HC Deb 27 October 1920 vol 133 cc1869-89

(1) Where a Proclamation of emergency has been made, and so long as the Proclamation is in force, it shall be lawful for His Majesty in Council, by Order, to make Regulations for securing the essentials of life to the community, and those Regulations may confer or impose on a Secretary of State or other Government Department, or any other persons in His Majesty's service or acting on His Majesty's behalf, such powers and duties as His Majesty may deem necessary for the preservation of the peace, for securing and regulating the supply and distribution of food, water, fuel, light, and other necessities, for maintaining the means of transit or locomotion, and for any other purposes essential to the public safety and the life of the community, and may make such provisions incidental to the powers aforesaid as may appear to His Majesty to be required for making the exercise of those powers effective.

Provided that nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorise the making of any Regulations imposing any form of compulsory military service or industrial conscription.

Provided also that no such Regulation shall make it an offence for any person or persons to take part in a strike or peacefully to persuade any other person or persons to take part in a strike.

(2) Any Regulations so made shall be laid before Parliament as soon as may be after they are made, and shall not continue in force after the expiration of seven days from the time when they are so laid unless a Resolution is possed by both Houses providing for the continuance thereof.

(3) The Regulations may provide for the trial by courts of summary jurisdiction of persons guilty of offences against the Regulations; so, however, that the maximum penalty which may be inflicted shall be imprisonment with or without hard labour for a term of three months, or a fine of one hundred pounds, or both such imprisonment and fine, together with the forfeiture of any goods or money in respect of which the offence has been committed.

(4) The Regulations so made shall have effect as if enaered in this Act, hut may be added to altered, or revoked by Resolution of both Houses of Parliament or by Regulations made in like manner and subject to the like provisions as the original Regulations; and Regulations made under this Section shall not be deemed to be Statutory Rules within the meaning of Section one of the Rules Publication Act, 1893.

(5) The expiry or revocation of any Regulations so made shall not he deemed to have affected the previous operation thereof, or the validity of any action taken thereunder or any penalty or punishment incurred in respect of any contravention or failure to comply therewith, or any proceeding or remedy in respect of any such punishment or penalty.


I beg to move, in Sub-section (1), after the word "Regulations" ["nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorise the making of any Regulations"], to insert the words, "abrogating the Trade Union Acts, 1871 to. 1906, or any of the provisions contained therein, or".

Throughout the whole of the discussions on this Bill, members of the Government, and many of their supporters, have repeatedly informed us that there was no intention on the part of the promoters of the Bill to interfere with the rights of the trade unions as they now exist under the trade union law. During the Committee stage a proviso was inserted consisting of certain words from the Trade Disputes Act, 1906. It seems to those of us on this side who represent directly the organised workers, that, either by intention or otherwise, we have been placed in a very unfortunate position, and I want to try to induce the Government to amend the proviso to which I have referred by the insertion of the words which I have moved. In an Amendment moved, I believe, by a supporter of the Government, the right to strike and the right to peacefully persuade—


Not by a supporter of the Government.


The Member for Central Hull.


By one of the London Members—I think it was the Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Kiley). By that Amendment the right to strike and the right of peaceful persuasion were maintained. Those are two rights under the Trade Union Acts, 1871 to 1900. There may be in the House those who think that those Acts ought to be repealed. I believe the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) introduced a Bill earlier in the Session with that object in view. The right hon. Baronet has never hidden his position with regard to trade union law. He was through the fight in 1906, which we remember so well, and he has never concealed his position. If you want to repeal the Trade Union Acts the repeal ought to be carried out in an open, straightforward manner. We should not be told, as we have been told over and over again, that there is no intention on the part of the promoters of the Bill to interfere with the Trade Union position and then in some covert and indirect way have taken away from us the rights that the law gave us when we had an open fight on the question in 1906. To carry forward a certain part of an Act and to leave other provisions in it not carried forward will be in my judgment a temptation to Judges to say that when this Emergency Powers Act was passed it was the intention of the legislature to preserve the right to strike and the right of peaceful picketing, but not to carry forward any other powers contained in the Act from which these provisions are taken. I believe the Government have said more than once that they do not intend to interfere with our position. We on these Benches think if the proviso is left as it stands now without the Amendment I am submitting we shall be placed in the position that the old mischief will be once more brought up against the trade unions, and their funds will be no longer immune from attack. In Subsection (4) of the Act of 1906 we have this proviso: Nothing in this Section shall affect the liability of the trustees of a Trade Union to be sued in the events provided for by the Trade Union Act, 1871, Section 9, except in respect of any tortious act committed by or on behalf of a Union in contemplation or in furtherance of a trade dispute. I want to ask whether, having carried forward the right to strike and to peacefully persuade, we preserve this other right that I have referred to in this Subsection. I hope the Government will recognise that this is of such importance to the whole of the 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 trade unionists in this country that any right in the Act I have referred to or the Act of 1871, that has stood so long, being taken away or being interfered with in any way by this measure will be a most unfair way of attacking the trade unions, and I hope the opportunity I give the Attorney-General by moving this Amendment will make it clear once and for all that no right whatsoever under the Trade Union Acts is tampered with or interfered with in any way.


