the spirit of the constitution, and to the most general and enlightened views of what would be beneficial to the country.
Lord Hollandclaimed the indulgence of their lordships, for the short time he might detain them in discussing a few of the topics of the royal speech, to which he felt it necessary, after what had fallen from the noble lords who had preceded him, to advert. He felt it necessary to express his own conviction, that the general tone, and temper, and spirit of the address were not such, as, in the present state of Europe, ought to be adopted. But, their lordships would allow him to notice, in the first place, one part of that address in which he had the pleasure to say he perfectly concurred; and that was, the portion that related to the present improved state of the country. He was most happy and ready to acknowledge, that the internal condition of the country was much more flourishing than it had been at any former period within his recollection. He was ready to acknowledge also, that this prosperity had been, in some measure, owing to the wisdom and the firmness of parliament; and he was willing even to confess that, as the noble earl had stated, it was mainly attributable to the

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wisdom and firmness with which the measure for the resumption of cash payments had been carried into complete effect. Indeed, he felt the more anxious to express this opinion, because he had been one of those, who, when that great measure was agitated in parliament, most warmly opposed it. Appalled at the possible consequences that might ensue, he certainly had been far from friendly to the execution of a measure which he did then believe to be fraught with danger; and which he now acknowledged to have been thus instrumental in restoring prosperity to the kingdom. But, while he felt it proper, and but fair, to say thus much, he was by no means equally prepared to coincide with the noble lord who had moved the address, in maintaining, that it was likewise fair to give to his majesty's government some degree of merit for the increasing prosperity of the empire. Fair, indeed! Why, considering under what circumstances it was, that the prosperity of the country had been of late years so shaken; and, looking to the language which the government then held, and remembering the measures that they then adopted, he, for one, thought it anything but fair to give them any such credit. What I with the noble earl's own acknowledgment still in their ears, that the past distresses of the country had been mainly owing to those wars in which they had engaged her, were their lordships to give to his majesty's ministers credit for her present prosperity? What had been the noble earl's uniform answer, when he had been so often charged in that house with the existence of those distresses? The noble earl, as their lordships could not fail to remember, had been constantly pleased to throw the whole blame of the evil upon Providence. That was always his excuse, modified, indeed, and varied a little from time to time. Sometimes the immediate cause of public distress was referred to the passions; and the noble earl discovered, that the people of this country were too amorous—that the females were too prolific—that too large a quantity of people was produced. At others, the whole evil was deduced from the horrors of plenty—from a desperate abundance; and the noble earl, surrounded with all the gifts of Providence to man, exclaimed with the poet—"Inopem me copia fecit." Now, though he (lord H.) really did not think that the noble earl's eloquence, highly as he respected it, had
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quite rooted out of the bosoms of our young men the passion of love, nor had operated, well as he knew its extraordinary powers, to intercept the rains from Heaven that fertilized the globe, he recollected what the kingdom had suffered; and therefore, now that the country was recovering, and enjoying a prosperity which he trusted in God she would long continue to enjoy, it was in truth a little unfair for the noble earl to call upon the House for such a species of approbation; and to say, "Look at our works; look what government have done now." It was a little unfair in the noble earl, forgetting the preceding distress, to cry out, on these manifestations of returning prosperity—"Look, my lords, at the prodigious services that have been rendered by his majesty's ministers."—It was necessary, however, after these observations, that he (lord H.) should address himself to a part of the Speech from the throne, which seemed to require some remark. It appeared to form one of the communications made in the Speech, or at least something to that effect was said, that a convention had been entered into with Austria, for the repayment of a part of the sums advanced her by this country. A noble friend who sat near him, had just reminded him, that this part was but a small part of the whole amount of such advances. He thanked his noble friend for the suggestion; but he was well pleased to find that we were likely to get back even a small part. There was, besides, an old but very sensible proverb, which told us, "not to look a gift horse in the mouth;" and therefore he was quite willing to accept of the part. Now, this partial repayment, to be sure, was any thing but a gift horse; and, indeed, if he might be permitted to compare this unfortunate loan to a horse at all, he fancied, that if they ventured to look into his mouth, they would discover that the mark had been out of it a long time. And if their lordships would permit him to borrow once more from the same sort of phraseology, perhaps a political jockey would say that "a good deal of work had been taken out of him in the way of interest." [a laugh.] For his own part, he should be well contented, if it should turn out that they got back enough to pay for the expences of lord Stewart's embassy to Vienna. A noble friend of his had said that it was to lord Stewart that this proposed repayment was principally owing;

