Lords Sitting of 12 May 1808

DUCHESS OF BRUNSWICK.
The order of the day being read for taking into consideration his majesty's Message,
Lord Hawkesburyobserved, that he could not think it necessary to detain the house with more than a few words, in order to induce them cheerfully to concur in the recommendation which he had the honour of delivering from his majesty. When their lordships recollected the military talents and general character of the duke of Brunswick; when they recollected the share he bore in a contest, which was not more the contest of Prussia than of England; when they recollected his hard fate, his melancholy fall, and the indignity offered even to his remains by the ruler of France, all of which must be still green in their lordships recollections; when they reflected how all those sufferings of that illustrious person must have preyed on the feelings of his illustrious consort, in whose behalf this recommendation came from his majesty, for the comfort, and dignity of her age and rank; when they reflected on her near relation to his majesty; they would surely do with alacrity, what that house was ever ready to do—give eager proof of their attachment and affection to their sovereign, in furthering whatever object they knew he had at heart. His lordship concluded with moving an address to his majesty, assuring his majesty that that house would cheerfully concur in promoting the purpose of his royal communication.
Lord Aucklandspoke highly in praise of the virtues of the illustrious duchess, and was sure that every loyal subject would readily agree to the address.
The Earl of Lauderdalerose, not to oppose the address, but to narrow the grounds on which alone it ought to be proposed. The house had nothing now to do with the military talents and career of the duke of Brunswick, or with the contest in which he had last been engaged. All the house should consider was, that the illustrious person for whom such an establishment was proposed was very nearly connected with his majesty; for if, in the present state of the continent, every unfortunate prince or princess were to seek a retreat and an establishment in this country, merely on the score of their misfortunes, it was not unlikely that we might have many candidates for the bounty of the British nation. If he was not wrongly informed, this illustrious person had already a pension on the Irish establishment, which, with what was now proposed, which he understood to be

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10,000 l. per annum, would amount to an income of 14,000 l. a sum which he would not say was either too great or too little; but this he must observe, that the house, in granting it, were not very consistent; for surely if the sister of the king, who was only the daughter of a prince of Wales, was entitled to such an establishment, the daughters of the king of England should be entitled at least to the same, while it was well known the princesses were not allowed even one half of that sum. This inconsistency, however, he should now leave to the reflection of their lordships.— The question was then put on the address, and agreed to nem. diss.

OFFICES IN REVERSION BILL.
On the motion that the bill for suspending the making of such grants be read a third time,
The Earl of Lauderdalerose, and repeated his objections to the bill. It was wholly different in principle from the bill that had been introduced in the commencement of the session, and was by no means such as the committee of finance had in contemplation, or as the country was led to expect. If that was all the committee of finance thought of doing, then, indeed, the people would be disappointed. He fondly hoped to see the enquiries penetrate into the great departments of government, the navy, the army, the ordnance, where great and essential savings might be made: but if their object was only to abolish some sinecure places, which he rather thought should be retained for the reward of public services, then, instead of promoting economy, it might be found that they would have increased expence. But nothing more displeased him in the bill, than seeing it was the result of a petty compromise between ministers, who wished to secure their places, and that party by whom this bill had hitherto been opposed, and who possessed a secret influence which was known to be able to make or unmake ministers.
Lord Harrowbyperfectly concurred with the noble lord who spoke last, as to the propriety of retaining some fund from which his majesty might be enabled to reward services, where the persons who had rendered those services, had not been born to hereditary wealth. Such a fund, he thought, sinecure places might contribute to supply. He differed widely, however, from that noble lord as to his insinuations of a compromise; did not the very nature of the constitution depend on compromise? otherwise, could public bu-
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smess be carried on for a moment without practical compromises? He thought the house of commons had acted wisely in new-modelling the bill; and that their lordships acted wisely in assenting to it.
Lord Hollandwas surprised to see the house deserted by those who had prognosticated such alarming mischief's from the bill. This to him was a new proof that the passing of the present bill was a matter of compromise; not of that sort of compromise of which the noble lord opposite had just spoken, but a compromise that was to keep ministers in their places, while they removed the objections of that party upon whom their power was known to depend.
Lord Hawkesburyand the Lord Chancellor disclaimed the doctrine that the bill was subversive of the constitution, inimical to the prerogative, or repugnant to the dignity of that house. If it had any such tendency, it never should have had their countenance and support.
The Earl of Darnleydid not think the bill sufficient, but he still should support it, and consider it as a pledge of what the house was further disposed to do, and as a pledge which he trusted they would redeem.—The bill was then read a third time and passed.