STATEMENT BY THE PRIME MINISTER. (Hansard, 28 February 1922)

§ The PRIME MINISTER (Mr. Lloyd George)

The White Paper will show the House what has passed since the declaration of policy made by His Majesty's Government in December after the failure of Adly Pasha's mission to London. It also contains the declaration of policy upon which His Majesty's Government, in pursuance of the principles laid down in December, now propose to proceed.

We have long recognised, and said, that the Protectorate was no longer a satisfactory form of relationship between the British Empire and Egypt, but we have also said that, owing to the peculiar geographical position of Egypt, the Protectorate cannot be terminated unless British Imperial interests are fully safeguarded. This Adly Pasha and his colleagues were the first to admit, but the difficulty of reconciling these interests with Egyptian aspirations proved insuperable during the negotiations last summer. At the present moment there is no Egyptian Government which could go so far as to commit their country to a treaty relationship with Great Britain of a nature to afford us adequate safeguards in these matters, and his Majesty's Government have, therefore, determined to proceed by a unilateral declaration.

In this course they enjoy the wholehearted support of Lord Allenby and of the British officials of all ranks in the service of the Egyptian Government, and they are confident that their action will be equally endorsed by Parliament and by public opinion in this country.

There are three points in the Declaration:

First, the Protectorate is terminated and Egypt is free to work out such national institutions as may best be suited to the aspirations of her people.

Second, martial law will be abolished as soon as an Act of Indemnity has been 272 passed. On this a word of explanation is necessary. Martial law has not been used in the main, as some people suppose, to enforce British policy upon Egypt. It has been, on the contrary, the main instrument of government in the hands of Egyptian Ministers for certain important measures arising out of war conditions—such, for instance, as the regulation of house rents and the levying of certain taxes. An Act of Indemnity is, therefore, necessary before any Egyptian Government can dispense with martial law. It is for the Egyptian Government to pass the necessary legislation, but we undertake to impose no obstacles, provided the final Clause of the Declaration is duly observed.

Third, this final Clause defines the special relation between His Majesty's Government and Egypt. It declares that the following four matters are absolutely reserved to the discretion of His Majesty's Government:

(a) The security of the communications of the British Empire in Egypt.
(b) The defence of Egypt against all foreign aggression or interference, direct or indirect.
(c) the protection of foreign interests in Egypt and the protection of minorities.
(d) The Sudan.

We are prepared to make agreements with the Egyptian Government upon these matters in a spirit of mutual accommodation, whenever a favourable opportunity arises for the conclusion of such agreements. But until such agreements, satisfactory both to ourselves and to the Egyptian Government, are concluded, the status quo will remain intact.

I must make another point clear. We regard the special relations between ourselves and Egypt defined in this Clause as a matter concerning only ourselves and the Government of Egypt. Foreign Powers are not concerned, and we propose to state this unmistakably when the termination of the Protectorate is notified to them.

The welfare and integrity of Egypt are necessary to the peace and safety of the British Empire, which will, therefore, always maintain as an essential British interest the special relations between itself and Egypt long recognised by other Governments. The definition of these 273 special relations is an essential part of the declaration recognising Egypt as an independent sovereign State. His Majesty's Government have laid them down as matters in which the rights and interests of the British Empire are vitally involved, and they cannot permit them to be questioned by any other Power. In pursuance of this principle, they would regard as an unfriendly act any attempt at interference in the affairs of Egypt by another Power, and they would consider any aggression against the territory of Egypt as an act to be repelled by all the means at their command.

On the other hand, we of course accept the protection of foreign interests and minorities in Egypt as a responsibility inseparable from the special position which we claim in the country.

These responsibilities have not infrequently been brought home to his Majesty's Government in the course of the last few years, when the passions of the masses in Egypt have been inflamed against all foreigners, and all foreigners alike have suffered. It is to be hoped that, with the recognition of their status as an independent nation, the Egyptians will themselves realise how imperative it is to keep political passions within their proper bounds, and the efforts of any Egyptian Government in this direction will always enjoy the sympathy and support of His Majesty's Government.