Lords Sitting of 29 January 1817

ATTACK UPON THE PRINCE REGENT.
Their lordships met at 2 o'clock for the purpose of carrying up the joint-address of both Houses on the recent attack upon his Royal Highness, and proceeded to Carlton House with the usual formalities. The House met again at 5 o'clock, when the Lord Chancellor informed their lordships, that both Houses had been up with the Address, and that his Royal Highness had been pleased to return the following Answer thereto:
"My lords and gentlemen;
"This additional proof of the strong feelings of duty and loyalty which animate the two Houses of parliament, affords me the highest gratification.
"Relying with the utmost confidence on the steady attachment of his majesty's subjects, I have nothing to regret on this occasion but a flagrant violation of the laws and constitution.
"I shall cause such steps to be immediately taken as may be best calculated to bring to justice and punishment the persons concerned in an offence so
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dangerous to the public peace, and so injurious to the best interests of the country."

ADDRESS ON THE PRINCE REGENT'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.
On the order of the day being read for taking into consideration the Prince Regent's most gracious Speech from the throne, the Speech was read by the reading clerk at the table.
The Earl of Dartmouthrose to move an address of thanks. His lordship said, he sincerely wished that upon this occasion it was in his power to congratulate their lordships and the country on the present aspect of affairs; but although he was unable to do so to the extent of his wishes, yet he could at least call their attention to the consideration of many circumstances stated in the Speech of his royal highness which afforded much consolation. It was a satisfaction to himself, and he had no doubt it would be to their lordships, to learn that his royal highness had continued to receive from the foreign powers assurances of their friendship; all would be rejoiced to know, that no interruption was likely to occur to that repose and tranquillity of which this country so much stood in need. It was this that tended to the advancement of civilization, and to the promotion of general happiness and prosperity. His lordship then adverted to the depredations and insults of the Barbary corsairs, whose conduct made it absolutely necessary for this government to take measures to put a stop to christian slavery, and to barbarous oppression. A war was accordingly commenced against these piratical states, and it fell to the lot of lord Exmouth to command the combined fleet destined for the attack of these barbarians. In the event it was proved, that this grand enterprise could not have been committed to the care of an officer more fitted for the undertaking—to one who had proved himself not only most brave and skilful, but most zealous in the cause in which he was employed. The dey of Algiers treated with contempt the just demands of the British forces, and trusted to his own powers and to the strength of his own fortifications; but fortunately he was soon taught, that neither the strength of his towers, nor the obstinate bravery of his troops, could effectually resist the valour and intrepidity of British officers and British seamen. The contest was main-

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tained with unabated ardour; the Algerine fleet was destroyed, and the dey was ultimately obliged to accede to those terms which the British government thought proper to impose. The christian captives were set at liberty, and all the objects for which the war was undertaken were finally achieved.—In the East his majesty's land forces had been no less successful; and, seconded by the judicious arrangements of the governor-general, the British government had been enabled to bring to an honourable termination a war which had been unavoidably undertaken. Thus did the whole of the British empire, even to its most distant parts, enjoy profound peace.—In looking to the internal state of the country, he was sorry to say some circumstances had occurred which called for feelings of a less agreeable nature. The disloyal and disaffected had taken advantage of the present calamitous state of the country, and had endeavoured to create insubordination and disturbance; but it was evident to all who had inquired into the subject, that the existing distresses could only be ascribed to the sudden transition from war to peace, and that, heavy as they pressed upon the poorer classes of the community, they could only be considered as temporary evils, which would in a short time be brought to a favourable termination. The injury which the agricultural interest had sustained, so deeply felt at the present moment, must be ascribed to the very great quantity of grain lately imported, which, of course, produced a diminution in the price of the article. Another cause also of this agricultural distress was the reduction of the expense of the government, and the consequent diminution of demand for produce, at the termination of so protracted a contest. The impoverished state of the finances of foreign nations, in consequence of the expensive wars they had undertaken, might be added to the scale, and the enterprising spirit of trade itself had in some measure contributed to the general stagnation. It was a well-known fact, that the British merchants, from the first moment of the proclamation of peace, had so glutted the foreign markets with articles of British manufacture, that those goods were now either actually lying 'dead upon their hands, or they were obliged to sell them considerably below prime cost. A similar stagnation was known to have existed at the termination
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of former wars; and it was equally well known, that after no very long interval, these distressing evils had been surmounted. He entertained very little doubt, but that such would be the case on the present occasion, especially when he considered the improved state of the agriculture of the kingdom, the perfection to which the use of machinery had been brought, and the immense advantages of our invaluable colonies. This hope was greatly strengthened by the knowledge, that already some symptoms of the revival of commerce had taken place. The lower classes of the people, with a very few exceptions, with a spirit of firmness and manliness, had undergone many privations and difficulties, and had endured them with patience and fortitude, under the confident hope that they would presently be enabled to enjoy the blessings of peace and tranquillity. To remedy the present evil, pecuniary aid had been given by those who were able, out of their means, to supply the wants of the poor, who, he was persuaded, felt most grateful for the generosity which had been so prevalent. This was, indeed, characteristic of the British nation; and from the effects of such exertions many of their fellow-creatures had been preserved from starvation. The attempts which had been made to destroy this patriotic spirit, by exciting sedition and disaffection, had been checked, in a great measure, by the activity and firmness of our magistrates, and by those who were aware that such outrages, in such calamitous times, only served to increase the general distress; but the same feeling of abhorrence which had induced their lordships yesterday to express their just indignation at the gross insult which had been offered to his royal highness the Prince Regent, while performing the most important duties of his office, would equally induce them to express their abhorrence at the attempts made to excite the people to the most wicked and outrageous acts of violence. It was to that energy and vigour which the government had displayed, that Great Britain had been enabled to conduct with perseverance, and bring to so glorious a close, that war in which the country was so long engaged; and it was upon the same energy, and upon the same vigour, that the hope was founded of a speedy and happy termination of all the miseries under which the country now unfortunately laboured. It was owing to

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the wisdom of government, inspired by the constitution, that this country had been enabled so gloriously to obtain tranquillity abroad, and by the same means peace and happiness would be restored at home. He concluded by moving, that an humble address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent.—The Address was, as asual, an echo of the speech.
The Address having been read,
The Earl of Rothesapologized for troubling their lordships, after the able manner in which the subject had been opened by the noble earl who had moved the address, and trusted the House would extend to him the usual indulgence, in consequence of his being unaccustomed to address them. He joined most cordially in the satisfaction expressed at the result of the expedition to Algiers, not only because that expedition had been most justly and properly undertaken, in consequence of conduct on the part of the Barbary powers that could not be submitted to with honour on the part of this country, but also in the complete success of the expedition, entrusted as it had been to a noble and gallant admiral, whose conduct, in every point of view, was entitled to every praise that could be bestowed, and whose exertions were so admirably seconded by the bravery and zeal of his gallant crew; and still more he rejoiced at the final result of that expedition—the abolition for ever of Christian slavery. He also cordially concurred in the praise bestowed on the successful termination of the Nepaul war. With regard to the internal situation of the country, he could not but in common with others, deeply regret the distress that, to a considerable extent, prevailed, and of the existence of which all their lordships must be convinced, though he trusted and believed that it arose merely from causes of a temporary nature arising chiefly from the transition from a state of war to that of peace, and which he trusted would soon pass away, leaving in full vigour, all the resources of the country, all the great springs of its industry and wealth. Still more deeply, however, was it to be regretted that this distress should have been taken advantage of by evil minded persons, for the purpose of inflaming the people to acts of riot and outrage. Little did he think, when he came down yesterday, with the intention of seconding an address to the Prince Regent, that that illustrious
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personage would have been placed in a situation of danger on his return from the House of parliament. That the first subject of his majesty should, on his return from exercising in that House the highest constitutional functions of his high office, be grossly and outrageously insulted—insulted, did he say? He should have said assaulted, for that appeared to be actually the case,—was indeed most deeply to be deplored. It proved, unfortunately, how successful the machinations of evil-disposed, persons had been, when they had led to an outrage so revolting to the minds of Englishmen—an outrage so disgraceful to the country, and so utterly destructive of the constitution. He most sincerely wished that he possesed the eloquence of some noble lords, to express his feelings upon this lamentable occasion; but as he had not the good fortune to possess that talent, he must simply confine himself to expressing a sanguine hope, that their lordships and the community at large would exert themselves to the utmost to wipe off that foul stain which had for a second time, unhappily fallen upon this country. He, however, was notwithstanding convinced, that the great body of the people remained loyal, and firmly attached to the constitution and the government. Their distresses had been participated in a greater or less degree by the middling and higher classes. The latter had liberally, and in many instances from scanty purses, contributed to the relief of the labouring classes under the pressure of unfavourable circumstances, and he trusted that the charity and benevolence which had been so eminently displayed, would be the means of knitting together all classes of his majesty's subjects in a still closer bond of union, in defence of that constitution and system of laws confessedly the best existing, under which the country had grown and flourished—under which all classes found their best protection, and by which the interests of all were equally protected. The noble lord concluded by seconding the address.
Earl Greyrose and said:—My lords, before I proceed to notice those points in the address which has just been read to your lordships, and in the speeches of the noble mover and seconder of that address, on which it will be my painful duty to express some dissent, it is my wish shortly to advert to those subjects on which the noble lords, I am sure, truly anticipated that there would be no difference of opi-

