Lords Sitting of 1 March 1814

FIRE AT THE CUSTOM-HOUSE.
The Lord Chancellorstated, that in consequence of the burning of the Custom-house, application had been made to him for liberty to inspect the papers in the custody of the clerk of parliament which had been at any time presented from the Custom-house. Sitting on the woolsack, he thought it most becoming in him to mention the matter to their lordships; and he now moved, that Mr. Irving, the inspector general of the imports and exports, should have leave to examine the papers which had been at any time presented to that House from the Custom-house.—Ordered accordingly.

MESSAGE FROM THE REGENT, RECOMMENDING A FURTHER ADJOURNMENT.
The Earl of Liverpoolstated that he had a Message from the Prince Regent, acting in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, recommending it to the House, under the existing circumstances, further to adjourn itself to the 21st of the present month (March). Having read the message, as above, he moved, that the House do accordingly adjourn till Monday the 21st instant.
The Marquis of Lansdownedid not oppose the motion; nor could he feel himself justified in giving it any decided opposition, after the manner in which it had been recommended by message from the Prince Regent; stating, at the same time, however, that, notwithstanding the manner in which the motion was recommended, he considered it as perfectly competent to himself, or any other peer, to oppose the motion of adjournment, if he thought proper. But any reluctance that he felt in concurring in this motion, and he certainly did feel some reluctance, arose not from any want of respect to the quarter from whence the recommendation came, nor from any want of confidence in his Majesty's ministers, or their efforts for the attainment of the great object, with, a view to which this adjournment was proposed; nor from any wish whatever to throw any obstacles in their way in the prosecution of that great object: on the contrary, if he imagined, or had the slightest idea, that the sitting of parliament would, in the smallest degree, interfere with them in this respect, or withdraw their attention or time, in the least from this important object, he should be the first not only to concur in, but to urge the propriety of agreeing to the noble earl's motion. His reluctance arose solely from a view of the state of public business at this moment, and also of much important private business. Many matters, which ought this session to meet with the serious attention of their lordships, would now be postponed to a very late period, if they could at all be brought under consideration. There was no disposition on that side (opposition side) of the House to give any interruption to ministers, in regard to any negociations that might be going on; and no such interruption would be given. Feeling no disposition on his own part, then to give any interruption to ministers in the object which at this time must particularly en-

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gage their attention, he could not help regretting, that they had thought it necessary to come down to the House with a message of this nature, considering the late period to which the business of the session had been already postponed, and when so much important business remained to be disposed of; for be did not hold it as a doctrine, that because one great and important branch of public business could not be proceeded with, parliament was therefore to adjourn, and suspend the prosecution of all other business which might come before it. He saw no reason why the domestic business should stand still altogether, merely because any proceeding, with a view to our foreign relations, was for the present interrupted. Their lordships were, no doubt, aware, that a great quantity of private and other business stood for discussion, which parliament was pledged to take into its most serious consideration this session. He alluded particularly to one most important branch of business, which was almost entirely of a domestic nature. He meant the review and regulation of the Corn Laws—a business, in order to be properly executed, requiring as much time, as much information, as much care, attention, and circumspection, as almost any subject that could occupy the attention of parliament. Why, then, might not this be proceeded with in the meantime; there being a clear understanding, that ministers were not to be interfered with in the prosecution of the negociation, or in any matters connected with the present state of our affairs on the continent?
There was another most important subject which might easily be proceeded with,—be meant the hearing of appeal causes; a subject of so much interest, that their lordships thought it requisite to alter the whole scheme of the courts of justice, in order to give it additional facilities. This their lordships would never have consented to, had it not been their resolution, really to proceed with promptitude and dispatch in the hearing of these causes.—These considerations, he should have thought, ought to have deterred the Prince Regent's ministers from coming to the House with such a recommendation as this, if it could possibly have been dispensed with. At the same time, he was aware that the opinion of an individual could not have sufficient influence with the House to prevent its concurring in this motion, recommended as it was, even
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though that individual were decidedly to object to the motion. He did not, as he had already stated, mean to urge his reluctance in acceding to the motion so far as to give it a decided opposition; but he could not help stating the grounds of that reluctance in agreeing to it, which, on consideration of all the circumstances, he acknowledged that he felt to agree to this adjournment. His object, he again stated, in pressing the importance of parliament going on with such business as might be conveniently proceeded with, was not to embarrass ministers in the prosecution of the great object in which they were engaged at this moment. He was fully aware of the vast importance of that object, to which the House would have a future opportunity of giving such attention as its magnitude deserved; and, under all the circumstances, be thought it right to state, that the subject to which he alluded ought to meet, not only with a deep and careful, but also a most dispassionate attention. Having thus stated the view which he had of the present motion of adjournment, and the circumstances connected with it, he did not think it necessary to attempt throwing any further obstacle in the way of the motion; being of opinion, that he had discharged his duty in calling their lordships' attention to the sacrifices which they were making, in giving their concurrence.
The Earl of Liverpooldid not feel himself called upon to say any more than a very few words, with reference to what had been said by the noble marquis. He agreed with him, that, notwithstanding such a mode of adjournment, a motion to that effect coming recommended by Message, any peer might, undoubtedly, oppose the motion, if he thought proper to do so. But the respect which was generally shewn to such a Message, under such, circumstances, made it rather an unusual proceeding to oppose a motion of adjournment founded upon such a recommendation, and under such circumstances as were at present known to exist. Then, as to the question of the expediency of such an adjournment, the noble marquis had said, that the ministers would not be embarrassed nor interfered with, even although parliament should continue sitting. Yet he (lord Liverpool) must observe, that this was an argument which might apply to every adjournment, under any circumstances. But the real question was, whether, upon the whole, it was advisable that

