Commons Sitting of 10 April 1811

RELIEF TO THE INHABITANTS OF PORTUGAL.
The House having resolved itself into a Committee of supply, and the Message of the Prince Regent being read,
The Chancellor of the Exchequerspoke nearly to the following effect:—Mr. Lushington; In rising to submit to the consideration of the Committee the gracious Message of the Prince Regent, and to call upon them to second the views of his Royal Highness towards the suffering Portuguese—views which are as congenial with the liberality of his own nature as with that of the sovereign he represents, and of the people over whom he governs, I am sure I have no difficulties to anticipate, no obstacles to remove, and no prejudices to encounter; I am sure there is not a man in the country, from the highest to the lowest, who will not approve of the proposition I shall submit, and willingly contribute his share towards the furtherance of a measure founded equally in policy, in humanity, and in justice. I cannot conceive a motive by which one country should be induced to assist another in distress, which does not apply to the case immediately before us; whether we proceed upon the calculations of a narrow policy, or the estimates of a true economy, or the more enlarged and enlightened principles of moral duty, the rela-
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tion, and the misfortunes, and the spirit of Portugal, put in their claim to our protection. In whatever light it is Considered, every one must agree, that under the present circumstances, relief should be afforded. If we would inquire into the grounds by which such a measure is recommended, we would first look to the wants and merits of the country, in whose behalf we were applied to; we would also consider whether that country had not some claim upon our interference; we would ask whether those for whom we felt an affection were likely to be gratified by the act; and lastly, we would decide whether policy, humanity, and mercy, concurred to recommend the claim, and strengthen the obligation. I hold in my hand, Sir, a letter from lord Wellington to lord Liverpool, dated the 27th of October, in the last year, in which the opinion of that noble lord, with regard to the wants and the merits of the Portuguese, are strongly and distinctly delivered. [Here the right hon. gent. proceeded to read the extract, which represented that the Indian corn harvest being unfortunately on the ground at the time of the invasion of the country, could not be withdrawn, and was, therefore, according to the uniform practice of the French troops, destroyed. After relating the hardships to which the Portuguese inhabitants, were exposed, in consequence of this calamity, it recommended them to the notice and humanity of Great Britain, which had often manifested its benevolence in other cases, but which, in no case, was ever called upon by stronger claims, whether they Considered the sufferings of the attachment and fidelity of the claimants. The extract concluded with a declaration of his lordship, that he did not know a single instance, in which any individual, even of the lowest order, had held a communication with the enemy injurious to his country or his Prince, and an expectation that the enemy might be obliged to evacuate the country, in which case, we would have an opportunity of exercising our benevolence towards the inhabitants.] Sir, continued he, I do not quote these extracts to the Committee for the purpose of shewing the modesty of the noble lord, a modesty which disdained the boast of annihilating a great army, while he anticipated the probability of forcing it to evacuate the country, and was satisfied to express with moderation, what the event has proved he foresaw with much clear-

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ness and planned with great skill. It is not, I say, for this purpose, that I quote those extracts to the Committee, but to prove the deserts and the wants of the people in whose behalf I apply; at the same time it will afford a satisfaction to the people of this country to reflect that While that noble lord and gallant general was occupied in the business of a protracted warfare, while he was Surrounded With the cares and dangers to which his situation exposed him, and suffering the hardships inseparable from the soldier's life, he was at the same time occupied in contemplating the distresses, and providing for the relief of the afflicted. But if such was the condition of the Portuguese at the period when this letter was written, if such Were their sufferings, and such their merit, need I inform you that they are since increased? The noble lord might indeed pity, as he did pity them, but he had not such a perfect experience of their military character, or of the zeal with which the Whole population contended against the common enemy. He might indeed pity them then, but he had not such a long and intimate acquaintance with the extent of their distresses. I should think, Sir, that the wish to gratify a person who has no distinguished himself, would form no inconsiderable motive towards the adoption of this measure. I should think also, that the circumstance of its coming recommended from the Prince Regent, would form another motive in its favour. It is natural enough that he, the short period of Whose government has been marked with such brilliant successes, whether we lake into our view the enterprize at Banda, or the achievement in the Baltic, or the conquest of that island, which it has been so long the object of successive governments to reduce, I mean the Isle of France. Whether we consider the action of General Graham at Barrosa, or lastly the evacuation of Portugal by the French, We behold; as it were, a mass of successes; and, it is natural that he whose government has been distinguished by such a brilliant character, should wish to mark the period of that government by an act of humanity But it is not merely the feeling of the Prince Regent, it is not merely the feeling of Lord Wellington you will consult but it is their feelings together with those of the whole army. I am sure there is not a member in the House who does not recollect that When the great body of the population was