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nion among your lordships. And first, I beg leave to state, that nobody can concur more heartily and more cordially than myself in all that has been said by the noble lords in the just tribute paid by them to the skill, enterprise, perseverance, and courage of the noble admiral who commanded the British fleet in the late expedition against Algiers, and to the bravery and fortitude manifested by all the officers and seamen engaged in that expedition. Having said this with respect to the expedition itself, and having expressed my satisfaction at this accession of glory to the British arms, and more particularly to that branch of them which I hope will always be considered with peculiar favour in this country, as affording to us our best defence and most natural protection, I may be allowed to express my regret, that in the circumstances of difficulty in which the country is placed, pressed down by an overwhelming debt and taxation, it was necessary to make such an exertion, or to add even the smallest amount to those intolerable burdens we are enduring. While I feel this regret at the expense with which the expedition to Algiers was necessarily attended, allow me, my lords, to add, that I much doubt the value of the advantages obtained by that expedition, or the permanent security which its result, glorious as it was will afford against a recurrence of those circumstances in which it originated. These considerations, however, cannot in any way detract from the merits of the brave men engaged in the expedition; and I entirely concur with the noble lords in considering them as entitled to the warmest approbation and thanks of the nation.
The next point to which the noble lords adverted, was the termination of a war in another part of the globe. The event of the Nepaul war, as far as the commander, the officers, and the soldiers engaged in actual hostilities were concerned, amply justifies the tribute of praise paid to those brave men by the noble lords. But, my lords, it is rather too much to ask us at the present moment, when to the best of my knowledge no information has been laid before your lordships on the subject, for an opinion on the cause and necessity of the war itself, and to the declaration of such an opinion the passage in the address must, tend, if it has any meaning whatever. For one I am in a great degree ignorant of the merits of the whole transaction,
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and while in that comparative ignorance, I cannot consent to give any opinion upon it. This, however, I will remark, uninformed as to a great degree I am upon the subject, that it is with great surprise I observe the termination of the Nepaul war introduced in the speech from the throne in terms similar to those used on a former occasion for announcing the termination of a war with one of the most dangerous enemies of the British empire, by the taking of Seringapatam, and the destruction of the Mysore power. Comparatively uninstructed as I am with respect to the causes and nature of the Nepaul war, I repeat that I am much surprised, whatever might be the merit of the campaign which brought it to a termination, to see that termination noticed in terms similar to those used in a former speech, in announcing the termination of a war in India, certainly of much greater importance.
Leaving, however, that subject, I proceed, my lords, to another point of the address, and of the speeches of the noble lords, in which I regret that I am not so fortunate as to agree with them. In unison with the speech from the throne, those noble lords expressed their confidence in a continuance of peace with foreign powers; and congratulated your lordships and the country on the favourable prospect thus afforded us. I am sure, my lords, no one can rejoice more than myself in any assurances that the peace which we at present enjoy is likely to be lasting. At the same time I may perhaps be permitted to entertain considerable doubts with respect to the soundness of those arrangements made by the executive power of this country, on which the continuance of peace must eminently depend.—This is a subject much too large to be discussed this evening, but it is a subject much too interesting to allow of the present session's passing over without a thorough investigation of it. Certain transactions, of which I have heard, will, I imagine, render necessary some communication from his majesty's government, which must bring the whole question under our consideration. I will now, however, state an opinion, which I had not an opportunity of expressing last year, when those negociations which produced the arrangement that formed the basis of the peace, were discussed by your lordships: I will now declare what I should have declared at that time had I been able to be present.

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I confess then that I have no confidence in the assurances contained in the speech from the throne, and in the speeches of the noble lords with respect to the probable continuation of peace. I have great apprehensions on the subject; for to me, my lords, it appears that the system of policy on which these assurances are founded, instead of tending to secure, was fraught with the greatest danger to the peace of Europe. The arrangements made by his majesty's government as the basis of peace, appear to me to have been equally adverse to the rights and independence of nations, and to the dictates of true wisdom; to have been alien to all policy and justice; to have been subversive of the principles on which the balance of power in Europe was formerly held to depend; to have been destructive of the interests of our own country; to have been dangerous with reference to their moral influence on the British army, and most dangerous to the security of the British constitution. Without having attained one British advantage, or consulted one British interest, the result of the arrangements made by his majesty's government, with the governments to whose schemes of ambition and aggrandisement we sacrificed the rights of all minor powers, at whose unjust conduct we shamefully winked and connived, is to make us the objects of suspicion and distrust on the part of those very governments themselves who hate our prosperity, and envy our commerce, against which they make war by prohibitory duties, and by other modes of attack almost as injurious as those formerly resorted to by Napoleon himself. Such are the feelings of the governments towards us, and they are answered by correspondent feelings on the part of the people, who burn with an animosity strongly directed against us. Having been called upon to rise in defence of their own rights and independence in opposition to France, they obeyed that call. But having exerted themselves successfully in the contest, they now find their rights and independence violated by those to whom they were formerly taught to look for the protection of both. The discontents produced by this conduct are murmured in secret, but are principally directed against this country; by which the people of other nations consider themselves as having been most unjustly used. My lords, with respect to our conduct in the arrangements respecting France,
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there was but one of two courses to pursue. Either we should have conciliated the good will of the French people by abstaining, after the destruction of their former government, against which alone we professed that our hostility was directed, from any further interference in their internal affairs, a course which I should have preferred, because, in my opinion, it would have been consistent with wisdom, liberality, and justice, and therefore our true policy (for from, true policy, wisdom, liberality, and justice are inseparable), or, if it had appeared that the people of France were in such a state, and that the seeds of disorder were so widely disseminated in that unhappy country, as to render her dangerous to the general tranquillity, it was open to us, having unsheathed the sword and conquered, to insist on our rights as conquerors, and to take securities for our own safety, and for the reduction of the power of France to such a degree as would enable us to repose in perfect security. But neither of these courses was taken by his majesty's government. They adopted a third description of proceeding. They determined on maintaining a British force in France for the support of the family on the throne; and the consequence is, that with out having reduced the power of that great concentrated empire, they have generated an implacable spirit of animosity on the part of the people. My lords, the end of all this will probably be, that having placed and supported the present family on the throne of France, that family must ultimately establish and consolidate its power by gratifying the resentment of the French people, and going to war with this country. I should not have had very sanguine hopes of a long continuance of peace under any arrangements that might have been made with France; but if any one system can be conceived more calculated than another to make a long continuance of peace impossible, it is precisely that which his majesty's government thought proper to pursue. These, my lords, are the opinions which I should have offered to your lordships had I been present when this subject was brought under consideration in the last session of parliament. Opportunities must soon occur for discussing the subject more fully, when his majesty's government shall think fit to make a communication to this House, in consequence of the changes which it is said have been made in the terms on which the British