The speech which the House has just heard may be thought to illustrate at least two things. In the first place, it seems to me to illustrate the extraordinary suspicion with which, in certain quarters of the House, every part of this Bill is regarded. We have had during the course of the afternoon, and on earlier days also, many proofs that there are those—I refer, for example, to the lively speech we listened to a moment ago from the hon. Member (Mr. Jones)—who think quite sincerely—I do not doubt their sincerity for a moment—that, under the guise of accomplishing a general and public-spirited purpose, this Bill is intended to be an instrument directed against a particular part of the community. That suspicion appears to be exemplified by the speech we have just heard. Secondly, I think that speech illustrates another thing, I mean the peril which good-natured Ministers incur when, in order to satisfy opponents, or, in the phrase we heard an hour ago, in order to save valuable time, we insert superfluous words so as to make it perfectly clear to the most suspicious mind that something which is apprehended is apprehended wrongly. In the course of the discussion, anxious as we have been from the first to avoid the importation of any unnecessary heat and to put a short end if we can to unnecessary controversy, we have accepted from time to time Amendments from the other side which did not alter the structure or affect the purpose of the Bill, but did to a certain extent make clearer that which was involved in the phrasing of the Bill already. In particular this afternoon the Home Secretary accepted certain words—there was a slight modification introduced into them which did not affect the substance, of the matter—making it clear that it was not within the compass of the proposed regulations to impose any form of compulsory military service or anything which is called, I think, industrial conscription. That concession was followed—




Yes, concession, because it is putting something into the Bill to avoid something which I should have thought it would not have been unreasonable to hope—the Debate showed that it was unreasonable to hope—the Government might have been trusted to avoid. That is done, and as soon as that is done there is another proposal. It has been said again and again, and it has been said with considerable emphasis to-day, that the primary object of the Bill is to make it impossible any longer in this country to strike or, however peacefully, to induce other persons to strike. Of course, that is not the object of the Bill, it is no part of the object of the Bill, and as was said quite clearly—the words "quite clearly" are superfluous in speaking of what is said from that source—as was said by the Lord Privy Seal in moving the Second Reading of the Bill, this is not, in any sense of the term, a strike-breaking Bill. This Bill is not intended to make illegal a strike which, apart from this Bill, would not have been illegal. What is intended is to create machinery, prompt, effective, sufficient, to deal with the situation which is created, whether by industrial dispute or by other action of a certain nature and upon a certain scale, and to put the Executive Government in a position to deal with the situation so created. One might have thought that that was sufficiently declared. However, it was insisted with great vehemence that clear words should be put into the Bill which would, as it were, register and express the pledge which had been given. Accordingly, a proviso was inserted in the Bill which says—I am speaking from memory, but I think I am substantially accurate—that nothing in this Bill is to make a strike illegal or to make it illegal for a person peacefully to persuade to a strike. Be it so. Now comes the sequel, and I do in all seriousness and carnestness invite the attention of the House to the sequel. Because we have done that, because we have made it plain upon the face of the Bill that the purpose which was announced by my right hon. Friend in moving the Second Reading is the true purpose of the Bill, what is the criticism now made by my right hon. Friend (Mr. Henderson)? He says, "Ah, look at the peril of this situation. Now you have in the Bill an echo, a phrase, a reminiscence of a particular Trade Union Act." He even permitted himself to say that His Majesty's judges would be tempted, or might be tempted, by the fact that that particular phrase was to be found in this Bill, which by that time would have become a Statute, to say that all else which is to be found in the Trade Union Acts from 1871 to 1906—to be more accurate, one might say from 1871 to 1913—was by this particular Bill forbidden. Seriously, could any suspicion, any apprehension be more fantastic than that, if my right hon. Friend will allow me to say so?

The Bill provides that upon the happening of certain events, no matter from what quarter they come, through any action, provided that it is of a certain nature and upon a certain scale, an emergency can be declared. Upon the declaration of that emergency, the power to make Regulations immediately arises, and then the scope of these Regulations is indicated, not in the sense of giving the details of any Regulation, but only in the sense of enumerating the classes or the categories or heads under which the Regulations may be made. Does my right hon. Friend seriously imagine that because in a particular Clause of the Bill we have put a proviso that no such Regulation is to interfere with certain things referred to in a Trade Union Act, everything else which is to be found in the Trade Union Acts is by this Act of Parliament done away with. To say that His Majesty's judges would be tempted to draw an inference of that character seems, if I may be allowed to say so, an extremely startling proposition. I say in all earnestness to my right hon. Friend that the words which he proposes to insert are entirely superfluous, and because they are superfluous they are perilous. Is it going to be said that because the Regulations do not provide otherwise, we propose to get rid of Magna Charta? Are we to put in words in this Clause that it shall not be within the compass of the Regulations to abrogate Magna Charta or the Bill of Rights or the Act of Settlement, or some one or other of those laws which are the very foundation of our constitutional law, so far as it is written?


