Commons Sitting of 4 November 1813

THE PRINCE REGENT'S SPEECH ON OPENING THE SESSION.
Mr. Speaker reported, That the House had, this day, attended his royal highness the Prince Regent, in

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the House of Peers, where his Royal Highness was pleased to make a most gracious Speech from the throne to both Houses of Parliament, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty; of which Mr. Speaker said, he had, to prevent mistakes, obtained a copy. [See p. 1.] After the Speaker had read the Speech,
Earl Comptonrose. He observed, that in now addressing the House, he had not the same apology to plead which gentlemen commonly had to whose lot it fell to move addresses in answer to speeches from the throne, having, on former occasions, taken the liberty of trespassing on the time of the House. The task, however, which he had to perform on the present occasion, he felt was infinitely lighter and easier than such tasks, in general were—much easier and lighter, he believed, than from the posture of our affairs, both abroad and at home, it had been for a great many years past. Every part of the task which he had to discharge, was of an agreeable kind, except that single allusion with which the speech of his royal highness the Prince Regent set out—namely, the unfortunate continuance of the distressing malady with which his Majesty was afflicted—a calamity which not only every gentleman in that House, but every person throughout the kingdom, must concur with his Royal Highness in deploring. In every other circumstance to which he should have to allude, he felt, and he was satisfied every one in that House would concur with him in feeling, there was room only for congratulation; and that the subjects to which, by the Speech, our attention was called, were calculated solely to inspire gratitude for the present, and hope and assurance for the future. This, he was certain he might say with respect to every step that the allies in Saxony had taken, with the exception only of the first attack upon Dresden. As the House was already fully acquainted with all the glorious details which had been lately received from the allied armies on the continent, he should not attempt entering into a recapitulation of them; but should content himself with saying, what he was convinced the fact would bear him out in asserting, that, previous to the last great battle, Buonaparté must have lost not fewer than 100,000 men. Last year, France, Austria, Bavaria, and Prussia, were all united in one common cause; now, the three powers last mentioned were united with Russia against France, and in support
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of the cause in which this country was engaged. Of what description, too, was the force which, the ruler of France had at his disposal?—Was it composed of veterans, as his former armies had been? No; on the contrary, it was made up of men dragged from their families, and carried bound in chains to fight his battles. When the modern Attila recollected of what description of troops his armies had been composed, and what was their description now, he might well, on comparing the past with the present, and anticipating the future, exclaim—
"Non tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis Tempus eget."—
The result of the last battle was such as might have been expected from such a state of things; it was a battle which he might well say was unparalleled in the history of modern Europe; it was a battle, the effect of which would be to rescue Europe and the world from slavery and oppression; it was a battle, the plan of which had been laid by that great man who had come from another quarter of the world to resist the oppressor, and aid the cause of the oppressed; and who, though he did not live to see the effect of the Operations, had by his counsels contributed largely to the success of them.—He could not, however, leave this part of the subject without paying the tribute of his approbation and applause to the magnanimous spirit of the Russian emperor, who had been the main spring from which the successful opposition to the ruler of France originated; and also to the Crown Prince of Sweden,—whose skill and bravery so justly called for our thanks and admiration, as they had already drawn down upon him aspersion and invective from the government of France.—Of Moreau it might be truly said, that he had lived for the liberties of France, and died for the liberties of Europe. When we turned from Germany to Spain, there we had equal matter of congratulation, in the capture of St. Sebastian's, in the expulsion of the main army of France out of Spain, and in the rearing of the standard of England on the frontiers of France. It was an undeniable fact, that the invasion of France would not only prove a very material diversion in favour of the allies, but would, have the effect of depressing the spirits of the French people, by convincing them, that all the hardships to which they had submitted, in having conscription after conscription imposed upon them, were not

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sufficient to protect the soil of France itself from being polluted by the foot of an invading enemy. The present state of Europe was to be looked at with still greater satisfaction, from observing that the present was not a paltry coalition among a number of different powers, actuated by various feelings, and impelled by distinct and contending interests; but a union of all the Sovereigns of the continent, backed by the unanimous wishes of their people, linking them together in one common bond of union. When we turned our eyes to America, we naturally felt regret on thinking that we were at war with that country. Our regret, however, must be equalled by our astonishment—when we considered that America, the only great republic in the world, was allied with France, our common enemy, against the liberties of mankind. She had not, indeed, entered into an alliance with France signed and sealed; but still she nevertheless directed her efforts as far as in her lay to do good to our enemy, and to do all the injury she could to us. It was to be hoped, that America would yet see the folly of her conduct; that she would be