HC Deb 09 March 1983 vol 38 cc841-4 3.36 pm
Mr. Austin Mitchell (Grimsby)

I beg to move, That leave be given to bring in a Bill to dissolve the present Parliament immediately; and to provide for general elections to be held at intervals of not more than four years unless a majority of the House of Commons votes for an earlier dissolution. This is a modest little measure which seeks to bring Britain into line with such democracies as Australia, Austria, Denmark, West Germany, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway and Sweden, all of which have maximum parliamentary terms of four years or less. It would remove us from the linger-longer league of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the Ivory Coast, Monaco, Pakistan, South Korea, Romania, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tunisia and Zaire, all of which, like us, have five-year terms or longer. Not only would it fulfil a basic democratic right to have Governments and Members of Parliament who were more frequently accountable, but it would allow the system to adjust better to what has emerged as a basic feature of British politics—the volatility of the electorate. That volatility is partly a product of the steady erosion of traditional allegiances on both sides of the electorate, and partly a product of economic failure which has led to comparative and now absolute decline. The electors have expected to become better off, but Governments have failed to deliver and the result has been increasing alienation.

Such circumstances combine badly with a five-year term because the result is that, deprived of real control by an over-long five-year term, people generate massive swings against the Government in polls, by-elections and massive third party protests because irresponsibility is amplified by impotence, through the long-term Parliament.

Governments always claim that they want longer to do a more fundamental job of reform, but usually one of two things happens. Sometimes they become unnerved and short-term considerations take over. The Government might go through a euphoric phase of doing what they want for two years, spend the rest of their term back-pedalling and, as is usual, end up going to the country early. They say at the beginning that they want 10 years to do the job and then take only three or four. That process devalues Parliament, because Parliament is a freeze frame of public attitudes and party allegiances of previous years which is increasingly less relevant. The Government read the mood of the public not through Parliament but through opinion polls, pressure group democracy and the other devices which are displacing Parliament.

The second thing that can and does happen—it has happened with this Government—is that the Government put their head down in pursuit of disastrous wrong-headed policies that cannot be checked because the elections are a long time away. They continue to pursue such policies whatever the consequences.

There is a marked contrast between the impact of wrong-headed monetarist economic policies on Britain and on the United States of America. Similar policies were implemented later in America, but the American Government, because they were far more sensitive to public opinion and because of the frequency of the elections, began to back-pedal on those policies much earlier than would a British Government, who were free from such considerations by the long Parliament in which they could operate. The American Government began to expand the money supply and to introduce deficit financing as though it was going out of fashion to fight the depression that they had produced, whereas our Government are still pursuing their policies. Their resolute approach to other people's firms, jobs and future has been pursued because there is no effective check on the Government. A shorter parliamentary term would provide that check.

I wish us to move towards the chartists' dream of annual Parliaments, but as I am a moderate man—

Mr. Robert Rhodes James (Cambridge)

rose

Mr. Mitchell

—I propose a four-year term, which will pass power back to the people.

The second part of my proposed Bill would effectively remove from the Prime Minister the power to decide, almost alone and unchecked, the date of the general election. That date affects all our careers and futures, but it is decided by one person on our behalf. At present, too much power is concentrated in the hands of the Prime Minister, who is already much too powerful in the system. It also loads the odds in the electoral process even more in the Government's favour. The Government already have the machinery of news management and the ability, if they wish, to manage the economy to suit their electoral fortunes. No doubt in next week's Budget we shall see part of that process.

The Government's power is great enough and they should not have the opportunity to seize opportunistically what they may believe is a temporary advantage or a passing popularity and go to the country. Previous Prime Ministers may have exercised that power in such a disastrously wrong way as to make it a power to commit political suicide, but the power itself is wrong. In 1970, my right hon. Friend the Member for Huyton (Sir H. Wilson) got the election date wrong. In 1974, the right hon. Member for Sidcup (Mr. Heath) got it wrong, and in 1979, my right hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff, South-East (Mr. Callaghan) got it wrong. There is some reason to assume, and indeed every reason to hope, that the present Prime Minister will get it wrong in the same way.