Is this not fantastic suggestion?

10.0 P.M.


I think that there is nothing fantastic in the suggestion that that which is superfluous on one ground is like that which is superfluous on another ground. I invite my right hon. Friend, upon reflection, to think that if we were to put in words of this kind it would be an equal temptation, I will not say to the learned and experienced authorities to whom he referred, but a temptation to some others to say that it is only the little area of trade union law which is to be saved from the ambit of those Regulations, and that every other department of law, however vital it may be to this, that, or the other section of the community, or however important to the community as a whole, is to be material for these Regulations. Having considered that point, I hope that he will not press this Amendment.


I beg to move, "That the Debate be now adjourned."

We have only before us the Bill as it was originally introduced. In Committee we have introduced very important Amendments. There is one very important Amendment to which it is now proposed to add something else. We have not before us in print the Amendment which was adopted, nor have we the words that it is proposed now to introduce. It is impossible to proceed in a rational way to deal with legislation under such circumstances.

Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY

I beg to second the Motion.

Question, "That the Debate be now-adjourned," put, and negatived.

Debate resumed.

Question again proposed, "That the words 'abrogating the Trade Union Acts, 1871 to 1906, or any of the provisions contained therein, or,' be there inserted in the Bill."


The speech of the Attorney-General was, I dare say, intended to reassure those of us who may make some special claim to speak for organised labour. All I can say on behalf of my hon. Friends is that the speech has made us much more suspicious than we were before-It was generally admitted in the beginning of the speech that we are discussing this matter in an atmosphere of suspicion. That is not our fault. That suspicion might have been avoided by frank consultation by bringing together the two parties who have a right to consider how far there should be serious alterations in the law in relation to these emergencies. It might be avoided even now if this Bill were set aside, if only temporarily, and it ought to be set aside in view of the state of the emergency in relation to which it was introduced, hinging upon the miners' strike, being further and further removed from us, as it would appear every hour brings us nearer to a peaceful settlement of that trouble. The circumstances which evoked this Bill have so altered as to entitle us to appeal to the Government not further to increase the suspicions in the mind of labour by continuing to press this measure.

Why are we more suspicious, after listening to these speeches, than before? It is because the Amendment, which would remove the suspicion, which would in statute terms give us the safeguard for which we are asking, is flatly refused, and we are asked to be content with verbal assurances by the Attorney-General. When a case goes into a Court of Law, what matters are the words precisely as they are in the Act. That is what determines the decisions of those who have to interpret the law in Courts. The speeches here in which our good intentions are expressed are never referred to in Court, and, if they were, they would in no way influence a judicial decision. The specific Acts of Parliament referred to in the Amendment, passed by the Legislature, after months of public debate, after weeks of consideration in this House, after a General Election, guarantee to labour the claim which it made in relation to such matters as conspiracy, peaceful picketing, and liability for actions committed by either members of trade unions or individual trade unions themselves; and all that my right hon. Friend is now asking the House to do is so to frame the words of this particular emergency proposal as to make it impossible in a Court of Law to deprive us of these rights which were expressed in two or three Acts of Parliament.

We submit this Amendment because this Rill when it becomes an Act will not in itself be an instrument for Government action in regard to a state of emergency or strikes or disputes. It is the Regulations that would be the instrument. We merely ask that it will not be possible for those who have to frame the Regulations so to frame them as to set aside statutory rights which were expressed in the Trade Disputes Act and other Acts. These Regulations when framed will be framed only in relation to the action of trade union organisations, bodies of men who may be on strike, and no matter how often we are assured that all persons have to be equal before the law, I decline on the strength of our experience to accept any of those assurances no matter how well meant they are. It is not that we doubt the honesty of the statements as they are made, but we must judge what will probably happen in the future by what has happened in the past. Only an hour ago we asked the insertion of certain words that would expressly require persons engaged in the conduct of trade and business in the supply of food and necessities of life to be expressly brought under the terms of the Bill and the Government refused.