aroused from her dream by the thunder of the Shannon; that the reception her armies had met with in Canada would tend still more to effect this desirable object; and that the certainty of the successes and triumphs of the allies, and of the defeats and discomfitures of the French armies, would speedily lead her to see the folly of her conduct. While we saw such ample subject of gratulation in the successes of our own arms, and in the equally glorious and important achievements of our allies on the continent, we had still an additional cause for gratitude in the abundant harvest with which Providence had blessed us. Industry had now once more returned; our manufacturers were at work, and we should not again, it was to be hoped, hear of distresses among our artizans and labouring poor, arising from want of employment. One thing he could not help regretting; that a right hon. gentleman now no more, and whose loss had been so deeply lamented in that House, and in the country (Mr. Perceval), had not lived to see this day—that he had not lived to see that Israel he so much loved thus on the point of being established; that he had not lived to see our arms crowned with the laurels which now encircled them, and which he trusted would end in a peace honourable and lasting. His lordship then concluded by moving,
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"That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, to assure his Royal Highness, that we fully participate in the deep regret which his Royal Highness has expressed at the continuance of his Majesty's lamented indisposition:
"To congratulate his Royal Highness, on the great and splendid success with which it has pleased Divine Providence, to bless his Majesty's arms, and those of his allies, in the course of the present campaign, which has been productive of the most important consequences to Europe:
"That we rejoice to find that in Spain the glorious and decisive victory obtained near Vittoria has been followed by the advance of the allied forces to the Pyrenees, by the repulse of the enemy in every attempt to regain the ground which he had been compelled to abandon, by the reduction of the fortress of St. Sebastian, and finally by the establishment of the allied army on the frontier of France:
"That, in this series of brilliant operations, we have not failed to observe, with the highest satisfaction, the consummate skill and ability of the great commander, field marshal the marquess of Wellington; and the steadiness and unconquerable spirit which have been equally displayed by the troops of the three nations united under his command:
"That we rejoice to learn that the termination of the armistice in the north of Europe, and the declaration of war by the emperor of Austria against France, have been most happily accompanied by a system of cordial union and concert amongst, the allied powers, and that the effects of this union have even surpassed those expectations which it was calculated to excite:
"That, by the signal victories obtained over the French in Silesia, at Culm, and at Denevitz, the efforts of the enemy to penetrate into the heart of the Austrian and Prussian territories were completely frustrated:
"That these successes have been followed by a course of operations, conceived with so much judgment, and executed with such consummate prudence, vigour, and ability, as to have led, in their result, not only to the discomfiture of all those projects which the Ruler of France had so presumptuously announced on the renewal of the contest, but to the capture and destruction of the greater part of the army under his immediate command:

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"That, whilst we are convinced the annals of Europe afford no example of victories more splendid and decisive than those which have been recently achieved in Saxony, whilst the perseverance and gallantry displayed by the allied forces of every description engaged in this conflict have exalted to the highest pitch of glory their military character, we gratefully render the full tribute of our applause to those sovereigns and princes who, in the sacred cause of national independence, have so eminently distinguished themselves, as the leaders of the armies of their respective nations:
"To return his Royal Highness our humble thanks for his gracious intention of directing copies of the several conventions which his Royal Highness has concluded with the northern powers to be laid before us as soon as the ratifications of them shall have been duly exchanged; and to assure his Royal Highness that he may rely on our disposition to afford his Royal Highness the necessary assistance in support of a system of alliance which, originating chiefly in the magnanimous and disinterested views of the emperor of Russia, and followed up as it has been with corresponding energy by the other allied powers, has produced a change the most auspicious in the affairs of the continent:
"That we learn, with the utmost satisfaction, that his Royal Highness has concluded a treaty of alliance and concert with the emperor of Austria; that the powerful league already formed has received an important addition of force by the declaration of Bavaria against France; and that the ancient connection with the Austrian government has been so happily renewed; and to assure his Royal Highness, that, while we duly appreciate all the value of the accession of that; great power to the common cause, we shall proceed without delay to consider of the means of enabling his Royal Highness to support his imperial majesty in the vigorous prosecution of the contest:
"That we cannot but lament the continuance of the War between this country and the United States of America, but that we fully share the satisfaction expressed by his Royal Highness that the measures adopted for the conquest of Canada have been frustrated by the valour of his Majesty's troops, and by the zeal and loyalty of his American subjects:
"That it must be matter of deep regret
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to find that, whilst Great Britain, in conjunction with her allies, is exerting her utmost strength against the common enemy of independent nations, we have to contend against a country whose real interests in the issue of this great contest must be the same as our own:
"That we are concerned to learn that his Royal Highness has not hitherto seen any disposition on the part of the United States of which he could avail himself, consistently with a due attention to the interests of his Majesty's subjects, to put an end to a war, in which; undoubtedly this country was not the aggressor:
"That we receive with great satisfaction his Royal Highness's gracious assurance that he is at all times ready to enter into discussion with that government for a conciliatory adjustment of the differences between the two countries, upon principles of perfect reciprocity not inconsistent with the established maxims of public law and with the maritime rights of the British empire:
"To return our humble thanks to his Royal Highness for having directed the estimates for the service of the ensuing year to be laid before us:
"To assure his Royal Highness, that, while we regret the necessity of a large expenditure, we are fully sensible of, the necessity of great military exertions, and shall readily furnish such supplies as the public service, in this momentous crisis, may require:
"That we must, at the present moment, receive with peculiar satisfaction the assurance of the flourishing state of our commerce: and we are grateful to the bounty of Divine Providence for the abundant harvest of the present year, which must afford material relief to his Majesty's people, and produce a considerable augmentation in many branches of the revenue:
"That we rejoice to learn that a decided conviction now happily prevails throughout a large portion of Europe, that the war in which the allied, powers are engaged against the Ruler of France is a war of necessity, and that his views of universal dominion can only be defeated by combined and determined resistance, and that the public spirit and national enthusiasm which have successively accomplished the deliverance of the kingdoms of Spain and Portugal, and of the Russian empire, now equally animate the German people; and we entertain the fullest confidence,

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that the same perseverance on their part will ultimately lead to the same glorious result:
"That, while we most deeply deplore the continuance of this extended warfare, and of all those miseries which the insatiable ambition of the1 Ruler of France has so long inflicted upon Europe, we receive with peculiar satisfaction the proof of the wisdom and moderation which animate the councils of his Royal Highness and the allies, afforded by the declaration of his Royal Highness, that no disposition to require from France sacrifices of any description inconsistent with her honour or just pretensions as a nation, will ever be an obstacle to peace, and that the restoration of that great blessing, upon principles of justice and equality, has never ceased to be the anxious wish of his Royal Highness; but that we are fully sensible that it can only be obtained by a continuance of those efforts which have already delivered so large a part of Europe from the power of the enemy:
"To beseech his Royal Highness to believe that, whilst we look back with Satisfaction and pride on the firmness and perseverance of this: country, to which these advantages may in a great degree be ascribed, we are fully prepared for such new exertions as the nature of the contest may demand, by the happy effect of which we entertain the confident hope that his Royal Highness will be enabled to bring this long and arduous struggle to a conclusion which will be consistent with the independence of all the nations engaged in it, and with the general security of Europe."
Mr. C. Grant, jun. seconded the motion in the following terms:—
Mr. Speaker—In rising to second the Address of the noble lord, I perceive with satisfaction that it is not necessary for me to use arguments in its support. I flatter myself that as to its principal topics there will be no different of opinion. In the situation, therefore, in which I am placed, I feel myself called upon, not to persuade a unanimity which, I trust, already exists; but rather to give expression to the general sentiment, and to participate in the general feelings of the House and of the Country. I beg therefore, to offer my congratulations upon the prosperous situation of this country, upon the internal tranquillity of our provinces, upon the restoration of commerce, and upon, the abundant harvest with which it has pleased
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Providence to bless these realms. I offer my congratulations, also, upon the situation of our foreign affairs. I need not say that I cordially concur with the noble lord in every word of that eulogy which he has so ably and eloquently bestowed upon our allies in the peninsula; upon the valour and unanimity which has secured to their exertions such a glorious issue. I need not say that I cordially concur in every word which he has uttered with respect to the conduct of the British troops, and to that distinguished commander, lord Wellington. Yet, Sir, amongst all the great qualities with which lord Wellington is so richly endowed, and which have elevated him to the sphere in which he moves, there is none that has impressed my mind more deeply than that undaunted and intrepid spirit, the sure proof of a genius conscious of its resources, which enabled him to defy the public opinion as to the invincibility of France. He did not sink under the weight of the enormous fame which surrounded those great commanders whom he was called to combat, and whom he has successively vanquished. Admirable, therefore, as I think his conduct in every part of Spain, in his sieges, at Salamanca, at Vittoria, on the Pyrenees, I do not know if he is not to me still more truly great, still more worthy of admiration, at that moment, when, relying only on his single genius, in a remote corner of Portugal, he threw up those lines, within which he secured the hope and the happiness of the civilized world. But if these occurrences demand our attention, there are occurrences in other parts of Europe which no less imperiously demand it. When I mention Germany, I know well what sensations, at this peculiar moment, I excite in the breast of every man who hears me; I know what sympathies are awaked, what hope, what enthusiasm. I am deeply sensible that no language of mine can possibly do justice to those feelings, or represent, in colours sufficiently glowing, the greatness of those victories and their invaluable consequences. I can only refer to the recital of those facts which are impressed on our memories; I can only advert to the names of Saxony and Leipsic, names now and for ever associated with all that is profound in counsel, or lofty in heroism, or splendid in success, I can only allude to the altered fortunes of Germany. What was the condition, of, Germany but a few months, ago? She seemed to be sunk in a