Fixed-term Parliaments, which the Bill suggests, would remove the present spectacle of a Government suddenly becoming coy and flirtatious about the date of the election, when all the logic of what they have been saying should make them persevere to the bitter end. That is the basis of the policy that they have put before the people. Yet their coyness and flirtatiousness about the timing of the election has disastrous effects on the economy and on the valuation of the pound, which is central to the economy.

Mr. Rhodes James

rose

Mr. Mitchell

My Bill would remove that prospect. A fixed-term Parliament that could be dissolved early only by a vote in the House would spread power down from the Prime Minister to the parties, which must be the central instrument of government, and would allow the collective wisdom that is present in all parties, even mine, to exercise itself on a major decision that affects the future of all members of that party. I would not wish the Prime Minister to throw away the implications of the resolute approach for a quick dash to the country, but my Bill would stop the spectacle of her being torn between duty and convenience.

I envisage four-year terms, with early dissolution only on a vote of the House. The Bill does not specify whether that would be a vote for dissolution or a vote of no confidence in the Government.

During the past 100 years, the life of Parliament has been reduced from seven to five years, but five years is still too long. Power has been concentrated in the hands of the Prime Minister, but that power is now too great. My Bill deals with both problems, and its main importance is in shortening the life of Parliament so as to place power with the people, where it belongs.

Mr. Rhodes James

rose

Mr. Speaker

Does the hon. Member for Cambridge (Mr. Rhodes James) wish to oppose the Bill?

Mr. Rhodes James

Before the hon. Member for Grimsby (Mr. Mitchell) sat down, I wished to ask him a question—

Mr. Speaker

Order. There can be no interventions in a speech on a ten-minute Bill. If the hon. Gentleman seeks to oppose, of course I shall call him.

Mr. Rhodes James

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. The hon. Gentleman referred to the chartist movement and annual Parliaments. The chartist movement—

Mr. Speaker

Order. That does not sound like a point of order for me.

Mr. J. W. Rooker (Birmingham, Perry Barr)

rose

Mr. Speaker

Point of order, Mr. Rooker, who may be more successful.

Mr. Rooker

I rise to oppose the Bill, Mr. Speaker, to bring the matter to a conclusion. Before I heard the speech of my hon Friend the Member for Grimsby (Mr. Mitchell), when I entered the Chamber, on balance, I was inclined to vote for it because we must have serious discussions about fixed-term Parliaments. However, my hon. Friend has palpably failed to make his case and, therefore, the Bill should proceed no further and the House should not give my hon. Friend leave to bring it in.

Question put, pursuant to Standing Order No. 13 (Motions for leave to bring in Bills and nomination of Select Committees at commencement of public business):

The House divided: Ayes 42, Noes 130.

