PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE RESPECTING LORD WELLINGTON. (Hansard, 20 February 1812)

The Earl of Liverpool

, in rising to move an Address to his Royal Highness, in answer to this communication, observed, that the first object to which he desired to call their lordships' attention, was, that the act of conferring upon lord Wellington a higher rank in the peerage, was the first exercise of the Prince Regent's unrestrained prerogative. The reason why he adverted to this peculiar circumstance was, that, while all must be sensible how well earned these honours had been,—while the country must feel the highest satisfaction at their being conferred; considering the foundation on which they rested,—and while lord Wellington himself must feel gratified at this acknowledgment of his merits, he, their lordships and the whole nation, might have the farther gratification of knowing, that the reward must derive a still brighter lustre from the time and manner in which it was given. He wished to direct their lordships' attention to this circumstance, also, as a test of the high gratification which his Royal Highness would always have in rewarding public men for public services—as a test that he regarded his prerogative as vested in him for such important purposes—as a test that he never would feel so thoroughly pleased at its exercise, as when he employed it in paying the just tribute of honour and applause to undoubted and distinguished merit. Every class in the community must feel gratified at this first act of his Royal Highness after the termination of the restrictions. The public must look with the highest satisfaction on this proof of attention to one who had deserved so well of, his country; while those who were engaged in the most important of public 856 duties, would feel an additional stimulus to their exertions when they saw desert and service so faithfully rewarded—This much he had felt himself called upon to say; but it was not his wish to dilate at present upon the services of the earl of Wellington. He had, on other occasions, had opportunities of dwelling upon his merits, and endeavouring, as far as in him lay, to impress others with that deep sense of them which he himself entertained. To enter now at any length upon that subject, would only be an unnecessary waste of their lordships' time. The actions of the earl of Wellington spoke his praises with eloquence far more impressive than any words he could use; but there were two or three considerations connected with the subject which he found it impossible to pass over in silence. The first was, that this honour had been conferred, and the provision to support it recommended, without the knowledge of the noble earl, or any communication with him (Hear, hear, from marquis Wellesley.) The second consideration was, that when the. Prince Regent of Portugal conferred upon the earl of Wellington the highest honour which the crown of Portugal could bestow, he proposed to accompany this honour with a pension of 20,000 crowns. Their lordships would recollect what the state of that country was at the time,—impoverished and exhausted by the inroads and wanton excesses of the enemy, and the exertions necessary to be made for repelling the invaders. Their lordships would remember, that the inhabitants of Portugal had been compelled to appeal to the parliament of this country, to enable them to re-establish their domestic affairs, and to provide the means of existence. Under these circumstances, the earl of Wellington was aware, that all the resources of Portugal were pressingly required for its own internal purposes, and therefore did not think proper to avail himself of the provision made for him by the Prince Regent of that country. He received the honour conferred upon him as a mark of the approbation with which the Portuguese government regarded his conduct; but refused the emolument with which it was intended toe they would not fail of accompany it, because he thought it would be pressing too severely upon the country in its then exhausted condition. The third of those considerations to which he alluded was, that when the earl of Wellington was made captain 857 general of Spain, he accepted the honour, but refused the pay usually attached to the situation. These things he thought it right to mention, and was sure they would not fail of their due effect upon the minds of their lordships. But this was not all: he had farther to remind them that the earl of Wellington held a charge hardly ever committed to a British subject before—a charge supported upon a scale of expence, of which their lordships could scarcely form an adequate conception. This expence, however, he had borne out of his own private fortune, though in circumstances but moderate enough for supporting the rank of a gentleman; that fortune, too, chiefly formed of the honest earnings of severe and distinguished service. This he had stated not from any communication with the noble lord, but from his own knowledge. The grant now proposed, therefore, was equally due, whether regarded as the reward of splendid exertions in the service of his country, or as the means of defraying the expences to which the situation which he held for the benefit of the public necessarily exposed him. In one sense, indeed, it was a debt of honour; in another, it was no less a debt of justice.—He need not, he trusted, occupy their lordships' lime any longer. Here, he presumed, there could be no difference of opinion. He wished to avoid every topic that could possibly lead to opposition. Let the earl of Wellington's claims rest upon their own merits, independent of any political questions with which they had no connection. That the honour conferred by the Prince Regent had been most richly earned, all must admit; and from that, he apprehended, it followed as a corollary, that they should give the means to support it. His lordship concluded by moving an Address to the Prince Regent, thanking him for the communication, &c.; being, as usual, an echo to the Message.