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lethargy from which there was no recal. Throughout that region there was no movement, but that of the desolating armies that secured its submission; no voice, but that of the conqueror, insulting the chains of his victim. Allow me to ask, where now are those armies? Where is that empire which seemed to rest on the pillars of the world, and was to be shaken only by the convulsions of dissolving nature? Sir, the hour of retribution is at length arrived. He who had no mercy upon others is now reduced to a condition which may excite the pity of his most implacable enemy. He who has made so many miserable is now condemned to drink to the very dregs the bitter cup of degradation and sorrow. He is thrown from his elevation, despoiled of his glories, hunted from hill to hill, and river to river; the props with which he had supported his power are falling around him; he finds no defence in the thrones behind which he had entrenched his usurped dominion. By a connection with ancient families, he had hoped to clothe his new greatness with something of prescriptive pomp and veneration; but he sees those hopes vanishing before him—Austria renouncing his alliance,—Bavaria quitting his ranks,—Saxony torn from his grasp,—the Rhine itself anticipating the hour of deliverance; and that hour will assuredly come. We have the pledges of its approach in all that is past; we have the pledges of its approach in these brilliant achievements, in the last desperate struggles, in the august spectacle of that day when three sovereign princes, fresh from the hard-fought field of victory, and each at the head of his respective troops, entered the city of Leipsic, amidst the acclamations of a people whom they had rescued from slavery. Oh! day memorable for ever! Oh! proud consummation of a series of triumphs! The tyrant is humbled, and the freedom of Europe is achieved. We may now, I think, venture to make that assertion. We are now, indeed, too much in contact, too close to these great events, justly to appreciate their grandeur and their effects; for it is with these prodigious displays of moral power as it is with the grandeur and bolder features of nature. It is not till we are removed from their immediate vicinity, that we can ascertain their dimensions, and appreciate their real magnificence. Yet this we may even now assert, that, in the whole range of modern history, there
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is nothing equal or second to these achievements, and that this is one of those events (of which there are not many in history), which, taken singly and by itself, decides the destinies of nations, and changes the face of the world. It is true, Sir, that the sufferings of humanity were long protracted. It is true, that the hope of all nations was at length wearied out into a dumb and listless despair. We, even we ourselves, began at last to think that there could be no propitious result. We almost believed that, in favour of one individual, the eternal laws of God and nature, (laws which, till then, we had deemed eternal) were reversed. We almost imagined that the lessons of moral wisdom had been false, and that the wishes and execrations of so many millions exercised no influence over, the fates and fortunes of their fellow man. But if the day was delayed, it must be confessed that it was delayed for a terrible purpose—that it might concentrate its destructive energies, and approach at last with redoubled and accumulated horror. If the sufferings of humanity have been prolonged, they were prolonged, that they might, in the course, of a few months, be overpaid in ample measure. Now, instead of armies heartless in the cause, generals corrupt or incapable, sovereigns blind to their interests and their fame, we see nobles and kings fighting, in the ranks—we see crowds of accomplished captains—and where we number men, we number heroes and patriots. It seems, indeed, if I may venture to say so, as if all the treasures of consolation, all the pomp and glory of recompense, were reserved for this occasion. In this one campaign is concentered the military renown of ages. All that is great, and illustrious, and noble—all that is romantic in bravery, and wise in counsel—all that is venerable in hereditary worth, or irresistible in popular opinion—the majesty of thrones the grandeur of empires—the transcendency of genius—the omnipotence of mind—all natural, all moral energies, seem to be thrown together, crowded and heaped upon each other, to form, as it were, a stage, on which a spectacle at once so consoling and so tremendous, might be exhibited to the eyes of an astonished world. While we exult in these successes, I am sure the House will join in, bestowing every applause upon those by whom they have been achieved. I believe it has rarely, if ever, happened that