Division No. 90] [3.40 pm
AYES
Alton, David Johnson, Walter (Derby S)
Beith, A. J. Jones, Dan (Burnley)
Bradley, Tom Lofthouse, Geoffrey
Brown, Ronald W. (H'ckn'y S) McNally, Thomas
Canavan, Dennis Marshall, D(G'gow S'ton)
Carter-Jones, Lewis Maxton, John
Davis, Terry (B'ham, Stechf'd) Meacher, Michael
Foulkes, George Mitchell, Austin (Grimsby)
Freud, Clement Mitchell, R. C. (Soton Itchen)
Ginsburg, David Morris, Rt Hon A. (W'shawe)
Grimond, Rt Hon J. Morton, George
Hamilton, James (Bothwell) Owen, Rt Hon Dr David
Horam, John Park, George
Howells, Geraint Pavitt, Laurie
Hoyle, Douglas Ross, Stephen (Isle of Wight)
Hughes, Simon (Bermondsey) Sandelson, Neville
Johnson, James (Hull West) Spellar, John Francis (B'ham)
Steel, Rt Hon David White, Frank R.
Stewart, Rt Hon D. (W Isles) Whitehead, Phillip
Torney, Tom
Varley, Rt Hon Eric G. Tellers for the Ayes:
Wainwright, R.(Colne V) Mr. Russell Kerr and
Weetch, Ken Mr. Joe Ashton.
NOES
Alexander, Richard Knight, Mrs Jill
Anderson, Donald Lamond, James
Atkinson, N.(H'gey,) Leighton, Ronald
Banks, Robert Le Marchant, Spencer
Beaumont-Dark, Anthony Lewis, Arthur (N'ham NW)
Bennett, Andrew(St'kp't N) Lewis, Ron (Carlisle)
Bennett, Sir Frederic (T'bay) Litherland, Robert
Bevan, David Gilroy Mabon, Rt Hon Dr J. Dickson
Biggs-Davison, Sir John McCusker, H.
Blackburn, John McElhone, Mrs Helen
Body, Richard McQuarrie, Albert
Bottomley, Peter (W'wich W) McTaggart, Robert
Bowden, Andrew Marlow, Antony
Brotherton, Michael Marshall, Jim (Leicester S)
Brown, Michael(Brigg & Sc'n) Marten, Rt Hon Neil
Budgen, Nick Mason, Rt Hon Roy
Burden, Sir Frederick Mawby, Ray
Campbell-Savours, Dale Mawhinney, Dr Brian
Carlisle, John (Luton West) Maxwell-Hyslop, Robin
Chapman, Sydney Meyer, Sir Anthony
Cocks, Rt Hon M. (B'stol S) Mikardo, Ian
Cohen, Stanley Molyneaux, James
Concannon, Rt Hon J. D. Monro, Sir Hector
Cormack, Patrick Montgomery, Fergus
Costain, Sir Albert Mulley, Rt Hon Frederick
Crawshaw, Richard Murphy, Christopher
Cryer, Bob O'Halloran, Michael
Cunliffe, Lawrence Orme, Rt Hon Stanley
Dean, Joseph (Leeds West) Parris, Matthew
Dixon, Donald Porter, Barry
Dormand, Jack Powell, Raymond (Ogmore)
Dorrell, Stephen Prescott, John
Duffy, A. E. P. Proctor, K. Harvey
Ellis, R. (NE D'bysh're) Race, Reg
Emery, Sir Peter Rhodes James, Robert
English, Michael Roberts, Ernest (Hackney N)
Evans, Ioan (Aberdare) Roberts, Gwilym (Cannock)
Evans, John (Newton) Rooker, J. W.
Fell, Sir Anthony Sheerman, Barry
Fookes, Miss Janet Shepherd, Colin (Hereford)
Forrester, John Skeet, T. H. H.
Foster, Derek Skinner, Dennis
Fraser, Rt Hon Sir Hugh Smith, Sir Dudley
Fry, Peter Smith, Tim (Beaconsfield)
Golding, John Spearing, Nigel
Gorst, John Spence, John
Gow, Ian Spriggs, Leslie
Graham, Ted Stanbrook, Ivor
Greenway, Harry Stokes, John
Grieve, Percy Taylor, Teddy (S'end E)
Grist, Ian Thorne, Neil (Ilford South)
Hamilton, W. W. (C'tral Fife) Thorne, Stan (Preston South)
Harrison, Rt Hon Walter Townend, John (Bridlington)
Haynes, Frank Townsend, Cyril D, (B'heath)
Heddle, John Viggers, Peter
Higgins, Rt Hon Terence L. Walker, B. (Perth)
Hill, James Walker-Smith, Rt Hon Sir D.
Holland, Philip (Carlton) Watkins, David
Hoyle, Douglas Wells, Bowen
Hughes, Robert (Aberdeen N) Welsh, Michael
Hughes, Roy (Newport) Wheeler, John
Irvine, Rt Hon Bryant Godman Winnick, David
Janner, Hon Greville Winterton, Nicholas
Jay, Rt Hon Douglas
Johnson Smith, Sir Geoffrey Tellers for the Noes:
Jones, Barry (East Flint) Dr. David Clark and
Kimball. Sir Marcus Mr. David Stoddart.

Question accordingly negatived.