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army is in future to be maintained in France, as well as in the amount of the force. Then the whole policy of the treaty will again come under the consideration of parliament, the more especially if any further burthen is to be borne by this improvident country.
I will now, my lords, proceed to that which, under our present circumstances, is certainly the most important subject of attention. I mean the present internal situation of the country. A situation acknowledged by the noble lords themselves to be one of considerable difficulty—a situation to which I can find no parallel in our history. The noble lords tell us, as the speech from the throne tells us, and as his majesty's ministers told us on a former occasion, that there is every reason to hope that the distresses under which we labour are temporary, and that the native energy of the country, combined with the advantages which it possesses—its capital, industry, and skill—will, at no distant period, surmount all the difficulties in which it is involved. One of the noble lords went further, and predicted, that the existing distresses will be succeeded by a new era of increased prosperity. My lords, whether that belief be well founded or not, it is one so congenial to the feelings of all who heard it—it is one which it is so much our interest to cherish, whether as private individuals, or as members of a great community, that it is impossible not heartily to wish it may prove true. But we should ill discharge our public duty, were we fondly to rely on any such hope, whether held out by the noble lord, or by his majesty's ministers (who of course have better means of information on the subject), without some examination of the foundation on which it rests. In any case, my lords, examination is indispensable. If, the distresses are really of a temporary nature, examination may afford the means of still shortening their duration, and of inducing the country to bear them with a prolonged fortitude. If, as I apprehend, they are rooted more deeply—if they have the character of permanence—examination becomes imperiously requisite, in order to avert the ruin that awaits us. Let us not shut our eyes, and satisfy ourselves with trusting to the energies of the country. That distress so general, deranging every national interest, commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural, should not have arisen from concurrent causes, it would not be reasonable to sup-
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pose. That those Causes are partly temporary, and therefore susceptible of some alleviation by the natural effects of continued peace, I am not only not prepared to deny, but it is an opinion which I most anxiously cherish. But, my lords, it is my duty to say, that I believe the causes in general are more deeply rooted, and are of a more permanent nature, than the noble lords seem to think. The pressure is so severe—the taxation is' so intolerable—the embarrassment of our internal affairs is so general—as to exhibit altogether a spectacle unprecedented at the termination of any former war. The noble mover of the address has indeed said, that we have before been placed in similar difficulties, from which we have subsequently been relieved; and that he confidently expects a similar result in this case. But at what period of our history were our difficulties equal in amount to those which we at present endure? I have heard the difficulties which this country experienced at the close of the American war, and the extraordinary year of prosperity which soon followed, held out as an encouragement to hope. I ask such of you, my lords, as remember that event, for at that time I was not of an age to take a part in any deliberative council, whether it can be truly stated, that in degree, extent, character, violence of symptoms, or probability of cure, any similarity exists between the present circumstances and those of that period. That there were great distress and great difficulty at the termination of the American war I most certainly admit; but I contend that that distress and that difficulty were so different in their cause, so much more limited in their extent, and afforded so much more strong a hope of remedy, that no comparison whatever can be instituted between the two periods. In the first place, my lords, I ask you, if at the termination of the American war the whole population of the empire was affected as it is at present?—Were the manufactories then closed? Were the prisons filled with criminals, and the workhouses crowded with paupers? Were persons daily perishing in the streets for want of food and clothing? And above all, was the extent of the taxation and the amount of the debt such as it now is? The whole taxation at that period, amounted only to twelve millions. I allow that that was not equivalent to the expenditure, and that there was much pressure. But, my lords, will any one say

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that a less taxation will operate with a pressure not more removeable than an advanced taxation? Will any one say that a deficiency on twelve millions is the same thing as a deficiency on a sum of five times that amount? Will any one say that a trifling pressure on so small a revenue, in a country abounding with resources, can be compared with an important defalcation in one, far advanced in taxation and sinking under debt? Whoever will maintain this, will maintain that when a man is already overburthened, he is as capable of sustaining an additional weight as when he was not overburthened; that a drop of water will not more certainly cause a full cup than a cup three parts empty to overflow; or that the diseases of age are as easily got the better of as the diseases of youth. My lords, the proposition is untenable. Were there no other difference, the difference of taxation is sufficient to prove, that between the two periods there is no similarity of character. However, let it be supposed for a moment, that the distresses of the two periods are of the same nature; let us compare the probability of remedy. The noble mover of the address, says that the evils of the present times are chiefly attributable to the sudden restoration of peace. He forgets, however, the interval that has passed since that event. He forgets that it is considerably more than a year since the final termination of the war in 1815, and that it is rapidly advancing to three years since the original termination of the war, which was indeed interrupted by only three months hostility.—Now, my lords, let us inquire what the state of the country was at the close of the American war. In addition to the other distresses of that period, it must be remembered that there was no settled government; that in two years there were no less than three changes of administration, between two of which there was an interval of three months when there was no administration at all; that during the whole of that time no regular plan was proposed for relieving the public distress; and that it was not until 1784, when Mr. Pitt's administration was confirmed, that any plan of that nature was adopted. The noble lord allowed that no new taxes ought to be imposed at present. Mr. Pitt, however, was able in 1784 to impose new taxes, and also in 1785; and in bringing forward the budget of 1785, above two years after the conclusion of peace—at the same comparative period at which the speech from
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the throne, to which we are now called upon to reply, states, that there is a great deficiency in the revenue, and at which the noble lord allows that there is a great deficiency in the consolidated fund and in the produce of the taxes, Mr. Pitt declared that there was a growing increase of the revenue, and that the quarter immediately antecedent to that in which he was speaking, as compared with the same quarter of the preceding year, exceeded in produce by a sum of between 6 and 700,000 l.* These facts, my lords, afford proofs too sufficient of the dissimilarity of the means of the country at the two periods. I fear the prospects are as different. In 1785, the remedy proposed by the minister was, to levy additional taxes, not only for the purpose of covering the deficiency in the revenue, but of creating a surplus of a million, or rather twelve hundred thousand pounds, in order to establish a sinking fund to relieve the country from the debt, which was even then thought intolerably oppressive. If, my lords, the situation of the country at present is not worse than it wag in 1785, similar measures may be resorted to. But is that possible?—Will his majesty's ministers propose taxes not only to supply the deficiency of the revenue as compared with the expenditure, but to create a sinking fund proportionate to the present national debt.
In three years from the conclusion of the American war, it was stated in the speech from the throne, that the country was enjoying the "growing blessings of peace, in the extension of trade, the improvement of the revenue, and the increase of the public credit of the nation." Is that the case at present? Is that the tenour of the speech from the throne, to which your lordships attention is now called? The deficiency of the revenue is most alarming. The supplies voted last year were thirty-five millions. The ways and means voted to meet them did not much exceed twenty millions; making a difference (provided for by temporary mean) of above fourteen millions between the expenditure and the resources for meeting it. But, my lords, if this subject be examined more closely, the deficiency will be found to be still greater. If from the one side we deduct the expenses that will not recur, and from the other the receipts that will not recur the result of the calculation will show a deficiency of eighteen millions. And let
*New Parl. Hist. Vol. 25, p. 420.

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it be recollected that this result proceeds on the calculation, that the produce of the consolidated fund would be three millions. It was taken at that sum. But it has not produced any thing. That three millions, therefore, must be added to the eighteen millions, making a total deficiency of 21 millions.
I now come, my lords, to consider the question of a reduction of the national expenditure. The speech from the throne announces that the estimates for the current year have been formed with an anxious desire to make every reduction in our establishments which the safety of the empire and sound policy allow. Sound policy! My lords, these words are much too loose and general. To what amount are the intended reductions? Five millions? Eight millions? Ten millions? Will the noble earl opposite say that he will reduce the peace establishment (exclusive of the permanent charge on the consolidated fund) to 19 millions?—If he says that (and I fear he will not), let us then inquire what disposable revenue we have to meet the demand. I assert, my lords, that we have not any. I state this without fear of contradiction. Taking the average produce of the taxes for the last two years, which is too favourable a view of the subject, as they are falling off in produce with an accelerating velocity, I contend not only that we have nothing to meet this demand, but that if we were to look to the absorption of the whole sinking fund for the means of doing so, there would still be a deficiency of three millions and a half. Then, my lords, I ask how it can be stated that our present situation is comparable to our situation at an}' former period? In addition, my lords, remember that you have a source of difficulty not adverted to in the speech, but a principal and operative cause of the present distress, the state of our paper currency; which in consequence of the quantity forced into circulation during the latter part of the war, became depreciated twenty-five per cent., but is now restored to a par with gold and silver. No such difficulty as this existed at the close of the American war. What provision can you make to remove it? My lords, I was one of a committee appointed by the other House of Parliament to inquire into the expediency of the restriction on cash payments at the bank, when it was originally proposed. My opinion was opposite to that of the majority of the committee, and I dissented from that recommendation
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which was received and acted upon by parliament. For a long time the evils that I anticipated were not felt. The restriction certainly afforded great facilities for maintaining the war; to such a degree, indeed, that it was declared by a new species of morality, to bean extraordinary dispensation of Providence to enable this country to carry on the war. A dispensation of Providence to prolong war! My lords, I suppose that the afflictions which now follow the restoration of peace will, in the same impious language, be called another dispensation of Providence.—In 1810, however, the evils of the bank restriction began to manifest themselves; at which period I particularly called your lordships attention to the circumstance. In the same year the chancellor of the Exchequer, of that time seemed to feel the impossibility of adding to the general taxation. At least, I well remember, that with all the facilities which the extensive issue of paper money afforded, it was stated by those who possessed the best means of information, that the taxation could not be increased without absolute ruin to the country. My lords, from that moment was a provident system of economy adopted, in order to reduce the national expenditure? No. Successive attempts were made to get rid of present difficulties by a system of paltry shifts and expedients. The consequence has been as it always must be in such circumstances, whether in great things or small, whether in the affairs of a private individual or in those of a government, the production of the greatest mischiefs, and indeed of all the sufferings under which we now labour. But, my lords, are there any means of providing against the evil to which I allude, and which is a great source of difficulty left untouched upon in the speech from the throne, and in the speeches of the noble lords? What was the original cause of the restriction on cash payments?—The quantity of money sent abroad, Is not that the case at present? Last year the advances by the bank were made on condition of their being repaid in two years—precisely the period at which the restriction will expire. It is clear that the bank must be paid, in order to enable it to resume its payments. The noble lord shakes his head. We shall ascertain the fact when that subject comes before your lordships. In addition to our evils we have lately heard, my lords, of a loan negociated by the French government. My lords, I would not interfere