A member of the Cabinet, the present Minister of Food, said not long ago—and he has made the statement repeatedly—that proper investigation by a competent committee set up under Government auspices showed that 80 per cent. of the principal trades and businesses of this country were under the dominion of trade combines and syndicates exercising a power frequently delaying supplies for reasons of profit, and frequently impeding the access of the public to the things which they need by the high prices which they fixed officially for reasons of profit. Those are the findings of that Committee, and we say that combines, syndicates; and trading companies exercising unfairly powers of that kind ought to be brought expressly within the terms of this Bill. This the Government have refused to do. I repeat that this is a Bill of Regulations not yet drafted which would be framed in a moment of panic when the whole mind of those who have to frame the Regulations will he directed against organised labour because of the struggles in which labour is engaged with capital or with the Government. I accept the

Division No. 340.] AYES. [10.16 p.m.
Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hartshorn, Vernon Shaw, Thomas (Preston)
Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hayward, Major Evan Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)
Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Sitch, Charles H.
Brace, Rt. Hon. William Hirst, G. H. Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough)
Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Hegge, James Myles Swan, J. E.
Cairns, John Holmes, J. Stanley Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)
Cape, Thomas Irving, Dan Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)
Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)
Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Tillett, Benjamin
Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Lawson, John J. Tootill, Robert
Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Lunn, William Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)
Devlin, Joseph Morgan, Major D. Watts Waterson, A. E.
Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness and Boss) Wignall, James
Finney, Samuel Myers, Thomas Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)
Galbraith, Samuel Newbould, Alfred Ernest Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbrdge)
Glanville, Harold James Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C)
Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Raffan, Peter Wilson Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)
Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Robertson, John
Grundy, T. W. Rose, Frank H. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—
Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Royce, William Stapleton Mr. Tyson Wilson and Mr. Neil Maclean.
Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Sexton, James
Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C. Archdale, Edward Mervyn Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley
Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Atkey, A. R. Balfour, George (Hampstead)
Ainsworth, Captain Charles Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.
Allen, Lieut.-Colonel William James Baird, Sir John Lawrence Barnett, Major R. W.

honesty of purpose and the good intention of those who speak for the Government, but drawing from experience I think that we are entitled to say that our position should be safeguarded expressly by the terms of this Amendment.


My right hon. Friend refers to what happened in the course of the discussion within the last hour when we could not accept an Amendment enumerating certain specific things as being descriptive of the action referred to in the first Clause. Does he seriously contend that the words of the Bill "any action by any person or body of persons" do not cover the very matters which he desires to specify?


I say that in practice they do not.


Does he not perceive that to enumerate certain things, leaving out others, is to create an entirely false impression? The same remark applies to the Amendment now under discussion. Either the House is to take the view that the particular Statutes to which this Amendment refers are Statutes of a special degree of sanctity or it would be necessary to enumerate in the Bill or in a Schedule to this Bill all the Acts with which the Regulations must not interfere.

Question put, "That the words 'abrogating the Trade Union Acts, 1871 to 1906, or any of the provisions contained therein, or,' be there inserted in the Bill."

This House divided: Ayes, 59; Noes, 227.

Barnston, Major Harry Gritten, W. G. Howard Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry
Barrie, Charles Coupar Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike
Barrie, Rt. Hon. H. T. (Lon'derry, N.) Hailwood, Augustine Percy, Charles
Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City)
Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Pollock, Sir Ernest M.
Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Hanna, George Boyle Pulley, Charles Thornton
Birchall, Major J. Dearman Hanson, Sir Charles Augustin Purchase, H. G.
Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Ramsden, G. T.
Blades, Capt. Sir George Rowland Harris, Sir Henry Percy Randles, Sir John S.
Blake, Sir Francis Douglas Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Rankin, Captain James S.
Borwick, Major G. O. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N.
Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Breese, Major Charles E. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)
Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Reid, D. D.
Bruton, Sir James Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Renwick, George
Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hills, Major John Waller Roberts, Sri S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)
Butcher, Sir John George Hinds, John Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)
Carew, Charles Robert S. Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Rodger, A. K.
Carr, W. Theodore Hood, Joseph Roundell, Colonel R. F.
Casey, T. W. Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn. W.) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)
Cautley, Henry S. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.
Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Seager, Sir William
Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington) Seddon, J. A.
Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Seely, Major-General Ht. Hon. John
Coats, Sir Stuart Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock)
Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Shaw, William T. (Forfar)
Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)
Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Simm, M. T.
Conway, Sir W. Martin Jesson, C. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)
Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Jodrell, Neville Paul Smith, Harold (Warrington)
Coote, William (Tyrone, South) Johnson, Sir Stanley Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander
Courthope, Major George L. Johnstone, Joseph Starkey, Captain John R.
Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Steel, Major S. Strang
Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.
Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Stewart, Gershom
Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr. Sturrock, J. Leng
Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Lane-Fox, G. R. Sugden, W. H.
Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C.
Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Taylor, J.
Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Thomas-Stanford, Charles
Dixon, Captain Herbert Lindsay, William Arthur Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)
Doyle, N. Grattan Lister, Sir R. Ashton Thorpe, Captain John Henry
Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lloyd, George Butler; Tickler, Thomas George
Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Townley, Maximilian G.
Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Lonsdale, James Rolston Tryon, Major George Clement
Elveden, Viscount Lorden, John William Waddington, R.
Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Lort-Williams, J. Wallace, J.
Fell, Sir Arthur Loseby, Captain C. E. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)
Ford, Patrick Johnston Lynn, R. J. Waring, Major Walter
Forestler-Walker, L. Mallalieu, F. W. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T.
Forrest, Walter Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Warren, Lieut.-Col. Sir Alfred H.
Fraser, Major Sir Keith Marks, Sir George Croydon Weston, Colonel John W.
Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Wheler, Lieut.-Colonel C. H.
Ganzonl, Captain Francis John C. Mason, Robert Whitla, Sir William
Gardiner, James Matthews, David Wild, Sir Ernest Edward
Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Middlebrook, Sir William Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock)
Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Moles, Thomas Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury)
Gilbert, James Daniel Molson, Major John Elsdale Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald
Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Morden, Colonel H. Grant Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud
Goff, Sir R. Park Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Wills, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Gilbert
Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)
Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Morris, Richard Wilson-Fox, Henry
Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Morrison, Hugh Wise, Frederick
Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.
Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Yeo, Sir Alfred William
Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Murchison, C. K. Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)
Greenwood, William (Stockport) Neal, Arthur Younger, Sir George
Gregory, Holman Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)
Gretton, Colonel John Parker, James TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—
Captain Guest and Lord E. Talbot.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (1), to leave out the words "or peacefully to persuade any other person or persons to take part in a strike."