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military operations have been carried on, on so vast a scale. It is admirable to observe the precision with which they have been conducted, the singular union of caution and enterprise, the unexampled unanimity of design and of execution. But while we pay this tribute to those illustrious men, let us not separate from that heroic society, the name of him, who, when alive, formed one of its brightest ornaments. We all remember that the loss of general Moreau seemed to throw a dark omen over the approaching campaign. Exalted by his exploits to the first rank of military commanders, and endeared to the friends of freedom by his principles and character, he was summoned from the depths of the new world, from his exile, as if by the universal voice of Europe. He obeyed the call; he came, he planned; he fell a martyr to that cause, at the very commencement of those operations upon which he had impressed the stamp of his powerful genius, and to which he had communicated a principle of success, which, though deranged for a moment, has, at every subsequent period, been acquiring, fresh, strength and developing new resources. Disastrous, however, as his death undoubtedly was to the interests of Europe, much as it was to be deprecated, as furnishing matter of exultation, a momentary one indeed, but of base and malignant exultation, to his adversary; yet I agree with the noble lord, that, with respect to his own glory, we can scarcely be justified in regarding such a death, as the sequel of such a life, in the light of a misfortune. If indeed there be any consolation, any triumph in the thought of the deep and poignant regret of all classes of men, then may that grave be called his trophy of renown; and if it was destined that his death should be premature as we should term it, I know not on what occasion, in what cause it could have been so gloriously suffered.
Quod si immatura manebat
Mors natum, cæsis Volscorum millibus ante,
Ducentem in Latium Teucros, cecidisse juvabit.
I believe indeed, Sir, that Buonaparte himself must secretly envy a death so incursed and so honoured. I believe that he must sometimes reflect with what other sensations the intelligence of his own fate would have been received by that Europe which wept over the fate of his rival, and with what different emotions after ages will visit his tomb, on whatever soil it may wise and the tomb of the man whom he
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persecuted while living, and has insulted when dead. Alter we have recovered from the first impressions of the late stupendous events, it is natural to advert to that part of his Royal Highness's speech, in which these events are in part at least ascribed to the conduct of this country. And certainly, if it be asked, the change which has taken place on the continent must be mainly attributed to our example—an example, indeed, which did not require success to recommend it; but which now, crowned as it is with such signal results, must be for ever memorable. If, at the commencement of these troubles, we had shewn a dastardly spirit; if we had betrayed the cause of freedom; if we had sunk under the ascendency of lawless power—where now would have been the deliverance of Europe? where would have been the rallying ground on which, the hopes and affections of an afflicted world might gather themselves, and find refuge? We chose a nobler and better policy. Having, ascertained the course which we were destined to tread, we entered upon, it with fixed hearts and prepared resolutions—and in spite of difficulty and danger, amidst the sound of falling thrones and empires, we maintained our inflexible career; and upon what principle did we so maintain it? upon the principle of national independence; upon this principle, that opposition to lawless aggression is at all times a sacred duty, and that the hope of Europe was to be found only in a vigorous and inexorable resistance. There will be no prouder page in history than that which tells of that struggle and its victorious result; which tells, that at a period when the foundations of the world seemed to be shaken, when all former institutions were swept away, rather as if by a sudden whirlwind, than by any of the ordinary means of destruction, there was yet, one nation, which, reposing under the shade of a happy constitution, proud of its ancient liberties, and worthy to defend them, dared to measure, its matured, and disciplined valour at one time against the unnatural energies of a frantic democracy at another, time against the gigantic resources of the most tremendous despotism that ever scourged the world. If Sir, history after his narration were obliged to add, that in this struggle at last we fell, but that we fell gloriously with our arms in our hands and our faces to the foe, even this would have been no mean

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praise; this would have been praise enough to satisfy the most aspiring nations of antiquity; it would have, been praise enough to fill up the warmest wishes of that gallant and patriot band who left it to be engraved on their tombs, that they died in obedience to the laws of their country. But, thank God, Sir, history will be called, not to lament the fall of British greatness, but to celebrate its renewed exploits and its living triumphs. The conduct which we have pursued can acquire indeed no accession of merit from the issue to which it has led; but his satisfactory to observe how admirable have been its results. It has kindled throughout Europe a flame which, I trust, is unquenchable. It is to the theatre of these contests, it is to that soil which but lately seemed incapable of producing a single effort, that the moralist of after-ages will, resort for examples of instruction, when he denounces the fall, of unhallowed greatness. There, too, will the patriot look for lessons of enthusiasm and disinterested virtue. This is the glorious feature of the present war.—I have heard it observed of America, that her conduct has dispelled those classical associations which We have been accustomed to indulge, of republican virtue and republican excellence. That remark was not more eloquently than justly made. But if we are obliged to give up that class of associations, I perceive with exultation, that there is yet another class of associations no less sacred and venerable, which we may now cherish with additional fondness—I mean those associations which enforce the belief of instinctive patriotism, of unbidden enthusiasm in the cause of virtue, of the grandeur of self-devotion, of the magnanimity of great sacrifices for great objects, for honour, for independence. We must all recollect with what delight we imbibed these sentiments at the fountains of classical learning, and followed them out into action in the history of great men and illustrious states. But of late, and especially towards the close of the last century, there seems to have crept into this nation a sort of spurious and barren philosophy, of which it was the object to decry those associations; to represent them as the illusions of ignorance, or frenzy, or falsehood; to curb the original play of nature; to inculcate coldness and selfishness upon system; and to substitute in the place of all that formed the delight of a higher philosophy, a
