HC Deb 15 February 1922 vol 150 cc1006-11
Sir J. BUTCHER

(by Private Notice) asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been called to a cable message alleged to have been sent on Monday last by Mr. Michael Collins to Mr. Lyons, of the American Association of the Irish Republic, in which Mr. Collins is reported as saying that the alternative to the Treaty sooner or later is a reversion to war conditions, that he wants the people to decide, and that if they decide for war, none of them need doubt where he will stand; and what steps the Government propose to take in view of this announcement by Mr. Collins?

Mr. CHURCHILL

I noticed the message to which reference has been made in the Press. It does not, in my opinion, call for any comment on the part of His Majesty's Government.

Sir J. BUTCHER

Will my right hon. Friend convey to Mr. Collins this intimation, that a threat of war to be waged by Ireland on Great Britain is not conducive to good government in Southern Ireland, or to good relations between Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland?

Mr. CHURCHILL

The very purpose of the statement made by Mr. Collins to America was, I assume, to induce and facilitate the acceptance of the Treaty. Anyhow, I do not think we want to make more heavy weather than we can help.

Lieut.-Colonel Sir W. ALLEN

(by Private Notice) asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can make any statement regarding the condition of affairs in Belfast and the loss of life and the number wounded by shooting into crowded thoroughfares; if he will say whether the military and Royal Irish Constabulary are now under the control of the British authorities, and, if so, will he state what steps are being taken to deal with the serious state of affairs there?

Mr. CHURCHILL

I have one or two pieces of information to give to the House, and perhaps I may incorporate them in my answer to this question. In the first place, I have heard from Mr. Michael Collins, who is now in this country, that he has already been able to obtain the release of 15 of the kidnapped persons, and that he hopes more will be liberated during the day. I am satisfied that every effort of influence and persuasion is being used by the Provisional Government to secure the release of these persons, and I am assured that in the meanwhile they are being kept in safety and under decent conditions. I have been very much concerned at the attitude of mutual suspicion which has been growing up on both sides of the Ulster border. There is great apprehension in Northern Ireland that there may be some violent incursion, and a great suspicion that large numbers of the Irish Republican Army are accumulating and concentrating in the villages of Monaghan, and that, therefore, possibly there may be an attack. I have received several very anxious telegrams on that subject. On the other hand, there is a considerable movement of armed constables taking place north of the line, and similar apprehensions are entertained by those on the south side. I therefore proposed, yesterday, to the Northern and Southern Governments that there should be two impartial commissions set up, consisting of several British officers and of officers from the forces on either side of the border—from the Northern force in the case of the North, and from the Southern force in the case of the South, and that these two liaison commissions should move about on each side of the frontier, and should be in communication with each other and interchange information constantly, in order to allay suspicions which might easily give rise to some serious incident. I have received from the Northern Government prompt and unqualified acceptance, and I also received from Mr. Collins to-day his full agreement with the proposal, which I hope, will tend to allay the uncertainty that prevails, and to stabilise the position.

I have received, in answer to the question specifically put to me, two communications about Belfast. The first, which I will impart to the House, is from the Provisional Government in Ireland. Complaint has been made to them of a serious character to this effect—I am not quoting textually:

  • Feb. 6th. Barman Gray shot dead at work.
  • Feb. 7th. Three wounded.
  • Feb. 8th. McDonough shot dead, Meadow Street.
  • Feb. 11th. Mrs. Page shot dead in her shop.
  • Feb. 12th. Mathers and Tennyson tortured, and shot dead, Millfield. Leary and Gregg shot dead, Carrick Hill.
  • Feb. 13th. Lamb, publican, shot dead in shop. McNellis, barman, shot dead at work. Bomb thrown among children at play. Kennedy and Johnston instantly killed; three others since died in hospital; remaining seventeen in hospital, terribly mutilated.
That is the substance of the complaint addressed to the Provisional Government in Dublin from persons in Belfast, and forwarded by them to me. I am bound to put it before the House, in pursuance of the principle of stating exactly what is taking place in Ireland. I have also received from the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland (Sir James Craig) the following statement: Disturbances of Monday were renewed yesterday morning at 6.15 a.m. by sniping from the Sinn Fein Falls Road area. Later in the morning, a leading official of the Orange body was murdered in an Orange hall, causing intense feeling of resentment throughout the loyal population. Sniping then became general throughout the disturbed area. Later an armed sniper, with the barrel of his rifle still hot, was captured by the Special Constabulary. In the evening an attack was made on tramway workers while at their work on the tram lines. One of the assailants was shot dead by the police. Reinforcements of the military were called out and comparative quiet was restored, save in the east district, which had been quiet all day. In that district, between 8 and 9 p.m. a gang of rowdies went through an outlying portion of the district firing at several houses, including that of the parish priest. Two men were shot on the street by them during this period, and several persons wounded. I regret to state that the total casualties for the day reported to the police up till now are 6 killed and 24 wounded. To-day the City is comparatively quiet. Until the kidnapped loyalists are returned unharmed, I fear that the intense bitterness that has been aroused between opposing parties owing to that and other outrages will be difficult to allay. The military are cooperating fully with the police, and are doing everything possible to protect life and property. I should like to take this opportunity of expressing what I know is the opinion of every man in every part of the House, and what I certainly know is the opinion of those who are responsible for the government of Northern and Southern Ireland, namely, that the time has come when everyone who has any influence of any kind or sort on either side of the frontier-line of Northern and Southern Ireland ought to set to work to remove every obstacle of temporary vexation and quarrel which is now existing, in order to allay the truly inhuman and unchristian state of things which is proceeding. The greatest pressure has been put by His Majesty's Government upon the Irish Provisional Government to effect the release of the kidnapped persons, and I do trust that should they be successful, and should the Provisional Government be successful, we may look for similar action, or action couched in a similar spirit, on the part of the Northern Irish Government in releasing certain prisoners whom they have in their hands, and whose continued detention, although no serious crime is alleged against them, is undoubtedly one of the causes of trouble. I do not for one moment compare prisoners who have been taken lawfully, and are being proceeded against at law in the courts, with persons who were kidnapped; but I do ask men of good will not to take fine points in matters of such a character.