An Amendment standing in the name of the hon. Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) and the hon. Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Kiley) was moved, and with some alteration was accepted by the Government as follows: Provided also that no such Regulation shall make it an offence for any person or persons to take part in a strike or peacefully to persuade any other person or persons to take part in a strike. As far as regards the first part of the Amendment, which relates to the statement that no Regulation shall make it an offence for any person to take part in a strike, I have no objection. I perfectly recognise the right of every man to do what he likes with his own labour, and if he likes to strike it is not for me to argue whether he is right or not. I think that in the opinion of nearly everyone in the country he has a perfect right to do what he likes with his labour. Therefore, I do not propose to touch that subject, but now we come to another and a very different thing; for the proviso goes on or peacefully to persuade any other person or persons to take part in a strike. We know very well what peaceful persuasion means. On the face of it, peaceful persuasion, I presume, would be understood to mean—and I think it was stated so in 1906—that one man should say to another: "My dear fellow, don't you think it would be well if you didn't go and do this work, but came away and stayed out with me?" As a matter of fact however, peaceful persuasion is a very different thing altogether. It consists of having a large number of men composed partly of strikers, partly of other people, who are anxious to participate in a row, who assemble in a certain place, and who do not peacefully persuade, but forcibly persuade, other people from doing what they have a perfect right to do—just as great a right as a striker has to strike—namely, to use their labour in the way they think best. Everyone knows that it is impossible for the forces of the Crown to prevent that kind of thing. Once you allow three or four hundred men to congregate it is impossible to prevent violence taking place, and the people who are assaulted do not know the names of the people who assault them, whom, therefore, it is impossible to bring to justice. Look at the beginning of the Act and see what it is meant to do; because it must be remembered that this Act will not be put in force more than once, I should hope, in five or ten years, and therefore what I am moving does not in any way affect any ordinary strike or anything connected with any ordinary strike: it is only to be in force in these very exceptional circumstances. The Clause reads: If at any time it appears to His Majesty that any action has been taken or is immediately threatened by any persons or body of persons of such a nature and on so extensive a scale as to be calculated, by interfering with the supply and distribution of food, water, fuel, light, or with the means of locomotion … It is limited to these things, and only if it appears to His Majesty that any action is taken on such an extensive scale as to do these things. Is it to be contended that under very exceptional circumstances like that large bodies of men are to be allowed to congregate and prevent other people carrying on their lawful vocation, and so practically to render nugatory the effects of this Bill? I am sorry the Attorney-General has left the House, for I was going to point out to him—I do not know whether he left on purpose—that the very argument which he used a few moments ago in resisting the Amendment of the right hon. Gentleman opposite can be applied to this Amendment. He said: "Do not put in superfluous words, because they lead to misconceptions." These words were not in the Bill; they have been put in now. We know why they were put in; it was in order to appease the Labour party. As is usually the case—I am not casting any imputations on the Labour party, for it would very likely have been the same if it had been any other party—the moment they have been appeased by certain concessions, instead of being grateful, they ask for more. That is exactly what has occurred at the present time. I mean to go to a Division on this Amendment. I think it is a very serious blot on the Bill, and I do not believe the Government intended to introduce words of this sort when they brought in the Bill. I think they render the Bill nugatory.


The arguments of my right hon. Friend were addressed rather against the discretion of the police and the common sense of the courts of justice than against this Amendment. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] He instanced a case of assault committed upon people who wanted to feed the horses at the Great Northern railway station. I suppose his suggestion must be first of all that the police were inefficient and could not catch the assaulters, and secondly, that the courts of justice held that an assault on persons was peaceful picketing, which is absurd. These words we put in do not alter the Bill one iota. It is exactly as introduced, and as represented by everyone who has spoken on behalf of the Government. It is too late now to protest, because we have made clear that which we have always asserted, and to make that protest by raising points which have no pretensions to peaceful persuasion, and describing circumstances which could not be described as peaceful persuasion, and then to say that, because of some persons the police were not able to detect, or whom it was not possible to punish, therefore this Amendment is going to wreck the Bill, is an exaggeration which I do not think I need enlarge upon.