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with the affairs of private individuals; commerce and the disposal of capital cannot be too free. But we have a right to expect some declaration on the subject from his majesty's ministers. The enormous nature of the evil cannot be doubtful. My lords, I can hardly believe that this j transaction can possibly have taken place without some communication with his majesty's government. At any rate, I am persuaded that it was encouraged by that shameful article in the last treaty, by which British interests were sacrificed to the interest of individuals. It was the bounden duty of his majesty's government not only not to give this transaction any countenance or sanction, but distinctly to state to the individuals who were concerned in it, that in no future negociation with France would any effort be made to protect their interests. For myself, my lords, I am decidedly of opinion, that if any future negociation should take place between this country and France, there is no British interest which ought not to be preferred to the interests of the parties to this Joan. Under all the circumstances of the case, it seems hardly possible that it could have been negociated without some concurrence or interference on the part of government. The jealousy of the country on such a subject has always been great. Sir Robert Walpole once introduced a bill into parliament for the purpose of preventing the private negociation of any loan to foreign powers without the previous licence of the king. His majesty's ministers labour under a heavy responsibility on this subject, and are called upon to state distinctly to your lordships that they did not afford their support or sanction to the proceeding. I repeat, my lords, that our difficulties are considerably augmented by the state of the currency. While paper was abundant and depreciated the I taxation was raised, and the country is j now required to pay the same taxation when paper is on a par with gold and silver. This weighs on manufactures, on commerce, on agriculture, on every thing connected with the national prosperity, to a degree wholly unprecedented. In what manner are we to remove all these evils? What new expedients have his majesty's ministers to offer? I have already stated the deficiency of our revenue; I now inquire how it is to be supplied? All I can collect from the speech from the throne is, that his majesty's ministers hope to find means for that purpose without
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trenching on the sinking fund, and without making any addition to the burthens of the people. By what means then is this object to be effected? Is it by adding to the debt? I hope not. Is it to be by postponing the payment of the interest of that debt? or by postponing the operation of that measure for the liquidation of the debt which is said to be so essential to the maintenance of public credit?—Is it to be by a loan? or by borrowing on exchequer bills? That must ultimately operate as a public burthen, although no immediate increase of taxes is required; and therefore if either of those plans is to be proposed, it is not true to state, as has been stated, that his majesty's government hope to meet the deficiency in the revenue, without making any addition to the burthens of the people. But, my lords, to what other source are we to look for relief? The Speech talks of a reduction in our establishments. I wish I could give ministers credit for sincerity in this intimation. But I cannot forget, my lords, that they made the same promise last year. Last year they proposed estimates which they were obliged to relinquish. They declared, in the first instance, that they had reduced their estimates to the lowest limits, compatible with the safety of the empire; and that they were prepared (for I well recollect the language), to justify them, point by point and item by item. However, parliament found the means of compelling them to reduce those estimates. What has been the conduct of his majesty's government in the interval which has elapsed since the last session? Not only has no reduction been made; but, as if wantonly to insult and irritate the people, a determined and almost expressed inattention to their voice on this subject, has been evinced. Are we then now to believe that ministers are sincere in their disposition to retrench? My lords, this and the other House of Parliament must impose on them that duty. We must insist on a retrenchment very different from that adverted to in the Speech from the throne. We must insist on a rigid, unsparing economy; an economy founded, not on what sound policy requires, but on what necessity will admit; not on what government would have, but on what the country can afford. If we cannot extend the means to meet the expense of the establishments, we must contract the establishments to meet the means. In this condition, that which would be a paltry saving under other cir-

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cumstances, must be strictly enforced. The splendour of the crown now must consist not in the gaudy trappings of a court, but in making just sacrifices to conciliate the feelings of the people. This is true dignity. Even the claims of many meritorious subjects, painful as the proceeding will be, must be rejected. You are in a situation my lords which will not permit to you that which under other circumstances sound policy might dictate; you must content yourselves with doing that which the necessities of the state will allow. It is the duty of ministers to look the danger in the face. They have a solemn and painful task to perform—a task that may expose them to the reproaches even of their friends. Not only superfluous expenses, but even comforts, and what in other times might be deemed necessaries, must be cut down. My lords, although I am far from wishing to encourage the delusion that has been spread among the people on the subject of one description of expenditure that has excited much irritation and obloquy; knowing as I do that no very considerable savings can be effected in that quarter, I must nevertheless say that I think his majesty's ministers are bound to show the people of this country that the expenditure is reduced to the lowest possible scale, and that nothing is continued except that which is demanded by the most imperative necessity. The people have a right to expect this after the exemplary patience with which they have submitted to all the privations attendant on the late dreadful struggle.
My lords, I listened with considerable pain to some of the observations made by the noble lords on another topic. The noble lords adverted to the attempts made throughout the country to inflame the passions of the populace, and to inspire them with sedition, and in aid of their remarks on this subject, referred to the unfortunate occurrence of yesterday. My lords, I cordially concurred in the address of yesterday. No man can more strongly feel resentment than I do at the outrage then committed. It was one which justly called for the censure of both Houses of parliament, and for the exercise of the power of the law in its punishment. But, my lords, I rejoice to add, that on the best consideration I have been able to give to the statements made on that subject, I am persuaded, that however heinous the offence in itself, and however
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justly exciting our indignation, there do not appear any strong grounds for suspecting that any criminal design was entertained against his royal highness's life. I am anxious to state this because I see no advantage that this country could derive, either at home or in the eyes of Europe, from its being supposed that there could be found an individual capable of contemplating so detestable an act. It is not an occurrence therefore that calls for any thing but the usual operation of the law as it stands. My lords, that it is in human nature, when distressed, to express its discontent, who will deny? A free people will sometimes express their feelings in a manner not the most guarded. Nobody has been more obnoxious to popular assemblies, to the friends of reform, than myself. On no man have more severe remarks been made. But, my lords, though they may continue to stigmatize me as a person who has forfeited their confidence, and whose moderation is hateful to them, I am far from wishing to deal out the same uncharitable measure to them. Though I extremely disapprove of their views, which if they could be carried into effect (and I am persuaded they cannot), would prove most pernicious, I believe many of them to have sincerely good intentions. I should be very sorry to confound them all under one character.—I should be very sorry to believe that there existed in any great number of them a disposition to overthrow the constitution. I should therefore most deeply regret if what has occurred should be made the pretext for introducing new laws, inconsistent with the true spirit of the British constitution. If any individuals should appear to be animated with evil designs, that ought not to be advanced as a reason for depriving the people of England, who have borne the heavy burthens imposed on them with patience so exemplary of their constitutional rights and privileges—their best possessions and their best hopes. If such be the conduct that your lordships should unfortunately pursue, will not the people with justice exclaim—we sought for bread and are requited with a stone? Will you show them that parliament is more anxious to limit their rights than to relieve their wants—to stifle the voice of complaint rather than attend to the prayer of their aggravated distresses? My lords, it is on all these grounds, and because I think that the address proposed is irre-