driven Within the British lines, the British officers made a subscription for their relief; and I am equally sure that the representatives of the people of England will not prove themselves the only persons in different to their situation. If, suppressing the influence of such motives, we look barely to our interest in this question, nothing can be more clear than that it is still imposed upon us as a duty It is important that, in the moment of our elation and triumph, we should hold up a contrast to the world, not only between our own character and that of the enemy himself, but between our real character, and the character which he has so calumniously ascribed to us. I do not allude here to his representations of the contempt with which he says we are treated by the continent, but to that picture which he has drawn of our objects and intentions as compared with his own merciful and paternal government. The Committee Will, I hope, permit me to refer to his language upon both these topics, that I may have an opportunity of comparing them with facts, and drawing from them those conclusions which experience justifies—[Here the right hon. gent, read Several passages from the addresses of general Massena to the Portuguese; the chief points of which were, that the army of Napoleon the Great did not come to invade; but to benefit their country, and act differently towards them from England, which risked nothing in their behalf; that it Was the wish of the great monarch to improve their condition; that there was a fatality attached to the English armies, which rendered them of no use to their allies; that while France only made war upon sovereigns, England sought to destroy merchandise and trade; and that our troops had pursued a system of compulsion and barbarity towards the inhabitants, of which history furnished no parallel.] The right hon. gentlemen then proceeded:—For the English part of this character I refer to the application of lord Wellington in behalf of those very Portuguese whom he is charged with oppressing and destroying; and for the French part, I do not see how I can better meet it than by lord Wellington's last dispatch, which exhibits, in proper colours, their hollow and insidious promises. The dispatch to which I allude speaks thus of the retreat of the French army: "On the night the enemy withdrew from their positron; and they have since burnt every town and tillage through which

they have passed. The Content of Alcobaca was burnt by order from the French head quarters. The Bishop's Palace, and the whole town of Leyria, in which gen. Drouet had had his head quarters, shared the same fate; and there is not an inhabitant of the country of any class or description, who has had any dealing or communication with the French army, who has not had reason to repent of it, and to complain of them. This is the mode in which the promises have been performed, and the assurances have been fulfilled, which were held out in the proclamation of the French Commander in Chief; in which he told the inhabitants of Portugal, that be was not come to make war upon them, but with a powerful army of 110,000 men, to drive the English into the sea. It is to be hoped that the example of what has occurred in this country will teach the people of this and of other nations what value they ought to place on such promises and assurances, and that there is no security for life, or for any thing which renders life valuable, excepting in decided resistance to the enemy." Such is the light in which the French, with all their abuse, appear to the world; while England" on the other hand, appears to such advantage, that it requires but one notorious act of contrast to perfect the distinction—and that act we will accomplish by our vote this night Whatever may be the result of the war in which we are engaged, whatever may be the result of the retreat of Massena; whether (as it promises from every calculation we can at present make) it turns out to be a retreat With out return; or whether, as some have professed to believe, the enormous power of Buonaparté may gain supply his troops and enable them to retrace their steps; what ever be the event, this measure must he beneficial, by instancing the advantage of British connexion, as compared with French assistance. The truth established by this measure may operate not merely in the Peninsula, but throughout Europe, and the world. It may not merely produce the effect of confirming one power, but of animating all powers to resist the despotism of the French ruler, and it must have the effect of proving how falsely England has been calumniated, and how little troth there is in every thing coming from the same source, by which her character was traduced. If in addition to the reasons I have already mentioned, we consider the gratitude we owe to that supper
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intending Providence who is the Giver of all victory, I think we may not be guilty of presumption, in supposing that this act may be acceptable in his sight, and that, pleased with our offering, he may continue to bestow upon us the blessings and successes we have experienced.—I should think, Sir, that any one of the grounds I have staled, would be sufficient to prevail upon the Committee to come to that vote which it is my duty to propose. But when all are combined, and I am enabled to call for a decision upon their united force, I believe that the difficulty will be rather to resist a too enthusiastic compliance, than to procure a reasonable one; and that we shall find it a harder task to do enough, than we should to do too much for them, injustice to our own situation. (Hear, Hear!) I am desirous to grant them assistance, according to what was said in another place, not less than is necessary; but, at the same lime, lam desirous that we should shew them we feel the value of what we grant, and offer it, not as the boon of superfluity, but as the contribution of necessity to suffering. Under these circumstances, and from other considerations which I need not stop to detail, I trust the Committee will think me justified in limiting the vote to 100,000 l. which I shall move as a grant to the Prince Regent, to enable his Royal Highness to afford such relief to the Portuguese sufferers as their situation may require
Mr. Ponsonbysaid: Sir; In rising to second this measure, I beg leave to express my concurrence in the sentiments delivered by the right hon. gentleman, and in the vote proposed. It is a measure not less due to the spirit of Portugal, than to the magnanimity and generosity of Great Britain; it is as consistent with our interest as it is material to our honour. The only regret with which it is accompanied, on my part, proceeds from the reflection, that the vast expenditure of this country should render it necessary to limit the vote to so small a sum.
The Resolution was then agreed to unanimously.