The Attorney-General complained a few moments ago that there was an atmosphere of suspicion on this side of the House in discussing this Bill. If any just occasion for that suspicion were needed, it is to be found in the cheers which we have Just heard. It will be noted by the trade unionists of the country that, in spite of all that has been said, in spite of this being a women and children's Bill, half an hour before the Division is taken the people who will approve, and perhaps make, the Regulations, have given a very clear indication as to what they mean by their support of this Bill. And this, be it observed, after a war of four years. There are a few members in this House—the right hon. Baronet is one of them—who will remember that £50,000 was spent in 1905 in consequence of the judges' interpretation of a law that had been in existence for 32 years. Remember that famous Taff Vale decision was given, and was followed by a General Election, and not only every Liberal Member, but records show that 80 per cent. of the Conservative Members in their election addresses committed themselves to a view which the right hon. Baronet is now in 1920 asking this House to set aside. Let us see what is the complaint of the right hon. Baronet. Let this House observe that he and his friends are condemning peaceful persuasion and condemning the railwaymen's case. Less than throe years ago, while the War was proceeding, and at a critical stage of it the Government and the railwaymen met and came to an agreement, an agreement urged by the Government, and the right: hon. Baronet who moves this Amendment actually himself refused until a strike was proclaimed—during the War—actually to accept the provisions that the Government had made. That is why—and he knows it—peaceful persuasion is necessary to persuade people like him to do the right thing.


To what is the right hon. Gentleman referring.


The right hon. Baronet will know that he gave his general manager instructions not to be a party to the agreement that we arrived at with the Government. Twenty-four hours notice was given to his company, and 10 minutes before the time expired Mr. Dent had to sent out notices in order to save the strike being declared. The right hon. Baronet will probably understand very well—


I understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that I had voted for something in this House which—[HON. MEMBERS; "No!"] What took place between me and the general manager I could not say at the present time.


I did not say anything about voting. I am trying to bring the House—


What has that got to do with it?


It is this: that there was a strike, and peaceful persuasion is involved in a strike. I am trying to point out that although the hon. Baronet and his company were mainly responsible for the dispute which they brought about, he is actually moving a Clause that would prevent the men carrying out their legitimate function by law in helping in the dispute for which he was absolutely-responsible. But, Mr. Speaker, I am glad this issue is raised; because it is a justification of what we have been saying for three days. It is a justification that this measure—for the protection of women and children, remember—which the Government has been considering for months, and which they choose this particular moment to bring in—and incidentally this is the first Bill within the recollection of my hon. Friends on this side and myself that has ever been introduced affecting labour upon which the Government has never consulted labour.


Why labour?


Read the Prime Minister's speech!


The Home Secretary asks, "Why labour?" Because the Government hitherto, and especially during the War, was at pains to consult labour at every stage.


When they wanted them.


The answer to the Home Secretary's "Why labour?" is, because in the methods known hitherto—it may be a new policy now—they thought it at least necessary to consult those who are primarily affected in any legislation.


Primarily affected?


We submit that we are primarily interested. All the evidence up till now in relation to the particular Amendment we are discussing clearly" demonstrates that. Whilst there has been a lot of talk about protecting the community, what evidence has there been up to now that, when there was a shortage of all manner of things in this country, and there was an abundance of stocks, the Government took any steps to exercise their powers? I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will go to a Division, because that will be a very clear indication of what an enthusiastic backing there is for this little innocent Bill to protect the women and children of this country. That vote will clearly indicate those who will have the courage to vote for what the right hon. Gentleman is expressing and those who have not the courage to do so.


I would remind the House that yesterday we came to an

Division No. 341.] AYES. [10.45 p.m.
Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Cape, Thomas Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge)
Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Carr, W. Theodore Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham
Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C. Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Gilbert, James Daniel
Allen, Lieut.-Colonel William James Casey, T. W. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John
Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W) Glanville, Harold James
Baird, Sir John Lawrence Churchman, Sir Arthur Goff, Sir R. Park
Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R. Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A.
Barker, Major Robert H. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)
Barlow, Sir Montague Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington)
Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry
Barnett, Major R. W. Craig, Captain C. C. Antrim, South) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)
Barnston, Major Harry Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar
Barrie, Charles Coupar Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Greenwood, William (Stockport)
Barrie, Rt. Hon. H. T. (Lon'derry, N.) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Gregory, Holman
Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)
Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Dean, Lieut.-Commander P. T. Grundy, T. W.
Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h) Edge, Captain William Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth)
Birchall, Major J. Dearman Edwards, C (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Hacking, Captain Douglas H.
Blades, Capt. Sir George Rowland Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)
Blake, Sir Francis Douglas Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Hanna, George Boyle
Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Elveden, Viscount Harris, Sir Henry Percy
Brace, Rt. Hon. William Entwistle, Major C. F. Hartshorn, Vernon
Breese, Major Charles E. Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Hayward, Major Evan
Broad, Thomas Tucker Fell, Sir Arthur Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes)
Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Finney, Samuel Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston)
Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Fisher Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)
Bruton, Sir James Forestler-Walker, L. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)
Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H. Forrest, Waller Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon
Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Galbraith, Samuel Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank
Butcher, Sir John George Ganzonl, Captain Francis John C. Hills, Major John Waller
Cairns, John Gardiner, James Hinds, John