Sir W. ALLEN

Will the right hon. Gentleman use his best influence with His Majesty's Government to remove what is really the foundation of the trouble in the entire business, that is to say, to leave the boundary question in accordance with the Act of 1920?

Mr. CHURCHILL

I do not agree that it is, but—

Mr. SPEAKER

That is a question set down on the Paper for debate to-morrow.

Mr. MOLES

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether, despite the fact that 128 people were kidnapped by violence across the border of Southern Ireland and four Special Constables were killed and six wounded, there has been a solitary act of reprisal from any Protestant on the frontier line—because the statement he has made is calculated to convey the contrary impression? May I further ask whether, having regard to the statement which the right hon. Gentleman has made as to the proposal to liberate persons caught proceeding to a football match with 20 bombs in their car, and a corresponding number of revolvers with ammunition, it is to be laid down now by him and the Government that such people are to be free to pass through Northern Ireland, but that, if you send police through Southern Ireland to go to the defence of these raided areas, they are to be assassinated? Will the right hon. Gentleman state the policy on that?

Mr. CHURCHILL

I certainly have not the slightest intention of colouring the information which I receive, or the statements which I make to the House, in one direction or the other. The only possible means by which we shall escape from this hideous business is by frankly stating the facts. I shall he very glad to receive from my hon. Friend the evidence which he has as to the bombs and revolvers of which he speaks. I have frequently asked for this evidence, but I have not yet had it furnished to me, and I do not think that, if it were forthcoming, the Northern Government would have taken the very lenient course of saying that they would not oppose bail if it were asked for by these men. That is all I have to say on that particular subject, but I should like to bear my tribute to the strenuous and intense efforts which have been made by the authorities in Northern Ireland to prevent reprisals, and the success which, as the hon. Gentleman says, those efforts have undoubtedly achieved on the frontier in preventing anything like a violent counter-outbreak. The disturbances in Belfast are of a peculiar character, but of a very horrible character. I know perfectly well that Sir James Craig and his colleagues are working night and day to try and limit these serious and horrible cases, and I wish to make it absolutely clear that we have every confidence in their strenuous efforts to do all they can to prevent reprisals in any form and loss of life and destruction of property.

Sir W. DAVISON

May I ask the Leader of the House whether, in view of the terrible state of affairs existing in Northern and Southern Ireland, as evidenced by the statement just made by the Colonial Secretary, the Government really intend to proceed with the Bill that is on the Paper for to-morrow?

Mr. CHAMBERLAIN (Leader of the House)

Yes, Sir. I have repeatedly stated that this lamentable state of affairs is a measure of the urgency of investing the Provisional Government in Southern Ireland with full legal power to deal with disorder.

Mr. MOLES

Arising out of that statement, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he has seen the Press reports of the proceedings before the magistrates, in which is specifically set out the number of arms found and the extent of the ammunition; and, as to the position of Belfast, whether he is not well aware of the fact that every Member of Parliament in Belfast throughout these terrible times has literally taken his life in his hands in endeavouring to prevent breaches of the peace, and that some have even been under fire, even so late as yesterday; and is he also aware of the fact that all the persons killed yesterday were Protestants?

Mr. CHURCHILL

I have given all the information that I have. I am quite certain that my hon. Friend and those associated with him will do their very utmost to reduce the fury and the retaliatory action which has been taken.

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