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conciieable with the public exigency, that I feel it my duty to propose an Amendment, embodying the principles on which this House ought to act, and affording that pledge of economy, that in practice can no longer be neglected, as the speediest remedy to the evils with which we are assailed. This Amendment is as follows:
"That we have seen with the deepest concern the continued embarrassments of our agriculture, manufactures, and commerce; the alarming deficiency of the revenue, and the unexampled and increasing distresses of all classes of his majesty's faithful subjects.
"That we are willing to indulge the hope that these distresses may be found, in part, to have originated from circumstances of a temporary nature, and that some alleviation of them may be produced by the continuance of peace, but that we should ill discharge our duty to his royal highness, and be guilty of countenancing a most dangerous delusion, were we to conceal from him our opinion that the pressure which now weighs so heavily on She resources of the country, is much more extensive in its operation, more severe in its effects, more deep and general in its causes, and more difficult to be removed than that which has prevailed at the termination of any former war.
"That we are firmly persuaded that the same exemplary patience and fortitude with which all ranks have hitherto borne the difficulties under which they labour, will continue to support them under such burthens as may be found indispensably necessary for the unavoidable exigencies of the public service; but that to maintain this disposition it is incumbent on parliament, by a severe and vigilant exercise of its powers to prove that sacrifices, so painfully obtained, are strictly limited to the real necessities of the state.
"That while we acknowledge the gracious dispositions announced in his royal highness's speech from the throne, we cannot help expressing our regret that his royal highness should not have been sooner advised to adopt measures of the most rigid economy and retrenchment, particularly with respect to our military establishments. That to prompt and effectual reductions in this and every other branch of the public expenditure, this House must naturally look, as the first step to relieve the distresses, and redress
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the grievances of which the people so justly complain, and that to enable themselves to assist his royal highness by their advice in the execution of a duty so imperiously called for by the present situation of the country, they will lose no time in instituting a strict inquiry into the state of the nation."
The Earl of Harrowbysaid, he had listened with all the attention in his power to what had fallen from the noble earl opposite, but without being able to hear sufficient reasons to induce their lordships to support the amendment which had been moved. The noble earl had complained, that the difficulties of the country were not sufficiently expatiated on in the Address proposed. He would, it seemed, have them stated in their blackest colours. But in tracing a general view of public affairs, it was by no means necessary always to state things precisely as they were. To adopt the course the noble earl recommended, might be in many cases highly injurious, by subduing that spirit of confidence and hope which can alone give sufficient energy to rescue a country from a state of difficulty, and restore its prosperity. The noble earl called on their lordships to assert facts to which they could not give their assent. It was, for instance, impossible for them to agree with him in declaring, that the present distress exceeded that of every former period of difficulty known to the country. How were their lordships to concur in that opinion? He recollected former periods of distress which had given rise to complaints as loud as those which were made at present. The American war had been alluded to, and he believed the noble earl entered parliament soon after the termination of that contest. It could not be forgotten, that the language of that day was distinguished by the strongest despondency. The noble earl had alluded to the state of the country in the year 1783; but he ought to have recollected that at that period our public debt had increased in the couse of ten years by a sum, the interest of which was 4,80O,000 l., while the whole revenue raised to meet it amounted only to 1,700,000 l. Here was a state of things which might fairly be put in the balance with the embarrassments of the present period. In that same year, 1783, our exports amounted to the great sum of 10 millions, while in the year which had just expired they had fallen to so low a state as to be only 28

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millions. So much for the prosperity of 1783 compared with that of 1817! The country had then a debt gradually accumulating without means prepared for its reduction; no man had then been bold enough to propose a remedy for this enormous evil. At present the country possessed a sinking fund amounting to about fourteen millions. The noble earl would say, that this sinking fund was not applicable to our expenditure. It was to be hoped it never would; but in possessing it the country had a mortgaged revenue, which, if added to the other revenue, would equalize the income with the expenditure. The noble earl had dwelt much upon taxation as the cause of the present embarrassments. No man would pretend, when a country was in a state of difficulty, that the pressure of taxes would not augment the distress; but it by no means followed, that those taxes should be regarded as the cause of the distress. On the contrary, the fact incontrovertibly was, that when the taxes exceeded their present amount by nearly eighteen millions, the prosperity of the country was great.—The state of the currency was another subject into which the noble earl had entered, but into which he (lord H.) did not think it necessary to follow him at any length. A very great part of the paper currency had, from various causes, disappeared; but that it had previously produced great effects, no man could deny. A revulsion, it was true, had arisen from certain temporary causes, and had occasioned considerable distress; but that distress, like the causes which gave it birth, was also temporary. But to whatever degree that distress extended, had it not been balanced by great advantages? It would be strange, indeed, if any man could look back to the events which had occured during the last twenty years, and not oppose to that distress the important acquisitions made by the country during the same period; the rank to which we had risen among nations, the security we had obtained, the imperishable glory we had conquered! Were he to be asked, whether he would embark in the system which had produced these results, or abandon its advantages for the sake of avoiding any evils with which it had been accompanied, he would not hesitate a moment in his choice. Let it not be supposed, that, though the progress of the distress had been rapid and unexpected, the system of paper currency was
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not balanced by benefits of the most important kind. It had created wealth in every corner of the country; it had increased the cultivation of our fields, and raised commercial warehouses and depots, which were loaded with the merchandise of the world; and it had left behind materials which would, in due time, reproduce prosperity in spite of those gloomy predictions, which, from the year 1791 to the present day, had been incessantly repeated, and which could tend only to depress the spirit of the country.—With regard to the late treaty of peace, the opinion he entertained was very different from that of the noble earl. As the events which preceded that treaty had raised the glory of the country to the highest pitch, so the policy by which it was concluded was at once the most just to other nations, and the most advantageous to our own. In the concluding part of his speech the noble earl had alluded to the atrocious outrage which had been a subject of inquiry yesterday. In common with the noble earl, and every other member of that House, he shared the indignation which the noble earl had expressed; but he must add, that he doubted whether the noble earl was right in his conclusion, that there had been no plan in the commission of the outrage. From the evidence their lordships had heard yesterday, he thought there could be no doubt in the mind of any man on that subject. Most of their lordships would recollect a similar atrocious attack which had been made on the sovereign more than twenty years ago, and a comparison of the circumstances would show, that design was not less manifest in the attack of yesterday than in that to which he had alluded. But it was not surprising that the minds of the ignorant were worked up to excesses, when they were daily excited not only to hatred of the sovereign, but of his government, and indeed of every government. This was the effect to be expected from the inflammatory publications circulated among them with a most mischievous industry. These publications were distributed among a people smarting at present under distress, and unfortunately, therefore, fell upon a soil calculated to produce the fruits which had been witnessed. In this respect the situation of the country required the greatest attention, and he hoped the subject would speedily occupy the fullest consideration of parliament. He should
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think himself attempting to impose on the understanding of their lordships, were he to hold out any other view than that which he had done with regard to the state of the public mind. In the mean time, he rejoiced to state, that, however their lordships might differ on certain questions of policy, he was perfectly satisfied, that they all agreed in venerating the magnificent edifice of the British constitution, which had existed with glory for so many ages; and also that they were all determined to maintain it.
Earl Grosvenorsaid, he had attended very closely to the noble lord who had just sat down, and notwithstanding the noble lord's opinion, the only conclusion he could draw from his statements was this; that though the country was in a bad condition at the close of the American war, it was now in a much worse. So far was our income from exceeding our expenditure now, that it fell greatly short of it, and the deficiency threatened the most serious consequences to the country. He never rose with greater pain in his life to address their lordships, and that not merely on account of the distress of the country, great as that distress was. Notwithstanding the many thousands who severely felt the difficulties of the times; notwithstanding the sufferings of that important, but now almost extinguished class, the country gentlemen; notwithstanding that almost all, except those who lived by the taxes, were compelled to make the greatest sacrifices; notwithstanding all these considerations, he derived a far more melancholy view from the conviction that ministers were determined to resist every reasonable plan of economy and reform. This conviction gave him far greater alarm than the situation of public affairs, gloomy as that was. It indeed appeared, that if the present objects of ministers were pursued, and their present principles maintained, their system must terminate in a military despotism. He could foresee no other result. He was fully persuaded that the disaffection complained of by ministers arose in a great measure from their resistance to all temperate propositions for economy and reform. Their attempts to maintain a war expenditure in peace, and their conduct with respect to the auditing of the civil list, were proofs of their intentions. With regard to the latter subject, it was to be regretted that their lordships did not take the business into their own hands, rather
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than leave it with administration. What had been their conduct during the recess? Their first object ought to have been to alleviate the public distress; and what did they undertake for that purpose? It was true they had contrived to procure a meeting at the London Tavern, attended by princes of the blood, and dignitaries of the church. But it had failed, and for two reasons he rejoiced at the failure; first, because it was a political manœuvre; and secondly, because by the defeat charity took its proper direction. The next object that appeared to have engrossed their attention, was their indignant answer to the Address of the City of London, What part of that address occasioned such strong reprobation, he was at a loss to discover. It had been stated that it was the manner in which the conduct of the late war was reprobated. This was rather irreconcilable, coming from the throne at the present moment, for he believed it was well known that the prince regent's opinion relative to that war was well ascertained, at least in its early stages. The noble earl concluded with expressing a hope that the rumoured refusal of ministers to withdraw a part of our army from France, at the solicitation of the French government, was unfounded; and concurred in giving his hearty assent to the amendment.
The Earl of Aberdeensupported the address, and defended our negociations with France, as blending the happy mixture of prudence, in regard to our own security, with liberal principles towards our late enemy. In regard to the state of the public mind, he would not then inquire whether the charitable construction of the noble earl, who moved the amendment, was supported by the facts, but he must be allowed to remark, that whatever the motives of the individuals alluded to might be, the House had to look to the effects. In this contemplation, the government bad been rather indifferent to such efforts, and might with propriety be quickened on that point. With respect to the insincerity as to economy, charged against the servants of the Crown, when the estimates were before the House it would see whether the pledge given by them had been realized or not. The establishments of last year were not greater, he believed, than the circumstances of the country required: they were voted as temporary, indeed it was impossible to fix, at that time, on any thing like a permanent peace