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and though very possibly that noble lord might have had some share in effecting the business, he (lord H.) felt inclined to believe, that as great a part, or a greater part of the merit rested with the noble duke who had first set on foot the negotiation. But in the name of candour, let all parties have a little of the merit allotted to them. Something might be due to his majesty's ministers, in the first place, for negociating about the matter; and that share he freely conceded to the government. Some merit, again, must be due to the emperor of Austria; and that he (lord H.) referred to the emperor personally; for where in a country like Austria, where there existed no constitution, he was compelled to believe that it was the monarch's own act; and done, not only without the advice, but in a spirit entirely contrary to the wishes, of his ministers. But, having thus apportioned out the merit, by giving a little credit to his majesty's government, a little to their ambassador, a little to the noble duke, and a little to the emperor of Austria, he did hope that his own side of the House would come in also for a trifling share. He did hope; that this matter would have a good effect in making his majesty's ministers think differently about the opinions and public conduct of noble lords around him. He trusted that the noble president of the council, for instance (the earl of Harrowby), would not now say—as he had formerly so strenuously contended—that at all times, and under all circumstances, and in whatever condition the political relations of the country might be, it behoved noble lords to observe all the prim proprieties of debate. The strong opinions which he (lord Holland), and his noble relation, and so many other noble lords, had lately expressed, might have occasionally violated the prim proprieties of debate; but clear it was, that the language which had been held in Parliament, very objectionable as to some it seemed to be, had led to the refunding of no inconsiderable sum of money.
The next topic upon which he would touch was one of great moment; and one in respect of which he fully concurred with the observation that had been made by his noble friend, that it was wiser to act than to speak. It was a subject upon which, if noble lords came to estimate the comparative degrees of praise or blame that were to be attributed to parties, every candid person must acknowledge
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that his majesty's ministers, and that House, and, he was sorry to say, the body to which he belonged; the West-India colonists, and the African association, and, if he might dare to say so, the House of Commons itself, were liable to serious blame. He should not have dwelt so much on this subject, had it not occupied so large a portion of the Speech as it did. It afforded him satisfaction, however, to say, that of this portion generally he highly approved. Perhaps, indeed, he might question, in some degree, the policy or the propriety of his majesty's ministers in dwelling so much, in such a speech, upon a subject of this nature. He could very well understand the propriety and even prudence of his majesty coming down to his parliament, or communicating with them, in order that they might advise the executive government how to act, in regard to any extraordinary emergency arising within his extensive empire; but he did not understand upon what principle it was that his majesty, upon this occasion, came to the parliament of Great Britain, asking them to proceed in the measures to be taken with regard to the civilization of the West-India slaves. If this was meant, as most probably it was, to allude to an augmentation of troops in those colonies, he (lord H.) could have wished, considering the present feverish state of men's minds there, that while the government were recommending caution, they had themselves observed it better in the language of their recommendation. If it was meant merely to call upon their lordships and the other House of Parliament to augment the force in the island lately alluded to, and the other British West-India islands, in that call he most readily' concurred; and he was the more induced to say this, because as he had been ready; on former occasions to oppose, and might hereafter oppose, as in other parts of the empire, the increase of the army, so he was ready to admit, that, in the present state of things, it might be necessary that the. military force of the empire should be increased. Nor could he help observing; that with respect to that island, with which he himself was more particularly, connected, Jamaica, and speaking with reference to its security from internal insurrection and external attack, and to the morals and comforts, and most especially the health of his majesty's soldiers, he could much wish that the attention of his majesty's government, and of the illus-

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trious commander-in-chief, might be turned to the effecting a better distribution of forces in that country. This distribution might be made with great advantage. The measures which he had heard suggested in this respect, were—the destruction of the batteries and forts erected on various parts of the coast; the quartering the European troops among the Blue Mountains, which alone supplied the springs of the country; and the formation of a naval arsenal at a position called Fort Antonio. This information he had derived from a gallant and intelligent friend, of whom he could never speak but in terms of the highest respect and approbation, but who was no longer, he believed, a member of the other House of Parliament,—major-general Walpole. He entertained this feeling for a gallant individual, not merely because it was at all times pleasant to speak handsomely of one's friend, but because such applause was due to his exalted public character, to his very superior talents, his experience, and, above all, to the humanity evinced by him in the care of his men. This gentleman's experience had well qualified him to suggest to the government at home such improvements as might most advantageously be made in the defence and government of the island. His information was derived from the evidence of his own senses, furnished during a long and fatiguing service in Jamaica. Noble lords would perceive that he was speaking of the Maroon war; the result of which was, that the Maroons, by the skilful management, and the equitable proceedings, and the good faith of general Walpole, were reduced and brought into obedience to the government. If ever the British troops in Jamaica should be required to act there upon any similar occasion, as he earnestly hoped they never would be, he could ask nothing better for his country nor for them, than that they might be commanded by some officer of equal humanity, skill, and enterprise with his friend general Walpole. [Hear.]
