Lords Sitting of 23 April 1806

Preamble
[KING'S MESSAGE RELATING TO PRUSSIA.] Lord Grinville moved the order of the day for taking into consideration his majesty's most gracious message. The message being accordingly read, his lordship rose and observed, that after the message which their lordships had heard, it would not be necessary for him to take up much of the time of the house. He was persuaded that there could be but one sentiment among their lordships respecting his majesty's message; he was convinced there could be but one feeling in the country, as to the line of conduct which it was necessary to adopt; and he believed that there could be but one opinion throughout Europe respecting the conduct of Prussia. Had there existed no connection between that power and G. Britain, if his Prussian majesty had not been bound by ties of alliances, of blood, of friendship, and of gratitude, still one might have supposed that his true policy, a sense of his real interest, would have induced him to pursue a course different from that which occasioned the message which had been just read. It was not his intention to enter deeply at present into the particulars of the conduct of the Prussian government; it would be necessary, however, to make some reference to them. The court had been engaged in confidential intercourse with England previous to the battle of Austerlitz; and if any reliance could be
882
placed upon assurances; if any faith could be reposed upon treaties; we had a right to expect that she would be found, not fighting on the side of the enemy, but sustaining the common cause of Europe against France. On the contrary, she acted as if, not with standing those assurances and those treaties, she had been leagued with France from the beginning. This was manifested in various instances. Her first open act was to occupy Hanover, under pretence of covering the retreat of the British and allied army, and of securing her own frontier against the danger which might; result from the establishment of a French force in the electorate of Hanover. That this occupation was a flagrant outrage and violation Of justice, no one could deny, and as such, his majesty could not but feel it deeply. The insult and injury however, affecting him more in his private than in his public capacity, he determined to apply to remonstrance and negotiation, rather than to measures of a more serious character. What was the conduct of Prussia? Their lordships would scarcely believe it, if the facts were not notorious to all Europe. Before time could be given for the first temperate representation, before any explanation was offered or received, she took forcible possession of his majesty's electoral dominions. The country which she occupied a few days before, for the purpose of protecting and guarding against the arms of France, within one fortnight after, she appropriated to herself, as a cession and a conquest made by France. This was the second step in the gradation of the injuries offered to his majesty. There was, however, a third step more general and more injurious in its object and consequences. Prussian majesty caused it to be notified to the British minister at Berlin, that, in obedience to a requisition from France, he must proceed to exclude the Shipping Of England not only from Prussia, but from the ports of all the countries within the reach of her controul or influence. It was in this situation we now, stood. His majesty could not but feel deep and lasting regret that the acts of Prussia, over which he had no controul, should involve in the calamities of war not only the Subjects of Prussia, but those of other countries. Whether any alternative remained to his majesty, it would be for their lordships to determine; to his mind there was none. He could not perceive what other measures than those which had

883
been resorted to, could be taken against a country which was found, either from choice or necessity, to yield to every requisition of the enemy. Such boundless acquiescence did not become any country, and much less a great country like Prussia. It was Obvious, that, in point of honour and reputation, she could gain nothing by it; it remained to be proved whether, even in the inferior consideration of interest, she would find herself the better by it. He purposely abstained from making use of strong terms in speaking of the conduct of Prussia. If it could be the object of any one to irritate, to inflame the passions, to make it more difficult to renew hereafter the connection between the two countries, how easy would it be for him to represent the conduct of Prussia in a much stronger light? One observation more remained for him to make, which related to the interest of Prussia herself. This appeared to him to be the kind of reasoning by which she endeavoured to reconcile herself to the strange line of policy she had thought proper to pursue: "I have no hostility against you; France insists upon my ceding to her a part of my dominions: I must indemnify myself somewhere; you are my weaker neighbour, and I will wrest my indemnity from you." What could there be more monstrous, more unjust, more contrary to the principles of the law of nations, than such a proposition? He would allow that cases might occur, in which a country might be obliged to cede part of her territories; but though her interests were affected, still her honour might be preserved. , There was no disgrace in being the victim of such a necessity. It was not dishonourable to be obliged to bend to circumstances after an, appeal to arms; the dishonour was in not contending against such an event, in yielding without an effort or a struggle. The ground upon which he would move the address to his majesty, which he held in his hand, were these. First, the necessity of evincing that a connection did and ought to exist between England and Germany, and that we felt deeply for her interests. He was also anxious to convince Prussia, that there was not a power in Europe who would exclude British ships from her ports with impunity; and, above all, he wished to mark our abhorrence of that abominable principle of one power mnifying itself at the ex-pence of its weaker neighbour. He would acknowledge also, he had another power
884
ful motive for proposing it, a motive in which he anticipated the perfect concurrence, not only of every noble lord who heard him, but of every man in the country. He was anxious to convince his Majesty that they felt an insult offered to themselves, and that there was no part of his dominions, in the possession of which they were not willing to defend and maintain him. In this loyal and patriotic sentiment he was persuaded every one who heard him would agree. He would trespass no longer upon their lordship's time, but move that the following addresses be presented to his majesty upon his most gracicious message. His lordship then read the address, which was an echo of the message. The address having been again read by the lord Chancellor,
Lord Hawkesbury rose for the purpose, of expressing his entire and unqualified approbation of the address proposed by the noble lord. After the clear, the temperate, and the dignified manner in which the particulars of the conduct of Prussia were laid before the house, he should consider himself as guilty of an abuse of their lordship's patience, if he were to endeavour to trace the circumstances which had led to the last unfortunate measures of the court of Berlin. He thought it due, however, to his majesty's government, to express his entire approbation of what they had done. The electoral dominions of his majesty were invaded by France, not on account of a German quarrel, but on account of her hatred to this country. They were attacked in violation of existing treaties, which stipulated and provided for the neutrality, as well as for that of the Hansetowns. Prussia herself, who now said that she accepted Hanover as a conquest of France, was a party to those very treaties. Under these circumstances, looking to the occupation of Hanover in all its bearings, as a violation of positive treaties, as an infraction of the great principles of the public law of Europe, he gave his full concurrence to the address. That Prussia would feel the folly of the system she had embraced, he was confident. That the measures she had adopted against the trade and shipping of G. Britain, would recoil with ten-fold force upon the commerce and navigation of Prussia, the experience of a few weeks would demonstrate. He hoped government would be impelled, by this unexpected conduct of Prussia, to cement, more strongly that good understanding

885
which had been fortunately established with two great Northern powers,he meant Russia and Sweeden. To the firmness and sincerity of these powers, he was persuaded we might look with confidence and satisfaction, as more than a counterpoise to the defection of Prussia.
Lord Mulgrave thought it impossible that any of their lordships could feel more strongly than he did every word of the address; it had his entire approbation. After the complete vassalage of Prussia, he was convinced, that it was impossible to be at war with France, without, at the same time, being engaged in hostility with her. The measures which had been taken, had also his approbation; they were marked with energy and promptitude, and were such as became a great and a just nation. He doubted not the readiness of a government to renew the customary relations with Prussia, as soon as she should evince that she was alive to her own honour and interest. His lordship concluded with expressing his concurrence in the address, and of the measures which had been adopted towards Prussia, from which he saw reason to augur well of the future conduct of government.—The question was then put and carried nem. diss.