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this motion should be acceded to by their lordships, on a view of all the circumstances with which it was connected; or, in other words, whether upon the whole, the advantages which might be derived from such an adjournment, considered with reference to time and circumstances, were such as might be fairly considered as counterbalancing any inconvenience that might be supposed to result from such an adjournment. With respect to its being desirable that the House should adjourn, he could only throw himself on the indulgence of their lordships. To enter into any explanation at this moment would be obviously improper; no such explanations could, therefore, be reasonably expected to be given. Certainly, however, before the Prince Regent's ministers thought it right to advice his Royal Highness to send this recommendation to their lordships, they had taken into consideration the possible or probable inconveniencies that might result from the adjournment now proposed. The result of their deliberations and inquiries on this point had been, to convince them, that no very material inconvenience was likely to arise from the proposed measure of adjournment to any important interests whatever: that was, that no inconvenience was at all likely to arise from it, which could equal the inconvenience that might result from parliament's continuing sitting. This was all that he conceived it proper at present to say on the subject.
The Earl of Darnleyasked, how was it possible to say that no material inconvenience could result from this adjournment, when it was notorious that there was such an arrear of causes in that House; causes which ought to be proceeded in without a moment's unnecessary delay? How was it possible to say, that no material inconvenience would arise, when the regulation of the corn laws formed an object of so much importance, and one which demanded prompt attention? Parliament had already adjourned far beyond the usual period of adjournment, and now it was called upon to adjourn again. He did not mean, however, to set his own individual opinion against what appeared to be the general sense of the House: he should not, therefore, oppose the motion: he was as anxious as any of their lordships that ministers should not be interfered with in the great object about which they were at present particularly employed: but he thought they might have taken the pledge that
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they should not be interfere with even though the House were to continue sitting. Though he did not decidedly oppose the motion, he could not help thinking that ministers would have acted a wiser part if they had not pressed this motion of adjournment. The hearing of the appeals would be interrupted; and a press of business would come at the close of the session, so as to render it impossible that it should meet with the proper and requisite attention.
The Lord Chancellorhad merely a few words to say with respect to the appeal causes. On the best judgment that he could form, it appeared to him, that the adjournment need be attended with little or no inconvenience in regard to the hearing of appeal causes, provided their lordships thought proper to prevent it. If he did not sit there, he must of course sit in the court of Chancery during the three weeks to which the adjournment extended. If then, as much of his time was taken from the court of Chancery, and devoted to the hearing of appeals, on the meeting of parliament after the adjournment, as the court of Chancery now gained of that time by the proposed measure, he did not see that much inconvenience was likely to arise from that adjournment, with respect to the hearing of the appeal causes.
The Earl of Derbysaid, the adjournment must, if it took place at all, be, in reality, protracted till the middle of April. At the close of the adjournment now proposed would come Passion week, and then Easter; so that this adjournment, though nominally only for three weeks, was, in fact, an adjournment for six weeks. He had discharged his duty in stating this. The ministers might have given credit to the pledge of his noble friend that they would not be interrupted or interfered with by the sitting of parliament, in the prosecution of the important subject which now engaged their particular attention. About the negociation it might be improper at present to say any thing farther than this—he wished, from the bottom of his heart, that ministers might be able to bring that negociation to the desirable termination—that they might be able to bring about a peace founded on a solid basis,—a peace likely to be lasting, and one which would be safe and honourable for all parties. No impediment would be thrown by him in the way of ministers in the conduct of this negociation—none would have been thrown in their way by him, though parliament,

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had continued sitting. A future opportunity would occur for the full investigation and discussion of the conduct of ministers in this respect; and he should be most happy to find that their conduct had been such as be could conscientiously approve and applauds.
The Duke of Norfolksaid, it was very possible, that after the close of the present adjournment another might be proposed. No precise judgment could be at present formed, even by the ministers themselves, whether a further adjournment might or might not be thought necessary. But unless they thought it probable that parliament could really proceed to business at the close of the adjournment now moved, it was desirable that they should give some notice to the agents who were concerned in appeal causes. Many of these had, to his knowledge, come to town already in the full expectation that parliament was now to have proceeded to business. In some way or other, notice might be given them before the end of the present period of adjournment, that another adjournment was in contemplation, in case another should be thought advisable.
The Earl of Liverpoolsaid, he could of course give no positive pledge now on that subject. It must in some measure depend on circumstances. But he could say, at present it was intended, that parliament should proceed to business at the close of the present adjournment. As to the inconvenience stated by a noble lord on the other side (Derby), from Passion week and Easter coming close upon the period of the proposed adjournment, that circumstance had been considered; and it was expected that matters could be so arranged, that the inconvenience would not be very material.
The motion was then put, and carried; and the Lord Chancellor accordingly declared that the House was adjourned till Monday the 21st of March instant.