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spirit of lazy deliberation, conducted by apathy, and ending therefore in meanness and dishonour. It was this philosophy which taught that those ideas of excellence had no antitypes in nature. It was this philosophy which taught that it is not only more prudent, but more conformable to the laws of our being, for every man, in time of danger, to reason before he followed the promptings of true courage, to make it a matter of calculation whether his country be worth saving before he draws the sword in her defence; to reduce it to a question of algebra, or a problem in geometry, whether he should resist the efforts of tyranny, or bow before the yoke. It must be confessed, that the history of the past age, and especially the sleep which seemed to have spread ever Europe, gave too much countenance to these pernicious maxims. But the hour is at length come, which has exposed the fallacy of these speculations, and rescued human nature from these calumnies. The experience of the few last years has abolished, I trust for ever, that heartless and bloodless system, the miserable abortion of a cold head and depraved imagination, which never waked one noble thought, nor inspired one generous action. The expedience of the few last years has proved that they were not false and visionary those high sentiments which we were taught to respect; but that they are founded upon whatever is deepest and purest in the human character. It has proved, that true reason is never at war with just feeling; that man is now what he was in those distant ages, a creature born indeed to act upon principle, but born also to act upon strong passions,—and that he never acts more nobly, more wisely, more worthily of himself, than when he acts by the prompt persuasion of grand passions, sublimed and directed by lofty principles. Such, Sir, is the situation in which we are placed, and such are the prospects which we may reasonably entertain. If, amidst so many causes of contentment and gratitude, there be any circumstance that can excite regret, it surely is that to which his Royal Highness has alluded in the commencement of his speech; it is, that our sovereign cannot share our joy; it is, that these blessings cannot be enjoyed by him Whose exemplary virtues have, I believe, in no small degree contributed to draw them down upon this nation. I cannot help, however, sometimes indulging a hope, that in recompence

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for those virtues, and in return to, the wishes of his, subjects, that venerable personage may yet be reserved to witness the effect of these exertions; and that, having been withdrawn, from the world at a time of tumult and agitation, he may be allowed at last the exquisite gratification of seeing that world, calm and pacific under the effects of a solid tranquillity; for this, it should be recollected, is the end of all our efforts. I was very glad to hear that explicit declaration in the Speech of his Royal Highness. I am glad that it will be resounded in the ears of Europe, and may perhaps reach the French people. We know the sincerity with which we pursue that object. We demand on our part only one condition, which we consider as indispensable,—that the peace shall be consistent with the liberties of Europe. We concede to France, in return, one condition which she, on her part, also has a right to make indispensable—that the peace shall be consistent with her national honour. Upon this basis, I should hope the close of hostilities may not be long deferred, unless, indeed, France should be of opinion that there is any thing incompatible between these two conditions. But, anxious as we are to procure peace, let us remember by what means alone such a peace can be obtained as we could safely accept. Let us recollect, that it must not be a peace founded upon a compromise of any great interest; upon a dereliction of any sacred principles; the creature of timidity on our part, of insolence and artifice on that of the enemy. It must be a peace founded on mutual advantage and mutual confidence, and resting on the basis of social order, law, and justice. Sir, the eyes of Europe are upon this House. In our deliberations this session are involved consequences the most important to humanity. Let us reflect on the situation in which we are placed, and remember, that, in proportion to our grandeur, is the responsibility with which we are charged. Let us observe the means by which we have attained this high eminence; for by those means alone can it be preserved. If we are true to the principles that have made us great, our greatness will be as durable as it is brilliant. As the convulsions are closing, it is for us to set the tone of public morals and public virtues. Now that the gale has passed away, let the shattered and wrecked nations of the continent see, in
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the light of day, that vessel which alone has weathered the storm uninjured and undismayed, and whose signal is still, flying for the refuge of the oppressed and the weak. Now that Europe is emerging from those penal fires, let her learn from our example, what was the spirit of those ancient institutions, what the genius of that international law, under the ruins, of which she was almost overwhelmed, and as she has felt, in the excess of her servitude, what are the unwearied efforts of lawless power, let her now feel what are the inexhaustible resources of power consolidated by justice, and operating only for the benefit of mankind. Thus, and thus only, can we attain the object of our wishes,—a peace which may not only increase our commerce and exalt our political greatness, but shall also exalt our national character; a peace which may be productive of consequences interesting to all nations, and rich with moral lessons to regulate the destinies of remote ages.