arrangement to finish the Bill to-day, and I appeal to hon. Members to carry out that arrangement.


I, for one, shall certainly vote for this Amendment. Nobody has more friends than I have amongst working people, but what I object to is that hon. Members seem to think that certain organisations are the only section of the community, and they treat this Bill as if it did not deal with combines as well. Of course, goods belonging to combines or anyone else could be dealt with. Hon. Members seem to have forgotten the main purpose of the Bill, which is to make Regulations for securing the essentials of life for the community. What we object to is not that any particular Act relating to trade unions should now be repealed, but that there should be a special proviso that in making these Regulations the Government of the day should be prohibited from saying that men shall not assemble outside a railway station or outside a dock in order to prevent food or bread being distributed amongst the people.

Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."

The House divided: Ayes, 225; Noes, 36.

Hirst, G. H. Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)
Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Morris, Richard Sitch, Charles H.
Hogge, James Myles Morrison, Hugh Smith, Harold (Warrington)
Holmes, J. Stanley Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough)
Hood, Joseph Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Sturrock, J. Leng
Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Sugden, W. H.
Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Myers, Thomas Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C.
Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Neal, Arthur Swan, J. E.
Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington) Newbould, Alfred Ernest Taylor, J.
Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)
Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Thomas-Stanford, Charles
Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Parker, James Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)
Irving, Dan Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)
Jephcott, A. R. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)
Johnson, Sir Stanley Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Thorpe, Captain John Henry
Johnstone, Joseph Percy, Charles Tillett, Benjamin
Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Tootill, Robert
Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Pollock, Sir Ernest M. Tryon, Major George Clement
Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Vickers, Douglas
Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Pulley, Charles Thornton Waddington, R.
Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Purchase, H. G. Wallace, J.
Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Raffan, Peter Wilson Ward, William Dudley (Southampton)
King, Captain Henry Douglas Rankin, Captain James S. Waring, Major Walter
Lane-Fox, G. R. Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T.
Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Renwick, George Warren, Lieut.-Col. Sir Alfred H.
Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Richardson, Sir Albion (Camberwell) Waterson, A. E.
Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Whitla, Sir William
Lloyd, George Butler Robertson, John Wignall, James
Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)
Lonsdale, James Rolston Rodger, A. K. Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock)
Lorden, John William Rose, Frank H. Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury)
Lort-Williams, J. Royce, William Stapleton. Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald
Loseby, Captain C. E. Rutherford, Colonel Sir J. (Darwen) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge)
Lunn, William Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)
Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Wise, Frederick
Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)
Maddocks, Henry Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) Worsfold, Dr. T. Cato
Mallalieu, F. W. Seager, Sir William Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.
Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Seddon, J. A. Yeo, Sir Alfred William
Mason, Robert Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)
Matthews, David Sexton, James Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)
Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock)
Morden, Colonel H. Grant Shaw, Thomas (Preston) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—
Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Lord E. Talbot and Captain Guest
Morgan, Major D. Watts Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)
Ainsworth, Captain Charles Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Archdale, Edward Mervyn Ford, Patrick Johnston Roundell, Colonel R. F.
Atkey, A. R. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)
Balfour, George (Hampstead) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)
Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Gretton, Colonel John Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander
Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Hailwood, Augustine Steel, Major S. Strang
Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)
Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Wild, Sir Ernest Edward
Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Molson, Major John Elsdale Wills, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Gilbert
Coats, Sir Stuart Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Wilson-Fox, Henry
Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Murchison, C. K.
Conway, Sir W. Martin Oman, Sir Charles William C. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—
Courthope, Major George L. Randles, Sir John S. Sir F. Banbury and Sir W. Davison.

Motion made, and Question put, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."

Division No. 342.] AYES. [10.55 p.m.
Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C. Barnston, Major Harry Breese, Major Charles E.
Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Barrie, Charles Coupar Broad, Thomas Tucker
Ainsworth, Captain Charles Barrie, Rt. Hon. H. T. (Lon'derry, N.) Brown, T. W. (Down, North)
Allen, Lieut.-Colonel William James Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Bruton, Sir James
Archdale, Edward Mervyn Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H.
Atkey, A. R. Bellairs, Commander Cariyon W. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.
Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Burn, Colonel C. R. (Devon, Torquay)
Baird, Sir John Lawrence Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h) Butcher, Sir John George
Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Birchall, Major J. Dearman Carew, Charles Robert S.
Balfour, George (Hampstead) Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Carr, W. Theodore
Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Blades, Capt. Sir George Rowland Casey, T. W.
Barker, Major Robert H. Blake, Sir Francis Douglas Cautley, Henry S.
Barlow, Sir Montague Borwick, Major G. O. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston)
Barnett, Major R. W. Bowyer, Captain G. E. W. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.)