He would now advert to those parts of the Speech from the throne, which would justify the vote he should give that night; and he confessed that, upon the whole, the tone and temper of that speech had disappointed him. Much more, however, had he been disappointed by the comments that he had heard upon it. He did hold that the state in which this country stood, with relation to the other powers of Europe, was any thing but one which
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would justify exultation, joy, or self-congratulation. That it was fraught with inevitably disastrous consequences to this country, he was not, possibly, prepared to say; but he was very sure that it was a state at once new and awful. Since their lordships had last met in that House, what had befallen the constitution of Spain? For, torture the thing as they would, it was the Spanish constitution; and as to what had been said about its being democratical, the fact was, it was considerably less so than our own. But whether it was so or not, or whether it incurred the dislike, or met with the approbation of the Spanish people, this fact at least was but too well known; namely, that the government of France was at this moment in military possession of Spain. That it should be so, and that we should not interfere to prevent it, might be expedient, or it might be unadvisable: but, that the noble lord who had moved the address should say that this circumstance was matter of satisfaction and joy to their lordships; this did seem truly wonderful. To him (Lord H.) it seemed, that the present state of Europe was calculated to awaken the liveliest and most painful anxiety in every English mind. Putting aside all considerations attaching to the interests and intrigues of Russia and the other powers, the present state of Europe, to his mind, was fraught with consequences the most terrible to this country. The noble lord who had seconded the address had made some allusion to the early period of the French revolution, and to the respective condition of France and England at that time. But, let noble lords compare the two periods a little, and he thought they would concur with him (lord H.) who contended, that within the last five or seven years this government had frequently departed from that which was the ancient policy of England: aye, and from the very policy that they had adopted at the commencement of the French revolution. That departure, he did maintain, had led to an event which it had been at all times our great object to prevent; and in that event there were many signs that threatened the peace and happiness of these kingdoms, and upon the aspect of which it was highly important that those who were intrusted with the government of the empire should pause and deliberate before they determined what plan they would finally pursue. What had been that ancient policy,

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a deviation from which had produced so threatening an event? Their lordships well knew that it had ever been to pre-vent the too great preponderance of any power in Europe, and especially of those countries which border on the ocean, Opposite to us were the coasts of France and Spain; but it must be unnecessary to shew that it was ever held in England, that if the powers and resources of those two countries were wielded by one hand, one power, their united energies must be exerted to the injury and the peril of this empire. Such being the case, it appeared to him of little consequence in what name they were so wielded; or whether they were put in commission, or sustained in one name; whether the wielder of them were called the Grand Monarque, or La Grande Nation, the Mock Christian king, Napoleon Buonaparté, or the Holy Alliance. It was all the same thing, if the power of the two countries was governed by one will. The noble lord had alluded to the commencement of the French Revolution, at a period preceding the celebrated decree of the 19th of November. That decree held out to every nation that might be disposed to throw off its allegiance, a promise of assistance against its government. The war declared by England in consequence, was allowed to be, if not a wise one, a just one; just, if not with Spain and Holland, yet at least with France. But why? Because the French government was a democratical one? No; but because this proceeding of theirs went to establish the right of interference with the government of other states. It mattered not what might be the effect or the form of that interference. If, at this day, the people of France chose to say to us in England, "we will establish over you a tyranny, or a monarchy;" or even if they were to say, "we will prepare for you a beautiful and unimpeachable constitution; and we will do so by force and by our bayonets," that would be a good and justifiable cause of war; for, in the cases he had put, wherein consisted the difference? It was of no moment whether the constitution were democratical or monarchical; the objection lay to that domineering and intolerable principle, that the people of one country have a right to interfere with the government of those of another. At present, moreover, the case was, not that there had been a decree passed on the 19th of November, which was afterwards to be enforced; but
