HL Deb 24 February 1817 vol 35 cc529-31
The Earl of Darnley

, before their lordships proceeded to the order of the day was desirous of saying a few words on a subject of great importance. Their lordships were about to adopt a measure of great severity, the necessity for which was said to be grounded on proceedings, evidently occasioned by the distress of the times. Now he would ventare to assert, that whilst their lordships were adopting proceedings against dangers supposed likely to arise, they were overlooking a mode by which much of the present irritation might be avoided. Their lordships must feel that every class of society, from the richest peer to the lowest labourer, were more or less affected by the pressure of the times, except, those who were supported out of the public revenue. In a few words which he addressed to their lordships, at the commencement of the session, he lamented that ministers had not advised their royal master to contract his expenses. Such advice had since been given, and a considerable portion of his royal highness's income had been given up. It might have been done with a better grace, and it would have had a much better effect, if the proposition was made on the first day of the session. He was happy to find, that a noble marquis had taken the earliest opportunity to follow that example, and had made a very considerable sacrifice for the benefit of the public. That example had not, as far as he knew, been acted on by any other noble lord, and he should be glad to learn whether an intention of imitating it existed.

Lord Rolle

said, that in consequence of the removal of the property tax, which had been loudly called for by the noble lord, a necessity existed for continuing other taxes that bore more severely upon the poor. He would, therefore, ask of the noble lord who required such sacrifices from others. whether he would put down one-tenth of his income, in order to enable the legislature to relieve the poor from the burthen of the salt tax, the leather tax, &c.? If he did, he was sure others would follow his example.

The Earl of Darnley

said, he had guarded himself in what he had addressed to the House, from the observation which the noble lord had thrown out. He had stated, that every individual in the country, from the richest nobleman to the poorest peasant, felt, more or less, the pressure of the times, except those who were supported by the public revenue,—and, what he wished to know was, whether the example of the noble marquis, to whom he had alluded, was likely to be followed generally, by persons who received large sums of the public money.

Lord Rolle

said, the proposition of the noble earl was a partial, his was a general one.

Earl Grey

said, if he were asked to give that species of relief to which the noble lord, who had just sat down, alluded, he would answer, "I will give no such assistance—I already pay in taxes, more than I can afford to pay." Advantageous as his situation was, when compared with that of other persons in the country, he could not suffer such a reduction of his income, without contracting some branch of his expenditure. He was not one of those who thought that the tax which his majesty's ministers had voluntarily imposed on themselves, was one which the country called for, or which they ought to accept. The public did not want a reduction of the salaries paid for efficient services, they demanded a diminution of the expense created by useless and unnecessary offices. This system of compulsory benevolence ought not, he conceived, to be followed. A general and oppressive tax, to make efficient offices pay, in order to protect and preserve those that were useless, was one that the country did not call for, and which would not answer. What was wanted in the way of economy and retrenchment—what the country called for demanded, and had a right to expect—what the people required, and what that House could not refuse—was, that every article of expense, even the most trifling, which the good of the state did not warrant, should be abandoned. This was the answer he should make to the noble lord on the cross-bench. Such was the character of the measures which his noble friends had supported— these were the measures from which, however popular feeling might, for a moment, be excited by severe distress and pinching want, he trusted the public mind would not be long diverted; and to effect a diversion of that nature, he believed, was the great object of ministers, in bringing forward the measures which they had proposed for their lordships' adoption.