The House divided; Ayes, 238; Noes, 58.

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Randles, Sir John S.
Churchman, Sir Arthur Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Rankin, Captain James S.
Coats, Sir Stuart Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N.
Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Jephcott, A. R. Reid, D. D.
Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Jesson, C. Renwick, George
Conway, Sir W. Martin Jodrell, Neville Paul Richardson, Sir Albion (Camberwell)
Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Johnson, Sir Stanley Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)
Coote, William (Tyrone, South) Johnstone, Joseph Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)
Courthope, Major George L. Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)
Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Rodger, A. K.
Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Roundell, Colonel R. F.
Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Rutherford, Colonel Sir J. (Darwen)
Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) King, Captain Henry Douglas Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)
Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Lane-Fox, G. R. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)
Dean, Lieut.-Commander P. T. Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.
Dixon, Captain Herbert Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.
Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)
Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Seager, Sir William
Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Lindsay, William Arthur Seddon, J. A.
Elveden, Viscount Lister, Sir R. Ashton Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John
Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Lloyd, George Butler Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock)
Fell, Sir Arthur Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Shaw, William T. (Forfar)
Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)
Ford, Patrick Johnston Lonsdale, James Rolston Smith, Harold (Warrington)
Forestler-Walker, L. Lorden, John William Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander
Forrest, Walter Lort-Williams, J. Starkey, Captain John R.
Fraser, Major Sir Keith Loseby, Captain C. E. Steel, Major S. Strang
Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Lynn, R. J. Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.
Ganzonl, Captain Francis John C. M'Micking, Major Gilbert Stewart, Gershom
Gardiner, James McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Sturrock, J. Leng
Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Sugden, W. H.
Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Maddocks, Henry Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C.
Gilbert, James Daniel Mallalieu, F. W. Taylor, J.
Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Thomas-Stanford, Charles
Goff, Sir R. Park Marks, Sir George Croydon Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)
Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Thorpe, Captain John Henry
Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Mason, Robert Townley, Maximilian G.
Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Matthews, David Tryon, Major George Clement
Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Moles, Thomas Vickers, Douglas
Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Molson, Major John Elsdale Waddington, R.
Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)
Greenwood, William (Stockport) Morden, Colonel H. Grant Ward, William Dudley (Southampton)
Gregory, Holman Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Waring, Major Waiter
Gritten, W. G. Howard Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T.
Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Morris, Richard Warren, Lieut.-Col. Sir Alfred H.
Hailwood, Augustine Morrison, Hugh Weston, Colonel John W.
Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Morrison-Bell, Major A. E. Wheler, Lieut.-Colonel C. H.
Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Whitla, Sir William
Hanna, George Boyle Murchison, C. K. Wild, Sir Ernest
Hanson, Sir Charles Augustin Murray, John (Leeds, West) Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock)
Harris, Sir Henry Percy Neal, Arthur Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury)
Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald
Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Oman, Sir Charles William C. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col, Hon. Claud
Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Wills, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Gilbert
Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Parker, James Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)
Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Wilson-Fox, Henry
Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Wise, Frederick
Hills, Major John Waller Percy, Charles Worsfold, Dr. T. Cato
Hinds, John Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.
Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Pickering, Lieut.-Colonel Emil W. Yeo, Sir Alfred William
Hood, Joseph Pollock, Sir Ernest M. Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)
Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Younger, Sir George
Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Pulley, Charles Thornton
Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Purchase, H. G. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.…
Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington) Ramsden, G. T. Lord E. Talbot and Captain Guest.
Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)
Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Galbraith, Samuel Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.
Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Glanville, Harold James Lawson, John J.
Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Lunn, William
Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Malone, C. L. (Leyton, E.)
Brace, Rt. Hon. William Grundy, T. W. Morgan, Major D. Watts
Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Myers, Thomas
Cairns, John Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Newbould, Alfred Ernest
Cape, Thomas Hartshorn, Vernon Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)
Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Hayward, Major Evan Raffan, Peter Wilson
Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Robertson, John
Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Hirst, G. H. Rose, Frank H.
Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Hogge, James Myles Royce, William Stapleton.
Devlin, Joseph Holmes, J. Stanley Sexton, James
Edwards, C (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Irving, Dan Shaw, Thomas (Preston)
Finney, Samuel Jones, J. J. (West Ham. Silvertown) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)
Sitch, Charles H. Tillett, Benjamin Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)
Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Tootill, Robert
Swan, J. E. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—
Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Waterson, A. E. Mr. Tyson Wilson and Mr. Nell Maclean.
Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Wignall, James
Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed.

The remaining Government Orders were read, and postponed.

Forward to