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that the king of France had enforced it by the evasion of an ancient treaty, the invasion of another kingdom, and his present actual possession of it. Equally clear it was, that it made no difference whether these effects were worked by a league or by an individual; by one man or by more than one. That it was formerly our object to prevent, this dangerous union of power, was as little to be doubted, as the fact of such an union now existing was to be denied. That fact was acknowledged in the title set up by the party, and commented on intelligibly enough, by their conduct. It was true, that England might be said to have declined becoming a part to such a league. She herself had once been divided between two different political sects, calling themselves Whigs and Tories; but both of them professing to act for the welfare of their country, and at least concurring in that principal object. The Whigs conceived it necessary to her prosperity that the Crown of Great Britain should form a part of the alliance in which the greater number of the European states were engaged for the preservation of the balance of power. This was the principle on which the great lord Somers engaged in a war in king William the 3rd's time; it was the principle of George the 1st's war; of the great lord Chatham's; and in some sort, it was adopted even by the great lord Chatham's great son. It was again recognized in the time of sir Robert Walpole. The government of those days hoped to hold the balance of Europe even between contending nations; and both parties, Whigs as well as Tories, combined for the attainment of this common object. Since the year 1815, however, this ancient system had been set aside; and it was clear, from the existing state of things, that, under the confederacy which was then formed, it could have no existence. Where all the powerful states of Europe were to be the arbiters, there could be no equitable arbitration: where all the weight of European power was thrown into one scale, there could be no counterpoise. To his majesty's ministers, who first consented to that confederacy, and particularly to the late foreign secretary, he was willing to give full credit for good intentions. When Buonapart6 had still arrayed around him all the resources of France, with all her energies at his command, he (lord H.) should have concurred in thinking that some effectual

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counterpoise was necessary; especially, as looking to those resources and to the temper of the extraordinary man by whom they were wielded, the security of England seemed to demand it. The government of that day thought proper therefore to arm against him Spain, Russia, Prussia, and the other confederated powers. But when, by a course of events which he (lord H.) should ever consider most unfortunate, France became the portion of a nominee of that confederacy, it became hostile to the welfare of Europe. Whether the king of France became a member by accident or design, he knew not. It was only too clear, that he had become a party. Why then, what was the meaning of this portentous alliance of monarchs? That the sovereigns of mankind should league together was nothing new; for it was one of the oldest of, leagues. But leagued they were, and against whom? If all the sovereigns were leagued, against whom could it be but their own subjects? With what other purpose could they confederate, but to support each other in governing their own subjects by their own will, in repressing every institution that might hold out to their people freedom of action: and in divesting themselves of all responsibility whatever, under any possible case of misgovernment or incapacity? Let noble lords mark what had been their conduct. The noble foreign secretary of that day assured the parliament that it was a very harmless alliance indeed; that there was nothing in its principle which appeared injurious to the interests of Great Britain; but that, owing to some peculiarities in the constitution, the king of England could not become a party to it. In point of fact, it turned out that this objection, in form as the noble secretary put it, was an objection in law, and to the whole question; for, fortunately, the constitution of England had provided that we could have no such connexions with foreign powers without having some responsible agent. But the meaning of the other parties was soon known, for they explained it by their own circulars. It was, forsooth, an alliance for the conservation of the monarchical principle. And what was this monarchical principle? The right of one man to govern millions. It was legitimacy, not in the true sense of that word, but the establishment of military power in every country where hereditary princes were established, for
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their support; even after, by their misgovernment they should have forfeited their hereditary right, or the circumstances of the time should have required a change of dynasty.