The Address being then read from the Chair, the Speaker was about to put the; question; when
Mr. Whitbreadspoke nearly as follows:—I do not rise. Sir, with any view to disturb, the unanimity of the vote to which the House will shortly come; but rather, if that were at all necessary, to add my cordial approbation to the Address moved by the noble lord. There may, indeed, be one or two exceptions to my entire approval of that Address, but they are not of sufficient weight to induce me to dissent from it in my vote. I will freely own, I did not expect, on an occasion like the present, to find, in the Speech of his royal highness the Prince Regent, that moderation of sentiment, and that, freedom from any intoxication of language which it displays; and so far, therefore, the manner of it has my approbation. Nor will I be betrayed into any debate, by touching upon several topics introduced by the noble lord who moved the Address, and by the hon. and eloquent member who seconded it; but at the same time it would be unmanly in me, and unbecoming that deep and rooted conviction which I feel, if I did not assert my firm disbelief of one thing, in particular, that has been advanced; that the deliverance of Europe, and the splendid events so recently achieved, are to be ascribed to the policy begun by a minister now no more, and to the following up of that policy, by his successors. Great, I admit, that ministers was;

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but if the counsels of his great adversary bad been listened to, Europe would never have been plunged into that disastrous state from which she now seems to be emerging, nor would the dreadful carnage of the present campaign have been necessary So far I feel it necessary to say, from the honest conviction of ray soul; and I also feel it necessary to say, that the proud exultation of this day is hailed by no man in this House, or in the country at large, with, more enthusiastic feelings than by myself. (Hear, hear!) I cannot, however, help adverting a little to the inconsistencies of, the noble mover of the Address, and the seconder of it. We have been told, that Moreau lived for the liberties of Europe; if he did so, then has Great Britain been fighting against the liberties of Europe: if, too, Bernadotte, whose consummate abilities I willingly acknowledge, and to whom, for the exertion of those abilities in the way they have been exerted, the whole world is indebted, has, on every occasion of his life, fought for the liberties of Europe; then, I again repeat, that Great Britain has been fighting against those liberties. Upon this point, however, I will touch no further, than to express ray entire approbation of the magnanimity with which the Prince Regent's ministers confided in the co-operation of that personage; a magnanimity so nobly and so amply rewarded. I give great credit also to the present administration, and to him who was at the head of it, till removed by the foul deed which every one deplored, for the great and steady confidence which they placed in the talents and genius of our great commander, the marquis of Wellington; and I can assure the noble lord, I should feel as happy as he would, were he now among us to enjoy the fruits of his labour, and to detail, with that eloquence which was peculiar to him, the splendid successes which have resulted. Upon the question of the American war, it is well known that I differ from the sentiments expressed in the Prince Regent's Speech; yet not sufficiently to induce me to disturb the unanimity with which I wish to see the Address carried. But I am particularly glad to observe the explicit terms of that Speech, in which it is distinctly avowed, that no disposition is entertained to require from France sacrifice, of any description inconsistent with her honour or just pretensions as a nation. I sincerely hope this feeling pervades the whole alliance; an
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alliance with which I am not inclined to quarrel, as I have been with former ones; for it is promoted and cemented by a feeling of common danger and necessity, and not purchased and raised up to oppress France. It has arisen from the keen and indignant sentiment which the grinding oppression of France herself has excited, and it holds out a memorable lesson to the governments of Europe. France, in the course of her career since the Revolution, disturbed and overthrew the ancient monarchies, upon the pretext of their tyranny and despotism; but when those states passed under the power of France, who was to liberate them, they found themselves subjected to a despotism still more odious, to a thraldom still more insupportable. The emperor of that country is at this moment in a condition to which, I firmly believe, nothing but his own restless and gigantic ambition could have reduced him. I hope the alliance will profit from this. I do not pretend to know, for, indeed, I have not heard, what were the terms of pacification proposed to France before the termination of the armistice; but I sincerely hope that now, in the moment of success, the same terms will still be offered. (A general murmur through the House). I am not surprised at hearing this murmur: perhaps I am misunderstood; what I mean to say is, and that I will maintain, that whatever terms may have been proposed to France at that time, as a basis upon which negotiations for peace might take place, I hope the same basis will now be offered, or else I see no conclusion to which the war can come.