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establishment. Ministers must be blind to their true interests if they did not adopt every proper and practicable retrenchment; but still, from its very nature, reduction must be progressive, and the work of time.
Lord St. Johnexpressed his anxiety not to give a silent vote on the important discussion before the House, and he said his solicitude was increased by what had fallen from the noble lords who had spoken in support of the address. The noble earl (Harrowby) had set out with assuming that it was not the province of the servants of the Crown to state to parliament the exact situation of public affairs; they ought not, said the noble earl, to be so represented, to use the precise words, in such black colours. Now, if that House were, as they ought to be, the honest counsellors of the Crown, if they took the just estimate of their duties, they would disavow all such qualifications, and approach the throne in the language of sincerity Land truth. Were they to endeavour to have the calamities of the country shaded down in their address, and truth to give way to the incense of a disguised statement, he knew no greater desertion of duty of which public men could be guilty. The House must ground a just opinion of his majesty's ministers on their general practice, and not on unmeaning promises in the speech from the throne. They should view their statements as they would the evidence of a witness at the bar, and form the true conclusion on the language, the general demeanor, the character of the evidence, but, above all, they should view with strong suspicion every attempt to delude and to conceal the real facts. Their lordships could not forget the impressions which the conduct exemplified last session had left on the country. Economy was then by ministers divested of all meaning. It was a term without its due application, perverted into a species of state crime, a sort of constructive treason against the government. Ministers had now, however, felt it necessary to hold a different language; but this change in their tone never evinced itself until they were actually forced, step by step, from their extravagant determination, and after such a scene of lavish expenditure, with a total disregard of public feeling, as was never before witnessed in the annals of the country. Having stated this broadly, he would illustrate it by a few examples. An
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act of parliament was passed some years ago, restricting the grant of certain pensions to public officers, after a definite period of service; yet in the teeth of this positive provision of law, a pension was granted short of the period of service, to the late commissary general, Mr. Herries, It was true that a more intelligent servant, a man of a more accurate knowledge of his official duties, or who was a greater check on the expenditure in that branch of the public service could not be found, than the late commissary general; yet he was transferred to another department, leaving an expenditure to the amount of fifty millions yet unaccounted for. This statement of gross abuse was not enough, but at the moment the audit of the accounts was transferred to the treasury, a great proportion of that unaccounted sum was supposed to have been laid out under the most suspicious circumstances. The civil list was proved in the last session to have got considerably in arrear; but how was its extravagance to be checked for the future? By the appointment of a new officer under the direct control of the treasury! It was long the salutary usage that all accounts of public expenditure should be audited by public accountants; yet lately, particular cases of exemption were extended, and little doubt could be entertained that such a departure from the ordinary practice was extended as a favour. He would give another instance. A gentleman, once a professed friend to economy (Mr. Huskisson) and who held the situation of agent for the island of Ceylon, had his accounts audited by the treasury, and obtained a certificate for the amount of 50,000 l. issued under such circumstances. In regard to our foreign relations, the hostility to our commercial interests pervaded every part of the continent, and might be traced mainly to the very terms of the peace. But the merits of a liberal policy was the indefinite answer of his majesty's government. Liberal policy, as he understood the term, precluded all interference in the internal transactions of independent states; precluded every attempt on the part of foreigners to impose a disliked dynasty and a foreign soldiery on a nation. If ever there was a policy calculated to alienate the people of France from the Bourbon family, it was that pursued by the allies. There was a parallel in the case of Henry 4th. Had that monarch depended on

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Spanish councils and Spanish arms, his throne would never have been perpetuated; not a Frenchman would have rallied round his standard. No, that monarch depended on his own exertions. He owed his succession to the siege of Paris, and, above all, to the sincerity with which he adhered to all his engagements. The noble lord concluded by observing, that as tar as regarded the distresses of the country, nothing but a total change in our foreign and domestic system; a new era, not in words and promises, but in truth, could relieve the country from its present difficulties.
Earl Bathurstdefended the conduct of his majesty's ministers. What they had stated last year was, that they had then made reductions in the establishments as low as the circumstances of that year would allow; but they were then far from saying, that these were the only reductions that could be made, or that future years would admit of. He would appeal to their lordships, if this had not been their uniform language; and whether they had not absolutely denied that these were to be the utmost limit to the reductions of the peace establishments. Whether the reductions were made to the utmost extent that they could possibly admit of, would now be a fair subject for the consideration of parliament. He would not say, that the military establishments could not be actually reduced lower than was now proposed; but, at least, in the opinion of ministers, they were as low as the actual safety of the country would admit. He would readily allow, that there was nothing in the present address which bound their lordships to approve of the objects of the Nepaul war. Near the close of the last session, the House had been told, that that war was closed; but in consequence of the refusal of the chief to sign the treaty which had then been concluded, a renewal of it became necessary on our part, and the praise contained in the speech was solely intended for the ability and valour with which it had been conducted, and brought to a successful termination; and as to the language in which the praise was conveyed, being nearly the same as that applied to the conduct of a noble personage now present, on account of the conclusion of the Mysore war, he did not think that noble personage would think his conduct disparaged by the comparison. The noble earl who moved the amendment had spoken of the utter detestation
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in which the house of Bourbon was held by the people of France; but until he produced some evidence in support of his assertion, their lordships could not admit it to be well founded. The only evidence he had seen to such an effect was contained, perhaps, in a few paragraphs of a newspaper; but nothing was more common in this country than for the newspapers to make attacks on all the crowned heads of Europe. The noble earl had next alluded to the loan which some capitalists of this country were preparing to advance to the French government. He must say, that he knew of no law to prevent the capitalists of this country from making the most beneficial application of their capital, particularly in lending it to a government in a state of amity and alliance with this country. But this loan would not, as the noble earl seemed to imagine, press exclusively on the English money-market; on the contrary, it would be advanced by a variety of capitalists of all nations, without discrimination; and he was most happy to learn, that a very considerable portion of it would come from the monied men of France. He stated this fact with pleasure, as a proof of the consolidation of the French government, and of the consideration and confidence which it enjoyed among its own subjects, as well as affording a pledge that the duration of peace would be lasting. He would not now go back, as had been done by the noble earl, into a consideration of the terms of the peace that had been concluded with France: that peace had already obtained the approbation of the house, and he believed of the country. But if the noble lord imagined that the main object of that peace was to maintain the Bourbons on the throne of France, he was completely mistaken. The first object, he would admit, was to give support to that family, as the most likely mode of securing the general peace of Europe; but there was a second object, to secure the fulfilment of the indemnities stipulated in the peace of Paris; and thirdly, to occupy the frontier towns of France, until the left bank of the Rhine was adequately secured by the erection of barriers against the future aggressions of that country; more particularly after the treaty had confirmed its territorial integrity. With respect to the first of these objects, why was it thought desirable? Chiefly because the whole French army had showed itself radically hostile to the Bourbon family.

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That army was now disbanded, but if it had been left in full force, there was little doubt but it would have operated to the immediate overthrow of the Bourbon dynasty. The noble earl next adverted to the spirit of discontent and disaffection which the address alluded to as having manifested itself at home; whoever had noticed the systematic attacks that had been made, must have remarked, that, they were not directed so much against the ministers of the Crown, as against the personage who exercised the functions of sovereignty. There was nothing that malignity could invent that had not been assiduously propagated against him; and it would remain for the House to consider what further measures were necessary to counteract such nefarious objects.
The Marquis Wellesleyentered into a view of the unprecedented circumstances of the country, with an expression of his astonishment at the manner in which those circumstances were mentioned in the speech from the throne. The distresses of the country had grown to a magnitude that admitted no longer of palliation, and which forced themselves on the consideration of that House in a way that could not be resisted. When he saw the condition of all ranks of his majesty's people, and looked back on their exertions, their patience, their loyalty, their confidence in parliament, and their present misery, he was utterly at a loss to conceive by what criminal forgetfulness of their duty ministers could have withheld the most solemn assurances of an immediate and strict inquiry into the causes of such tremendous misfortune and a pledge of every possible relief. Instead of this what was the address that was proposed to them? A mere complimentary reciprocation of general phrases of which the speech was made up, and without one specific, direct assurance of attention to the complaints of the people or promise of relief. Was this a day for compliment—for courtly professions—for the mere repetition of the words of the minister's speech? Were they only to rejoice with the crown on the glory that the country had obtained, and not to look to the condition in which those victories had left the country? It was manifest that those distresses had been growing to the height which now astounded the firmest mind, by slow, but perceptible degrees, and ministers must have seen the progress. Why, then did they not assemble the parliament earlier? Why deprive the country
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of that constitutional council to which they were entitled, and to which they were naturally led to look up for redress? Their delay in calling the parliament at the proper season had aggravated the evils in no small degree, since, as was now apparent, the reductions which they were forced to make would have been made at the meeting, and a very considerable saving would have arisen thereby. He trusted that this criminal act would not be looked over, nor confined to a mere verbal animadversion. And now when parliament was met, no one sentence in the speech from the throne glanced at the true cause of the national distress—no pledge of an alteration of system that might lead to the deliverance of the people—no pledge even of an inquiry into the causes that had produced the calamity—which might satisfy the public mind, that at length their condition was to be strictly examined and their grievances redressed. How could he then give his assent to the address proposed by the noble lord, which was, as he had said, a mere reciprocation of the cold, cautionary terms of the speech, and pledged the House to nothing specific or direct? On the contrary, the amendment of the noble earl, though equally respectful, was clear, distinct, and energetic. It went directly to assure his royal highness that they would forthwith discharge their duty to him and to the country, by entering into the most strict inquiry as to the cause of all our sufferings, and giving the most sacred pledge of a rigid reduction of every possible expense.—The noble president of the council, whom he would call his noble friend, nowithstanding any difference of opinion and expressions thereon that might have passed between them in that House, but for whom he always entertained a sincere respect, had said that the noble earl near him had made use of despondent language in the admirable statement which he had made of the present circumstances of the country. The noble earl had done no such thing—he had in a most impressive manner urged the necessity of an inquiry into the causes of the misery that prevailed—into a retrospect of the transactions that had brought us to the present dilemma; but, in stating the truth, he had not fallen into despondency, nor uttered a sentence that could make the nation despond, unless indeed they were to be condemned to see the continuance of the waste, extravagance, and error that had brought us to our present state. It had been the fashion