The noble lord next adverted to the case of Naples, and to the conduct of the late noble foreign secretary, who disapproving partially of some of the proceedings of the holy alliance, seemed kindly to have furnished Austria with some hints as to the measures she should adopt, in order to prevent a rupture with this country. He (lord H.) was very sure that his majesty's ministers would think with him, that, from that time they were no members of the confederacy. They retired from it, in truth, but it was with something like an ill-grace; for they resembled her who, "not accepting, did but half refuse."—The noble lord observed, in respect of the conquest of Naples, that with whatever view it might have been projected and achieved, there was nothing in it that could put the safety of this country in jeopardy; for doubtless, of all the members of that confederacy, that one which was least likely to produce harm to Great Britain was Austria. The same principles on which Austria had acted, had led other arms to the invasion of Spain. Russia, at first covertly, but afterwards more openly, expressed her opinion, that, according to the principles of the alliance, they were bound to interfere with the revolutionists of Spain. "I know not," continued his lordship, "what was the motive which actuated Russia upon this occasion, whether it was fanaticism or zeal, or whether it was in pursuance of that system of aggrandizement and interference, upon which after embroiling a neighbouring country, Poland, she has succeeded in possessing herself of the larger portion of her territory—of one of the finest parts of what she calls the western territory of Europe." Having taken these resolutions, these holy allies issued their anathemas against constitutional Spain, and summoned their troops to the crusade which they proclaimed against the enemies of the monarchical principle. The other princes of Europe, if they did waver, wavered not from any distaste for this crusade, but from a fear of the consequences of their embarking in it. It was not that they distrusted the fidelity of their own armies, but that they doubted the opposition of Great Britain. When, how-

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ever, they had surmounted these fears, they tell at once to the execution of those projects which were most congenial to the principles of their association. To their banners repaired ultras and priests, zealous for the monarchical principle; furious fanatics, and a licentious soldiery; in short, every description of bold and bad men, who were allured by hopes of plunder, or by the confidence that they might insult the authority of Great Britain with impunity. M. Chateaubriand, who well understood the character of his own countrymen, knew that by holding out any prospect of conquest in a foreign country, he secured the favour and good wishes of almost all France, and even of the greater part of the Napoleonists themselves. He perfectly understood, as applied to Frenchmen, the value of that maxim, "Dominationem super alios, ad servitium suum, mercedem dant." But a noble lord had that night spoken of the freedom at present enjoyed in France. Why, was there any thing like freedom in any part of France at this moment? He might be told of their legislative chambers and their debates; of their President, and their forms. But did he look to these externals? Did he look to the mere magistratuum nomina? Did he look to their forum, or to that place in which their folly committed its most disgusting excesses? "Why," added the noble lord, with much emphasis, "is there any place in France, where a man would dare to stand up and say what I have been just saying? I do not think, indeed, that the noble earl opposite, even if he were a despot, could so far overcome the natural goodness of his disposition as to send me to prison for the warmth of my language, but, thank God, my lords, I know that he cannot." [a laugh.] He did contend, that the noble lord insulted the sacred name of freedom, when he named a country in which the language of freemen could not be spoken in the presence of power. Where men could not speak, and speak out, upon their own concerns, there was no freedom—there was no country—there was no law; and on what spot was it upon the continent of Europe, that a man might so speak in public? A noble lord near him, to whom he was much obliged for the suggestion, had just intimated to him, that he ought to except the kingdom of the Netherlands. And this was true; for never was there a country where the government had shewn
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itself more anxious to preserve the freedom it possessed, than that of the Netherlands—an anxiety which was to be traced to a similarity in the habits and the character of the people, to the character and the habits of our own countrymen.
But he now besought the house to mark what the actual government of France had done. It had placed that nation in a situation by which it was enabled to produce greater danger to Europe, than ever Napoleon in the plenitude of his power, could have effected. It was in the full possession of Spain; it possessed at least a preponderating influence in the councils of Portugal; its army was flushed with recent success, and was led on by a prince who, as the noble earl had truly said, possessed considerable talent, and who had displayed character and conduct sufficient to lead him on to other successes, which might tend, as those in Spain had done, to the glory and aggrandizement of France. It had, besides, a clergy and priesthood of vehement zeal, and devoted to the government. Its legislative body had just power enough to lay the resources of the people at the feet of the ruling power, but not fellow-feeling enough with the people to direct those resources wisely and resolutely. It was, moreover, the head of a confederacy, which united all the powers of the continent of Europe. Such was the condition of France; and was this, he asked, a state of things at all satisfactory to the feelings of those who were interested in the liberties of Europe? And here he felt it necessary to allude to an assertion of the noble earl, who said, that be had deprecated the invasion of Spain by France. It was true he had done so; but, in what way? It was merely by insisting upon the great improbability of the success of that invasion. The whole tenor of the despatches and remonstrances was to this effect. The language of the government was constantly full of the inevitable great loss of men, the uncertainty of the conquest, the nature of the Spanish people. All these points were repeatedly urged to the French Government, and particularly by that noble duke (Wellington), who so well knew their force, and who he was sure would spurn the imputation that he used any arguments contrary to his most steadfast conviction. Why, then, although the noble earl had deprecated this war, what

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had been the result of this deprecation? This dehortation, or remonstrance, or admonition, on the part of Great Britain, had produced no effect at all. It had been frequently said, in allusion to that long war which began with the French revolution, that one of its best consequences, was, that the dignity of England had been exalted, and that she had been placed in such a situation among the powers of Europe, as enabled her to decide on the fate of nations. Let this assertion be tried in the instance of Spain. What had been done there recently, was done independently of England: it mattered not whether it was good or bad: for if it were good, then the good had been effected without the assistance of England; if evil, it had been wrought in spite of her remonstrances, and against her interests. Was this not so?