There are some topics of domestic policy, which I cannot but wish the noble lord (Castlereagh) had advised the Prince Regent to touch upon in the course of the Speech. With regard to the aid and assistance which are to be afforded to the alliance by this country, I think they should have no other limit but the power and resources of the country itself (Hear, hear!): to the utmost we can go, with safety to ourselves, to that extent would I wish to see supply afforded. But I also wish that in the moment of prosperity and exultation, some notice had been taken of the sufferings of a very large class of our own people, whose condition occupied the serious attention of this House during the last session; and I wish it the more, Sir, in consequence of a speech which has been attributed to you as bring delivered at

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the bar of the House of Lords at the close of that session. The present moment, when we are imperiously called upon to put forth all our strength and all our resources as a nation, is one peculiarly adapted to the consideration of the Catholic Claims. They ought to be attended to, from motives of policy as well as justice; they are an important class of people; important from their numbers—important from their valour—important from the energy which their cordial union would give to our national exertions. I hope, therefore, their cause, so well begun last session, will be prosperously concluded this; that they will be admitted to all the privileges and rights of the constitution; and thus prove, that you, Sir, in the speech you delivered, if reported rightly, were an unauthorized and unauthenticated expositor of the feelings and views of this House. With these views of the present posture of affairs, I shall give my support to the Address moved by the noble lord: the existing administration are entitled, I think, to every praise; and if, by a wish, it; were possible for me to create any change in the Prince Regent's ministers, except perhaps, to increase a little their strength on the question I have just alluded to; that wish should be unformed: I do not desire to see one of them displaced, seeing what measures are in progress; and relying upon the moderation of their views, in endeavouring to accomplish a general and lasting peace.
The Speaker.—Before I state the question, I hope I may be permitted, as so strong an allusion has been made to the speech I delivered at the bar of the House of Lords, last session, to say, that if that speech should be, at any time, taken into consideration by this House, I trust I shall be able to satisfy the House that what I did say was perfectly justified and warranted.
Mr. W. Wynneexpressed his entire concurrence with the Address; and he trusted that those parts of Europe which had been so long held down by the tyranny of France would now have an opportunity of restoring themselves. For himself, he felt peculiar satisfaction in the defalcation of the coerced troops of Buonaparté, even in the very day of battle: he drew the happiest augury from that fact. It shewed a distrust which, he had no doubt, spread from one battalion to another, and pervaded the whole army. He expressed his entire approbation of the sentiments of moderation displayed in the conclusion
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of the Prince Regent's Speech; and hoped that the continental powers would continue united, till a general peace, and the restoration of the balance of power in Europe, were accomplished.
The Address was then carried, nem. con. and a committee appointed to prepare it accordingly.

THE SPEAKER'S SPEECH.
Lord Morpeth.—I rise, Sir, to inform the House, that on an early day after the recess I shall submit a motion upon certain passages in your Speech, delivered at the close of the last session at the bar of the House of Lords.
Lord Castlereaghwished that the noble lord had not named so distant a period; as, if the Chair had transgressed the line of its duty, it would be desirable that the question should be discussed as soon as possible.
Lord Morpethreplied, that he could not well name an earlier day: as many members were absent, and especially those belonging to the country which the noble lord represented, and who were particularly interested in the question.
Mr. B. Bathurst was proceeding to argue upon the question itself, when Mr. Tierney called him to order, for indulging in a course of proceeding which could only lead to a premature debate, and would be productive of perpetual inconvenience. The notice was then entered accordingly; after which the House adjourned.