Earl Grosvenor

rose, certainly not to oppose the Address, but to endeavour to persuade their lordships to extend the grant considerably. Whenever these honours were conferred for great and distinguished services, they ought to be accompanied with a fortune, sufficient not only to enable the individual to support his dignity, but sufficient to enable his posterity to maintain it without becoming dependents on the crown. Under this impression, he thought that ministers had 858 not gone far enough. He had on a former occasion observed, that in order to reward signal services with the least expence to the country, and the least injury to the aristocracy, a new order ought to be created in the constitution, with a rank equal to the peerage. The order of the Bath, for instance, might be advanced to a rank equal at least to that of a baron. The dignity would then be only for life; and the objection as to dependence upon the crown would be at an end. The noble earl referred to three cases in our history as instances of splendid, moderate, and inadequate provision made for individuals advanced to the peerage. The first was the case of the duke of Marlborough. No one could look at the splendid palace of Blenheim without admiration of the actions that could deserve so brilliant a reward, and of the munificence which had conferred it. The next was the case of the late lord Nelson. There, indeed, a sum of 100,000l. had been given, and he was far from thinking that it was too large. The third was the case of the late lord Chatham, whose great talents and eloquence exerted in the public service bad justified his exaltation to the peerage. Yet lord Chatham must have strongly felt the unpleasant situation in which his posterity would be placed. They could have no means of supporting in a proper manner the rank to which they had been raised without some of the offices in the gift of the crown. This he was sure could not fail to be a very disagreeable situation. The practice of giving peerages, without adequate fortunes, if carried to a great extent, might be fatal to the independence of the aristocracy. Reverting to the point more immediately before the House, his lordship observed, that whatever difference of opinion there might be as to the policy of the war in Spain, there could be none with regard to the merits of lord Wellington. His only objection was, that his services had not been sufficiently rewarded. The noble secretary himself had stated, that lord Wellington's fortune was but moderate. Why then not grant a much larger sum? He should say, that in addition to the annuity, a sum of 100,000l. should be granted, that his lordship's posterity might not be compelled to become dependants of the crown. If that should not be acceded to, he hoped, at least, that the annuity should be made 6,000l. instead of 2,000l. or at the very lowest that it might be 4,000l. He could not, in point of order, 859 offer any of these additions at present; but when the Bill came before the House, he should take the liberty of moving an amendment. There were some words in the Address, however, to which he could not agree. The words were, that the services of lord Wellington in Spain had been "eminently beneficial to the interests of the kingdom." Though he allowed the great merits of lord Wellington in their utmost extent, yet he could not approve of words which seemed to convey an opinion favourable to the policy of the war in the peninsula. It was on this ground solely that he objected to them, and could not suffer the Address to pass without stating his disapprobation. It was impossible, he admitted, to speak in too high terms of the gallant exploit at Ciudad Rodrigo; but he was by no means convinced that it tended much to farther the great object of the war. It might be called the key of Spain, but would it open the gates of Madrid? A great object might have been gained, if the passes of the Pyrenees had been occupied, as had once been suggested; but whether this could have been done, or not, he really did not know. But unless we in concert with our allies made one great effort, the continuance of the contest would be a mere useless waste of blood and treasure. If that could not be done, we ought to have recourse to the maritime system which had been so strongly recommended. The present system, he was convinced, could not lead to any beneficial result. He would not trouble their lordships farther at present, as he might have another opportunity of delivering his sentiments.