This, then, brought him to that part of the address which touched upon the affairs of Spain, in all of which he could see no ground for that self-congratulation which his majesty's government derived from the policy they had adopted. They might have said that former wars had so exhausted our resources that we could no longer keep up our old character, as the champion of the freedom of all Europe: they might have said (though that would have been a strange doctrine indeed), that we had nothing to do with the contest: they might have borrowed words from that eloquent person who "tricks out eloquence in all its drapery," and have described the happiness and advantages which we had derived from standing by in strict and immoveable neutrality: they might have told us, as that same eloquent person had formerly done, that it would be Quixotic to interfere. But, although he (Lord H.) thought that they would do wisely to renounce even all that high-minded and disinterested chivalry; yet still, at the same time that they would fling away all the crazy follies which distinguished the knight of La Mancha, there was one part of his character which they might have assumed with decency and propriety—they might have appeared at least as the Knights of the sorrowful Countenance. If they could not prevent, they ought to regret this war: and to express their bitter disappointment at its result. When he thought of what England had formerly done; and the sacrifices she
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had made in causes similar to this of Spain; when he remembered that it was to unspotted honesty in her transactions with other countries, that she was indebted for her high station in Europe, he could not but think that it would have been more fitting for the ministers to have come down to the house, and to have said, with respect to this confederacy,—
"O peers of England, shameful is this league!
Fatal this contract, cancelling your fame;
Blotting your names from books of memory;
Razing the characters of your renown,
Reversing monuments of conquered France;
Undoing all, as all had never been!"
Instead of this, however, they found cause of congratulation; and neither keeping up the character of the romantic knight, nor adopting the sentiments of the poet, they sought to make Noodles and Doodles of every body, and required that the face of Europe should, as the author of Tom Thumb had it, "wear one universal grin." The ministers, however, might perhaps, say, that they thought the success of France of no consequence at all; he (lord H.) thought very differently. So important did he consider that success, that he thought it would behove the government of England to consider deeply and promptly, whether it was consistent with her reputation and her interest to form a part of the confederacy. They should be prepared to decide whether they ought to remain in it; and to think well, whether its operations were not, in fact, directed against the security of Europe. Upon this subject he could submit many important points to the consideration of their lordships, but at the present moment he should forbear to do so. It was, however, notorious that in that confederacy, there were persons who were the avowed enemies to the freedom of discussion and the freedom of the press which existed in this country, and to the free language which was used in that house. He had no doubt there were many persons in the cabinets of the Governments which composed that league, who felt in no small degree angry, that men in England should not hesitate to call bankruptcy, and want of faith by their right names. It would be recollected, too, that certain members of that confederacy owed the success of some of their plans in a great measure to their having engaged religious fanaticism in their cause; and that although their means of hurting our commerce were haply limited,

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they had not hesitated to throw as many impediments in its way as they could. It might then be a question whether it would not be wise to divide this confederacy, and return to the old policy of preserving the balance of power in Europe; or it might be adviseable to keep up a power similar to that of the Protestant party, which in former times had answered the same purpose; or it might seem expedient to separate and sever our interests from the old world; and looking to the United States and the Republics of South America, to form some new system of alliance, and create some new balance of power. This, however, was not the moment nor the place for agitating such questions; but the time was approaching when the choice must be made—when some system must be adopted; and any would be better than none. It would be impossible effectually to contend with the power of that system which was uniformly, silently, and ably pursued. In the long run, the resources even of the people of England, brave and patient as they were, would not be equal to that power. He sincerely hoped that those persons, whoever they might be, who should have the directions of the councils of the kingdom, would, when the time for making that choice should come, choose wisely; and he trusted it would come soon. If they did not, the nation would certainly be brought to disgrace, possibly to ruin and extinction; and this fate, if the opportunity of averting it were neglected, would be fully deserved.
Earl Darnleypressed upon the House the necessity of taking into its earliest consideration the state of Ireland. The evils that afflicted that unhappy country must be probed to the bottom. They were of a magnitude to allow of no longer delay. He therefore took that opportunity of stating, that on a very early day, he should bring the subject under the consideration of that House.
The Address was agreed to, nem. diss.