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to say, and the noble president of the council had repeated it, that the distress was only temporary—that it arose from a transition to a state of peace—and a reference was made to the termination of the American war, as a precedent. He happened to be old enough to remember that period, and he asserted that no despondency was then felt or expressed. He differed from the noble president in this idea, that the misery was temporary; on the contrary, his notion was, that our prosperity was temporary, that it arose from an accidental and unnatural state of things, that it could not endure. A species of warfare unprecedented in the history of man swelled and inflated our commerce, and that very state of things which so favoured the activity of our enterprise, and promoted our trade, brought with it also its natural result. It turned the countries of Europe, which had been subjected to an extraordinary suspension of their faculties, to look to their own resources when relieved from the pressure. And this had revived old branches of manufacture, and given birth to new ones, which created a rival to our own trade, that in his mind forbad the hope of our present distresses being of short continuance. So far from this being the case; it was seen that neighbouring nations could undersell us, and that in their hostility to our manufactures, every passible impediment was laid by municipal regulations to the produce and manufactures of Great Britain. So open and avowed was this hostility, that even in the market places an auto da fé was made of British goods; and the governments themselves, who owed their existence to our friendship, were forced to discountenance our manufactures for the support of their own. But in stating these truths, was this to be called the language of despondency r No, it became their duty to look this true situation in the face, and to inquire how they were to meet this hostile disposition, and how to revive the perishing trade of the country. The first great object was to ascertain what was the original cause of our distress. The noble president and all persons connected with government had studiously evaded glancing at the original cause of all our evils. They talked only of the proximate, not of the remote cause. The interval from war to peace, and all their other pretended causes were mere proximate symptoms—but not causes. The vicious paper currency had unquestionably contributed, in no ordinary de-
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gree, to enhance the evil, because it had assisted the great original cause of the evil; and had been an instrument in the hands of ministers in the career they had pursued; but the great and original cause of all our evils was, the magnitude of our expenditure. That was the real source of all our misery, and certainly to that great cause the vicious system of a false paper currency had essentially contributed: for without that subterfuge, ministers could not have gone on in their mad career. But the noble president said we had, on the other side, glory in return. And he was content, it seems, to balance the account by the splendid victories we had obtained. No man was less likely than himself to lessen the glory we had obtained, or to speak lightly of the brilliant achievements of our arms by sea and land; but let the glory be what it may, to the price which we had paid for it must be ascribed the actual condition of the country.—That there were many other causes besides the lavish waste of treasure, the inordinate, mismanaged, unchecked, and uncontrolled expenditure, he was ready to admit. The inconsiderate concessions we had made, of territory and colonies, had deprived our commerce of benefits it had long enjoyed, and had even opened doors for smuggling to an extent most injurious to the revenue; but the great cause was, as he had said, the magnitude of our expenditure. And this was now felt in every town, in every farm, in every family. Last year he remembered ministers in that House had made use of a striking expression. They had said that the distress was local. Would they now repeat that phrase? O yes. They might still repeat it, and with truth, for the distress might be said to be local which was to be met with every where. But they now said the distress was temporary! He should probably astonish the noble president, when he said he should agree with him—yes—the distress was temporary. It arose, as was said, from the inordinate expenditure of thecountry—and that would be temporary, for there must be an end of it. That day, he pronounced it, must put an end to it. The scandalous profusion could not go on. Parliament must do its duty. There was no longer a refuge to be found from the cries of the hungry, the famished population. The army must be reduced. He had no hesitation in saying, that with every regard to the dignity of the Crown, to the maintenance of our rank, and security of

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the empire, it might be greatly reduced. The civil list also, and all the establishments of every kind, must be retrenched with no sparing hand. Indeed one rule should be applied to them all—that nothing, however ancient, should be suffered to exist which was not absolutely necessary for the safety and very being of the country. The circumstances of the times were so altered, that reductions were now requisite that were never even thought of before; and no minister, however successful in other respects, could be said to deserve well of the nation, who should not recommend the most rigid economy in every branch of the expenditure. This was not a hasty opinion, but one which he had formed after the most earnest deliberation; and so convinced was he of its utility and importance, that to support it he would sacrifice his health, nay his life, if necessary, provided parliament could be induced to carry it into effect. It was at a most critical period that parliament had met, and it was now that their lordships should show the people that it was not in vain parliament had been called together as the proper instrument to remove the public grievances. It was now that they should show, on the other hand, how vain were the fears of those who thought that the constitution had not power to sustain itself. For his own part, one great source of his love for the constitution arose from the consideration of a great and incomparable blessing which had appeared to him to have been hitherto inherent in it; he meant, that while we enjoyed greater freedom than any other nation on the earth, and at the same time entertained the most unconquerable aversion to military despotism, or even military influence, yet it bad fallen to the lot of this country to make greater exertions and perform more glorious exploits in war than any other. Such was the elastic vigour of our political system, that by an intrinsic and native spring, we had, even after the most laborious and exhausting wars, returned to the benefits of our free constitution; and the sources of agricultural, commercial, and general welfare; had revived, as if by spontaneous energy. Such hitherto had over been the case; such, however, was no longer the case since the last peace. This peace had not brought with it the usual benefits of peace. We were not delivered from that unconstitutional evil, a standing army. The burthensome expenditure of our establishments was not re-
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duced in proportion to our reduced means, the channels of national wealth and prosperity had not been opened. These were the principal topics that occurred to him; and the main object on which he insisted was, that in the present state of the country, it was not merely the duty of ministers to give a general pledge to be economical "as far as the safety of the empire and, sound policy would allow" (large words these, but of little definite meaning); but they should have given a distinct pledge of what they intended to do, and to what extent they thought reduction would have been compatible at once with the safety and means of the county. Having thus taken a view of the principal features of the speech from the throne, he would refer to two points, which, though of minor importance, ought not to be passed by without some notice. And, first, as to the expedition against Algiers, there was no man with a British heart who could help rejoicing in the splendid and decisive victory of lord Exmouth: no man could refuse the warmest praise to the skill and courage with which it had been achieved. For himself, he felt a particular pleasure in that transaction, because it confirmed in his mind the high opinion which he had been induced to form of the gallant viscount from his services in India. During the whole of his government in India he had never met with a more zealous and able coadjutor than he had done from the the noble viscount. He was not, therefore, surprised at the signal triumph of the noble viscount at Algiers, though he was gratified to see the success of an officer to whose character he felt a personal attachment. He hoped he should be excused for saying these few words in the presence of the noble viscount, especially as he feared that illness might prevent his attendance when the thanks of the House should be voted to him. As to the war in India, it seemed to him to be necessary, as far as he could, from imperfect acquaintance, understand the causes of it: from recollection, however, of the territory of Nepaul, he had some doubt whether an undue importance had not been given to that expedition. However this might be, he thought the conduct of the noble marquis at the head of that government was marked by integrity and ability, and nothing could be more grateful to his own feelings than that the noble marquis should be more useful to that empire than he himself had been. The noble

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marquis concluded his brilliant speech with a strong animadversion on the idle theories of reform with which the nation had been disturbed for some time; and which, in the speech from the throne, had been described as attempts to stir up sedition and discontent. In the first place, he should say, that if ministers observed attempts to stir the minds of the people to sedition, it was their obvious duty to have taken prompt steps to stop the progress of the evil; and the obvious course was to have assembled the parliament, as the means of quieting the minds of the community, and depriving designing persons, if there were any such, from inflaming the multitude, or filling their minds with crude and indigested notions that must lead to public and inevitable ruin. The meeting of parliament, when symptoms of this kind were perceived, would have effectually stopped the evil if it actually did exist. Instead of which, they seemed as if inclined to foster it—to nurse and rear it up to something that should afford a pretext for sending persons to gaols and gibbets. But where were the proofs of all this sedition? When ministers, put these words into the mouth of the Prince Regent, they ought to have laid before the two Houses of Parliament detailed documents to prove the existence of these seditious attempts, as a justification for their lordships to approach the throne with declarations of their sorrow for the fact, and of their determination to rally round his sacred person, and guard the king and constitution from all assault. He was no friend to the insidious course of suffering error to grow into guilt, that it might be pursued with tardy vengeance. Having said so much, he must clearly express his notion of all the idle theories of reform that had met his eye or ear. However different in their forms, all those which he had lately seen or heard of, seemed to be in total and complete subversion of the constitution of the kingdom, They talked of universal suffrage and annual election as inherent rights, when at no time and in no manner could they be proved to be consistent with the frame of our constitutions. They were totally inapplicable to the state of the empire. They had no analogy to the frame of our admired code. No government could exist upon such principles—and every thing which was admired—which was found sufficient in practice for every exigency—with enough of military vigour for
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the purposes of war—with enough of civil influence to restrain military power in time of peace—with privileges to secure to the inhabitants more of personal liberty than ever was enjoyed by any other people—and enough of energy in the executive to preserve the empire from foreign annoyance, as well as from internal commotion—with checks that however discordant in appearance, harmonized so mysteriously in practice as to make the whole the most wonderful and most perfect machine that ever was established for the power, the freedom, the happiness of a people—must be violated and destroyed if the theories now propagated were to be acted upon. But, thank God, they were as impracticable as they were unsound. Universal suffrage and annual parliaments were not only unknown in the history of our constitution, but were subversive of its very nature. What! was the House of Commons to be made the mere organ of a democracy? Was this the intention? Had this ever been the practice of our parliamentary system? It was the peculiar character of our. constitution, that it contained within it the three great principles of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, blended together so intimately, yet perhaps so inexplicably, except as to the effect, that the crown had no strength except in connexion with the aristocracy and the people, the aristocracy was nothing except connected with the crown and the people, and the people were powerless if independent of the crown and the aristocracy. Was this mysterious union to be dissolved? Was this system, whose strength was its harmony, to lose all its energy by losing the beauty of its proportions? What discord, what confusion, what destruction would then ensue! The very statement of reform, so understood, was revolution. "But what then," said the noble marquis, "do I say, that because these reformers are in error they ought to be silenced? Do I say that your lordships ought to check an Englishman's best privilege—the right of talking and speaking about the constitution of his government? Do I recommend to your lordships to employ coercion to repress the mistakes of opinion? Oh, no! my lords. Your lordships assemble here for better and nobler purposes. Do not invest yourselves in the solemn robes of judges; still less, my lords, assume the austere office of punishers of the people's errors: but exercise as you ought the grander and more constitutional

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functions of hearing, considering, redressing, the people's wrongs. Such, my lords, is my view of the constitution; and I trust I may say, that no man can be a stauncher friend to it than I am. I was born under the influence of this glorious constitution: I was educated in its principles: to it I owe almost every thing: no man owes more to it than I do: no family owes more to it than mine. I have therefore reason to love and admire it, and I would gladly lay down my life to support it. "Defendi rempublicam adolescens; non deseram senex." These are the principles by which I am prepared to abide. I would give the public every practicable relief. I admire their fortitude, I compassionate their sufferings, and I call upon this House, as in duty bound, to make every possible sacrifice for their benefit. The noble marquis concluded by supporting the amendment.
Viscount Sidmouthsaid, that his noble friend who had just sat down had commenced his speech with an endeavour to satisfy the House that the speech from the noble earl who moved the amendment had no tendency to create despondency. For his own part, notwithstanding the authority and eloquence of his noble friend, lie was quite persuaded that there never was a speech delivered in parliament so well calculated to produce despondency. He could not agree with his noble friend, that the present distress of the country was permanent, or proceeded from causes of that tendency. If, indeed, the situation of the country was hopeless, in vain would it be to inquire into the causes of the distress, for the hopelessness of its state would render all inquiry useless. But he thought very differently upon the subject from his noble friend. His noble friend had considered the speech from the throne, and the address moved upon it, as totally inadequate to the present situation of the country. Being, however, one of those who advised the construction of the speech, he could conscientiously say, that he considered it as one immediately adapted to the purpose for which it was intended, because of its plainness and candour. It did not attempt to conceal the distresses of the country, nor to palliate the causes of those distresses. But whilst it admitted the existence of those distresses, it asserted them to be only temporary, and at the same time recommended such retrenchments as were consistent with sound policy and the safety of the country. Retrench-
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ment was certainly in the serious contemplation of the government, as far as was consistent with sound policy and the welfare of the state. These were considerations which could not be lost sight of by government, and upon these principles his majesty's ministers meant to come to parliament when called upon to inquire into the state of the public expenditure; and it was for their lordships and the other house of parliament to judge how far it was expedient to retrench, consistently with sound policy and the welfare of the empire. He certainly looked with anxiety to the distressed state of the country, but he by no means admitted that its situation was such as to justify feelings of despondency. His noble friend had never heard any expressions of despondency as to the state of the country at the close of the American war, but he (lord Sidmouth) was old enough to recollect, that the great statesman who succeeded lord North had declared that he found the situation of the country at that time to be infinitely worse than he could have imagined. Undoubtedly the present state of the country, contrasted with that at the period alluded to, was by no means so discouraging as was imagined. At that period there was a great expenditure without the means of mitigating it; but at present there was a sinking fund, which went on progressively to extinguish the national debt. Independently of which it was to be observed, that the public taxes were reduced last year to eighteen millions, being two millions more than the whole amount of the taxes previous to the year 1793. With respect to the agricultural distresses they were certainly by no means so great this year as they were in the last. But admitting that the agricultural interest was in some respects depressed, it was but partial; for in many districts the complaints were wholly without foundation. That the manufactures were depressed, he must undoubtedly admit; but the distress in this particular was by no means so great as to excite despair and despondency. In many parts of the country, and in various branches of manufacture, the prospect was very encouraging. The cause of the distress of the manufacturers did not proceed from the rivalry of foreigners so much as the decrease of consumption in the foreign markets, arising from the general distress throughout Europe. Great pains had been taken by ministers to reduce the expenditure in every prac-

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ticable way. In his own opinion, the induction of* the military establishment had been greater than prudence and the necessary demands of the country required; and, in another point of view, this reduction tended to increase the general distress in a two-fold way; first, it increased the number of persons out of employment, and secondly, it tended to increase the poor-rates. His noble friend had complained that the speech from the throne had referred to late acts of violence, before sufficient grounds had been laid before the House to justify such allusion. He should have thought that the circumstances alluded to were sufficiently notorious to the House, independently of any detailed evidence upon the subject. It was impossible that the House could be better informed than it already was upon the general state of the country, but he was authorized to state, that he should on Friday next present a message from the Prince Regent upon the subject, and it would be for their lordships to inquire into and examine the causes of that state, and for that purpose all necessary papers and information would be laid before their lordships. In looking to the present situation of the country, with all his feelings of regret for the general distress which prevailed, he derived much consolation in contrasting its condition with that in which it must have been had a different policy been pursued. Instead of enjoying an honourable peace—instead of existing as a nation—the country must have been overwhelmed by the ambition of the late usurper of the French throne, and at best it could have only maintained an armed peace, or on the other hand an interminable war. He could not concur in the amendment, because he could not imagine what good purpose it would answer, particularly as the speech from the throne, called the attention of parliament to every reasonable object necessary for discussion.
The Earl of Darnleythought the speech from the throne was not adapted to the real state of the country, nor such as the public had a right to expect under their present difficulties. He could have hoped that the ministers of the crown would have advised the Prince Regent to imitate the magnanimous example of queen Anne, who sacrificed the means appropriated to the splendour of the throne to the welfare of her people. Had this advice been recommended and adopted, he was quite certain that the outrage upon the Prince
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Regent would never have been committed. He, for one, entertained no feelings of despondency, but it was his firm belief, that the only hope of rescuing the country from its present peril was founded in a determination on the part of parliament to do its duty.
The question was then put, and the amendment being negatived without a division, the Address was agreed to. On the motion of the earl of Liverpool, addresses of congratulation were ordered to be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, her majesty the Queen, and to the illustrious pair, upon the late happy nuptials between the Princess Mary and the Duke of Gloucester.